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The Tiananmen Square self-immolation incident took place in Tiananmen Square in central Beijing, on the eve of Chinese New Year on 23 January 2001. The incident is disputed: according to the official Chinese press agency, Xinhua News Agency, five members of the banned Falun Gong spiritual movement set themselves on fire in an apparent suicide attempt to protest the treatment of Falun Gong by the Chinese government. Coverage on state-run television showed images of the victims burning, and ran interviews in which they expressed belief that self-immolation would lead them to a heavenly paradise. Falun Gong sources disputed the accuracy of these portrayals, noting that Falun Gong's teachings explicitly forbid violence or suicide. The Falun Dafa Information Center suggested the incident was staged by the Chinese government to turn public opinion against the group and to justify the torture and imprisonment of its practitioners.

According to Chinese state media, the five people were part of a group of seven who had travelled to the square together. One of them, Liu Chunling, died at Tiananmen under disputed circumstances and another, her 12-year-old daughter Liu Siying, died in hospital several weeks later; three survived. A CNN crew present at the scene witnessed the five setting themselves ablaze and had just started filming when police intervened and detained the crew. The incident received international news coverage, and video footage was broadcast later in the People's Republic of China by China Central Television (CCTV).

According to Human Rights Watch, the incident was among one of the most difficult stories for reporters in Beijing at the time to report on because of a lack of independent information available. Falun Gong sources, as well as some journalists, noted inconsistencies and anomalies in the Chinese government's account of events. A wide variety of third-party opinions and interpretations of what may have happened emerged: the event may have been set up by the government, it may have been an authentic protest, the self-immolators may have been "new or unschooled" practitioners, and other views.

Time magazine reported that the Chinese government's media campaign against Falun Gong gained significant traction following the act. As public sympathy for the group eroded, the government began sanctioning "systematic use of violence" against Falun Gong practitioners. Posters, leaflets and videos were produced, detailing the supposed detrimental effects of Falun Gong; the authorities ordered regular anti-Falun Gong classes to be scheduled in schools to highlight the dangers of the practice.

Background

Falun Gong, also known as Falun Dafa, is a form of spiritual qigong practice that involves meditation, energy exercises, and a moral philosophy drawing on Buddhist and Taoist tradition. The practice was introduced by Li Hongzhi in Northeast China in the spring of 1992, and by the late 1990s had attracted tens of millions of followers. Falun Gong initially enjoyed official recognition support during the early years of its development. By the mid-1990s, however, Chinese authorities sought to rein in the influence of qigong practices, enacting more stringent requirements on the country’s various qigong denominations. In 1996, Falun Gong came under increasing criticism and surveillance from the country’s security apparatus. Falun Gong books were banned from further publication in July 1996, and state-run news outlets began criticizing the group as a form of “feudal superstition.” Practitioners frequently responded to perceived unfair media treatment by picketing editorial offices.

Following one such demonstration in Tianjin where a number of practitioners were beaten and arrested, more than ten thousand practitioners congregated at Communist Party of China headquarters in Zhongnanhai on 25 April 1999 to request official recognition. Then-paramount leader Jiang Zemin wrote to the politburo declaring the Falun Gong mass mobilisation to be an unprecedented challenge to the authority of the Party. At a 7 June 1999 meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee, Jiang ordered the creation of a special leading group within the party’s Central Committee to “get fully prepared for the work of disintegrating .” On 10 June, the 6-10 Office was formed to coordinate a “unified approach…to resolve the Falun Gong problem” On July 19, the Central Committee of the Communist Party issued a document effectively banning the practice of Falun Gong, and on July 22, the Ministry of Civil Affairs declared the Research Society of Falun Dafa to be an unregistered—and therefore illegal—organization.

The suppression that followed was characterised by Amnesty International described as a "massive propaganda campaign" intended to justify the suppression by portraying Falun Gong as superstitious, dangerous, and incompatible with the official ideology. Thousands of Falun Gong adherents were imprisoned, and by the end of 1999, reports began to emerge of torture in custody. Authorities were given broad mandates to eliminate Falun Gong, but were not scrutinised for the methods they used. This resulted in the coercive conversion of practitioners, the widespread use of torture, sometimes resulting in death.

Following the ban, Tiananmen Square, which has been the central point for several major historical protests, was one of the prime locations where Falun Gong practitioners protested the ban. The Falun Gong protests typically involved raising banners in defence of the group, or staging meditation sit-ins. According to Time, a Falun Gong website editorial instructed followers to step up demonstrations, "especially in Tiananmen Square". By 25 April 2000, one year later, more than 30,000 practitioners had been arrested. Seven hundred Falun Gong followers were arrested during a demonstration in the Square on 1 January 2001.

The incident

On 23 January 2001, the eve of Chinese New Year, five people on Tiananmen Square poured gasoline over their clothes and set themselves on fire; another two people were prevented from igniting the gasoline.

A CNN film crew, who were there on a routine check for a possible Falun Gong protest, observed a man sitting down on the pavement north-east of the Monument to the People's Heroes at the centre of the square. He proceeded to pour gasoline over himself and set himself ablaze. Police officers on the square noticed what was happening, quickly approached the man and extinguished the flames. Shortly afterwards, another four people on the square set themselves alight. The CNN crew was filming these events when military police stepped in and detained the crew. The authorities then put out the flames consuming the other four people's clothing. A police van came to collect the badly burnt man, and two ambulances arrived almost 25 minutes later to collect the other four. The square was completely closed, and security was tight the next day, the most important of the traditional Chinese holidays; police monitored public access to the square for the New Year celebrations, had fire extinguishers ready, and prevented Falun Gong members from opening banners.

Of the five people who set themselves alight, one, Liu Chunling, died at the scene; another, her 12-year-old daughter, Liu Siying, died in Beijing hospital two months later, in March; the other three were left severely disfigured.

People involved

The official news agency, Xinhua, gave the participants' details as follows:

Xinhua further alleged that Wang Jindong had practised Falun Gong since 1996, Hao Huijin since 1997, and Liu Baorong since 1994.

Chinese state media reports

The Chinese authorities stated that the seven people who had come to Tiananmen Square with the intention of committing suicide were all from the city of Kaifeng in Henan province. The state-run Xinhua News Agency asserted that the self-immolators were "avid practitioners" of Falun Gong who had taken up the practice between 1994 and 1997, and that they fantasised during the preceding week about "how wonderful it would be to enter heaven". Six of them reportedly took the train on 16 January, meeting Chen Guo, the daughter of one of them, upon their arrival in Beijing. The seven agreed to light themselves in different parts of the Square at 2:30 pm on the designated day with gasoline smuggled there in plastic soda bottles; each had been armed with two lighters in case one would fail. According to the China Association For Cultic Studies website, Wang Jindong stated afterwards that the group arrived in Tiananmen Square by two taxis, and were dropped off at the south of the Great Hall of the People, from where they walked to the spot where they would ignite themselves. Wang said he was approached by police as he was splitting open the soda bottles, and ignited himself hurriedly without assuming the lotus position. A press release from the Chinese government says that Liu Yunfang felt that the police were able to stop him burning himself because he had not attained the required spiritual level.

Xinhua released brief details of the incident to foreign media hours after the self-immolation occurred. Xinhua then distributed a fuller press release seven days later on Tuesday, 30 January, in response to other media reports on the incident.

On 31 January, a 30-minute special edition of the current affairs programme Forum told the state's version of the events to the Chinese public. China Central Television aired footage, said to be taken by nearby surveillance cameras, of five people in flames.

Filming by the CNN crew on Tiananmen Square was stopped by the police almost immediately after it began. Articles in the Yangcheng Evening News and the Southern Daily reported that police had evidence that a few foreign reporters had advance knowledge of the incident, and suggested that such reporters could be charged with "instigating and abetting a suicide." State media claimed surveillance video showed six or seven reporters from CNN, the Associated Press and Agence France-Presse arriving just 10 minutes before the self-immolations took place; however, all three agencies denied advance knowledge of the incident—AP and AFP said they had no reporters in the square at the time, while CNN's chief news executive, Eason Jordan, said the CNN crew were there on a routine check for a possible Falun Gong protest.

According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), the lack of independent information and difficulties in ascertaining the extent of control of the information made the incident one of the most difficult stories for reporters in Beijing to report.

Falun Gong response

Immediately following the self-immolation, the Falun Dafa Information Center denied that the self-immolators could have been Falun Gong practitioners, emphatically pointing out that Falun Gong's teachings do not sanction any form of violence, and that suicide is considered a sin.

Falun Gong sources overseas questioned the official Chinese government account of the event, and produced a critical analysis of the footage of the event aired on CCTV. Apparent inconsistencies in Chinese government's official narrative led to a hypothesis that the self-immolation was staged by the government to justify the persecution against Falun Gong by portraying Falun Gong adherents as irrational and suicidal. According to this hypothesis, the self-immolation participants were paid actors, and were presumably assured that the flames would be extinguished before doing real harm.

Falun Gong-affiliated New Tang Dynasty Television produced a programme called False Fire, pointing out the inconsistencies in the accounts of the event in the official Chinese media based on a review of CCTV footage. The programme purported to demonstrate that the self-immolators donned fire-proof clothing and masks, and raised the question of why the participants' hair and the apparently gasoline-filled bottles they carried did not catch fire. Falun Gong sources also noted that the self-immolators' behaviour, the slogans they shouted, and their meditation postures were not consistent with the teachings or practices of Falun Gong.

Among the issues highlighted by the False Fire documentary is the conditions surround the deaths of self-immolators Liu Chunling and her daughter. A frame-by-frame analysis of the CCTV footage purportedly shows that Liu was not killed on scene by the flames, but by a deadly blow to the head from a man in a military overcoat. The documentary also addresses the medical treatment and ultimate death of Liu's 12-year-old daughter.

Falun Gong sources suggest that the reaction times of state-run television crews and police on Tiananmen Square demonstrates they had advance knowledge of the event. They observed that officers arrived almost immediately on the scene equipped with numerous fire extinguishers. Fire extinguishers are not standard equipment for police on Tiananmen Square, the nearest building that would house them was several minutes away from the scene.

The World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong stated that the Speech Processing Laboratory at National Taiwan University analysed the broadcasts on CCTV, and claimed that the first 'Wang Jindong' on CCTV was not the same person who appeared in subsequent interviews

Third-party findings

The identities of Liu Chunling and her 12-year-old daughter, Liu Siying – both of whom died in connection with the self-immolation – and their relationship to Falun Gong, were called into question by Washington Post reporter Philip Pan. The state-run Xinhua News Agency had reported that Liu's adoptive mother spoke of her daughter's "obsession with Falun Gong", her "worshipping of Li Hongzhi", and that Liu would teach her daughter Falun Gong. Reporting two weeks after the event from Kaifeng, the hometown of the Liu, Pan interviewed neighbors who said that Liu "worked in a local nightclub and was paid to dine with and dance with customers." Another said she beat her mother and daughter. "None ever saw her practice Falun Gong," he concluded. According to David Ownby, a University of Montreal historian and expert on Falun Gong, Pan's portrayal of Liu Chunlin is inconsistent with the typical profile of a Falun Gong practitioner.

A CNN producer on the scene also questioned the identity of 12-year-old Liu Siying, whom the Chinese government claimed had set herself on fire at the urging of her mother, as the CNN producer said that she did not see any children among the self-immolators.

Several foreign observers have noted that foreign journalists were not allowed to interview the self-immolation victims recovering in hospitals. Even the victims' relatives were not permitted to speak with them, according to David Ownby. The survivors were interviewed by the state-run press, however. In one such interview, CCTV interviewed the 12-year-old Liu Siying. Government sources reported Liu Siying had undergone a tracheotomy shortly before the interview. Speaking through approved media outlets, she said that her own mother told her to set herself on fire to reach the "heavenly golden kingdom".

Journalist Danny Schechter doubted that the child would have been able to speak to the Chinese media so soon after a tracheotomy, yet Liu Siying appeared to be speaking clearly and singing in the interview. Schechter also drew attention to the fact that Xinhua had released a statement on the self-immolation to foreign media only hours after the event occurred. He noted that this was unusual because sensitive subjects in the Chinese press are almost never reported on a timely basis; the usual protocol is approval by several party officials before publication.

Questions were also raised over where the footage of the event came from, and the speed with which camera crews appeared on scene. Chinese government media reported that the close-up shots in its video footage came from confiscated CNN tapes. CNN representatives argued that this was impossible, however, as their reporters were detained shortly after the event began. Philip Pan was also suspicious of the positioning of the cameras, and the fact that the close-up shots shown on Chinese television were taken without police interference. In addition, overhead surveillance camera footage seemed to show a man filming the scene using a small hand-held camera, rather than a large camera of the type used for TV news reporting.

The Age commented that the "ready availability of fire-extinguishers and official TV teams and the lack of verification about the victims" raised questions about authorities having advance knowledge of the self-immolation. John Gittings of The Guardian noted it was common practice in many countries for police camera operators to be on hand when a public disturbance is anticipated; the police used small-scale fire-extinguishers of the type carried in public vehicles, many of which are routinely on the square.

Links to Buddhist tradition

In contemplating the possibility that the self-immolation was an authentic protest, some scholars have noted that suicide is a traditional gesture of protest in China; ter Haar (2001) postulated that former Buddhists may have brought with them the "respectable Buddhist tradition of self-immolation as a sacrifice to the Buddha".

On 1 January 2001, Li published "Beyond the Limits of Forbearance", in which he wrote that persecution of the Fa (meaning "The law")  – an expression used by Li Hongzhi to describe Falun Gong – by "evil" – meaning the Chinese Communist Party – could no longer be tolerated:

"Forbearance is absolutely not the limitless giving of free rein, which allows those evil beings who no longer have any human nature or righteous thoughts to do evil without limit. With Forbearance, one can give up everything for Truth. But Forbearance does not mean tolerating evil beings–that no longer have human nature or righteous thoughts–defying both human and divine laws as they corrupt sentient beings and Dafa's existence at different levels, much less is it ignoring terrible crimes ... If the evil has already reached the point where it is unsavable and unkeepable, then various measures at different levels can be used to stop it and eradicate it."

Some observers have speculated that desperate Falun Gong practitioners may have resorted to self-immolation in response to the publication of Li's new scripture. However, The Guardian notes Falun Gong in New York issued a statement 10 days later, admitting the scripture had caused confusion, and that "certain disciples had some extreme interpretations". A Falun Gong spokesman clarified Li's scripture to mean it was time to "bring the truth to light" about human rights abuses committed by the Chinese government. However, Jensen and Weston remarked it was clear from Li Hongzhi's messages that he advocated martyrdom over prudence, and that "if the Chinese authorities lit the fire, Li just as clearly fanned the flames." David Ownby believes that the brief message was "difficult to interpret": Ownby said it somewhat resembled a "call to arms" against what Li described as "evil beings", but nobody he talked to had seen it as a "green light" for violent action. He added that "a practitioner at the end of his or her rope in China could certainly see as an endorsement for martyrdom, and perhaps choose his or her own means to achieve that." Gittings posited that the scripture may have confused Falun Gong followers, particularly in Mainland China. Matthew Forney wrote in Time magazine that Li's message had spread into China via the internet and informal networks of followers, and speculated that it may have galvanized more radical practitioners there.

Dispute

Following the incident, the details of why the individuals were involved has been and remains the subject of dispute between representatives of Falun Gong, the Chinese government, and other observers.

Danny Schechter argued in 2001 that the self-immolation was staged by the Chinese government. He notes that the Chinese government's claims about the incident remain unsubstantiated by outside parties, because no independent investigation has been allowed. Citing Schechter, PhD student Noah Porter wrote that "convincing evidence has been provided that the events described by the Chinese media are at least deceptive, if not a complete hoax," also stating "even if there were people who lit themselves on fire and considered themselves Falun Gong practitioners, they would not be representative of Falun Gong practitioners." Beatrice Turpin, a China correspondent with Associated Press Television, said of the self-immolation that "here was a big brouhaha with Falun Gong protests and footage of police beating practitioners last Chinese New Year and it would certainly fit in with typical China strategy to stage an event this year and make the show their own."

Reviewing the divergent narratives on the identity of the self-immolation victims, David Ownby concluded that "although the arguments of Falun Gong practitioners seem cogent, it is very difficult to arrive at a final judgment about the self-immolation. ... there are desperate people in China (and elsewhere) who will do anything for money (which would go to their families in this case, one supposes, unless the authorities had promised to rescue them before the flames could do harm). Or the entire event could have been staged. But it seems just as possible that those who set themselves on fire might have been new or unschooled Falun Gong practitioners, had discovered and practiced Falun Gong on their own (and badly) in the post-suppression period, and, for whatever reason, decided to make the ultimate sacrifice."

Some observers entertain the possibility that the self-immolation was not as straightforward as the Chinese official media accounts suggested. In the National Review, Ann Noonan of the Laogai Research Foundation suggested that it was "hardly a far-fetched hypothesis" that the government allowed or staged the incident to discredit Falun Gong, as the government vowed to crush the practice before the eightieth anniversary celebrations of the Communist Party in July. Other human rights activists said that the five who set themselves on fire did so to protest the government's crackdown on Falun Gong.

Francesco Sisci, Asia editor of La Stampa, supported the possibility that the self-immolators were Falun Gong practitioners, writing in the Asia Times that "no one believed that the government could have paid a mother to torch herself and her daughter, or that she was so loyal to the Communist Party that she pretended to be a Falungong member and kill herself and her only daughter, even if Falungong master Li Hongzhi forbade suicide ..."

Time noted some of the confusion surrounding the conflicting views on the self-immolation; one Beijing Falun Gong practitioner interviewed appeared to accept that the self-immolators were practitioners engaged in protest, while Falun Gong organizations overseas denied any involvement. Time also speculated that the "lack of solidarity" in Falun Gong was contributing to the sense of desperation of Mainland Chinese practitioners who may feel out of touch with the exiled leadership. Guardian reporter John Gittings reported that some observers believed it was possible that the self-immolators acted in desperation and confusion.

The New York Times stated that conflicting claims were difficult to assess "ith propaganda streaming in from seemingly opposite ends of the universe ... especially since the remaining Falun Gong practitioners have been driven underground." In Sisci's view, Chinese officials made a mistake by arresting foreign journalists on Tiananmen —"independently filmed news footage of the proceedings could have been the best proof of Falungong madness. Instead, when the government reported the episode, it looked like propaganda."

Aftermath

The self-immolation incident was given prominent coverage in the official Chinese media as evidence of the alleged dangers of Falun Gong practice. Coverage of the event resulted in increased support for the Party's suppression campaign against Falun Gong, and served to erode public sympathy for the group. Posters, leaflets and videos were produced, detailing the supposed detrimental effects of Falun Gong practice. In China's schools, regular anti-Falun Gong classes were scheduled on the orders of the authorities. The media incited 8 million students to join the "Anti-Cult Action by the Youth Civilized Communities Across the Nation". Twelve million children submitted writings disapproving of the practice.

Within a month of the Tiananmen Square incident, authorities issued a pamphlet entitled The whole story of the self-immolation incident created by Falun Gong addicts in Tiananmen Square, containing colour photographs of charred bodies. The State Council's "Office for the Prevention and Handling of Evil Cults" declared after the event that it was now ready to form a united front with the global anti-cult struggle. The IHT reported that Chinese media were attacking Falun Gong and Li Hongzhi every day. Meetings took place in factories, offices, universities and schools to educate people about Falun Gong. The Government announced that religious leaders from across the country had delivered denunciations of Falun Gong. In Kaifeng, the post office issued an anti-Falun Gong postmark, and 10,000 people signed a petition denouncing the group.

Time reported that prior to the self-immolation incident, many Chinese had felt that Falun Gong posed no real threat, and that the state's crackdown had gone too far. After the event, however, China's media campaign against Falun Gong gained significant traction. The World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong reported that hostility toward Falun Gong from the general public escalated, the government had stepped up its campaign, and alleged that "hate crimes" targeting Falun Gong increased. One western diplomat commented that the public changed from sympathising with Falun Gong to siding with the Government, popular consensus seemingly shifted by human-interest stories and accounts of rehabilitation efforts of former practitioners. Østergaard believes that, in retrospect, the New Year scripture was Li's greatest gift to the state, as the self-immolations marked a turning point which ended domestic support for the movement.

In the aftermath of the event, the government began sanctioning more severe forms of torture and punishment against Falun Gong adherents in an effort to have them renounce the practice. The Washington Post reported that Chinese authorities benefited from the turn in public opinion against Falun Gong that followed the self-immolation, seizing on the opportunity to sanction "the systematic use of violence against the group." According to the Post, authorities "established a network of brainwashing classes and embarked on a painstaking effort to weed out followers neighborhood by neighborhood and workplace by workplace." The "reeducation" tactics employed included beatings, shocks with electric truncheons, and intensive anti-Falun Gong study classes. According to Falun Gong websites, the number of Falun Gong adherents tortured to death nearly doubled from the year 2000 to 2001, rising from 245 in 2000 to 419 in 2001.

Television hacking

The False Fire video was successfully broadcast on Chinese television in 2002 in the city of Changchun, interrupting the station's scheduled programming for 50 minutes. Liu Chengjun, a Falun Gong practitioner who hacked into the satellite feed, was arrested and sentenced to prison, where he died under disputed circumstances 21 months later. The remaining five individuals behind the television hijacking were also imprisoned, and all have reportedly died or been tortured to death in custody.

Fate of the self-immolators

Five of the people involved in the incident were tried in mid-2001. Liu Yunfang, named as the mastermind, was given a life sentence; Wang Jindong was given 15 years. Two other accomplices – a 49-year-old man named Xue Hongjun, and a 34-year-old Beijing woman named Liu Xiuqin who apparently provided the group with lodging and helped in the preparation of the incident – were sentenced to 10 and 7 years in prison respectively. Liu Baorong, who had "acknowledged her crime", escaped punishment because her role in planning the event was minor. The Guardian reported that on the last day of the one-month trial, Xinhua had, by mid-morning, issued a full report of the verdicts; the People's Daily had produced its own editorial by the afternoon.

After having long denied foreign media access to the self-immolation victims, in April 2002 the Government arranged for foreign press to interview the purported survivors of the self-immolation in the presence of state officials. The interviewees refuted claims that the self-immolation was staged, showing their burn injuries as evidence, and denounced Falun Gong while expressing support for the authorities' handling of the group. When asked why they set themselves on fire, Hao Huijun replied that she had realised the futility of writing letters and demonstrating by waving banners, "so finally, we decided ... to make a big event to show our will to the world. ... We wanted to show the government that Falun Gong was good." At the time of the interview, Chen Guo and her mother were said to still be in the hospital, both having lost their hands, ears and noses. Both her mother's eyes were covered with skin grafts. Wang Jindong, showing burns to his face, said he felt "humiliated because of my stupidity and fanatical ideas." Liu Baorong, who did not set fire to herself, spent months in "reform through labour and reeducation."

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48. "Analysis and Insights about the "self-Immolation"". New Tang Dynasty Television. Retrieved 26 September 2009.
49. "Highlights of Investigation of the Alleged Self-Immolation in Tiananmen Square". World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong. Retrieved 4 October 2007.
50. Xinhua (1 February 2001). "Families of Falun Gong Victims After Tragedy". china.org.cn.
51. Philip P. Pan (4 February 2001). "Human Fire Ignites Chinese Mystery". Washington Post. Retrieved 13 February 2012.
52. David Ownby, Falun Gong and the Future of China. (Oxford University Press, 2008), p 217
53. Mcdonald, Hamish (16 October 2004). "What's wrong with Falun Gong". The Age. Australia.
54. ^ Gittings, John (21 August 2001). "Chinese whispers surround Falun Gong trial". The Guardian.
55. ^ Noah Porter (Masters thesis for the University of South Florida),Falun Gong in the United States: An Ethnographic Study. 2003. p 105
56. Hu Ping. "The Falun Gong Phenomenon." in Stacey Mosher and Sharon Hom (ed.) Challenging China:Struggle and Hope in an Era of Change. The New Press, 2007.
57. ter Haar, Barend (2001). "Part One: Introductory remarks". Leiden University. Retrieved 29 September 2009.
58. ^ Gittings, John (29 January 2001). "China prepares for new offensive against 'dangerous' sect". The Guardian. London.
59. Hongzhi. "Beyond the Limits of Forbearance". Clearwisdom. Archived from the original on 1 April 2012. {{cite web}}: |archive-date= / |archive-url= timestamp mismatch; 22 November 2008 suggested (help)
60. Jensen, Lionel M. (28 December 2006). China's transformations: the stories beyond the headlines. AltaMira Press, U.S. p. 105. ISBN 0-7425-3863-X. Li Hongzhi was largely silent in the months immediately following the crackdown, but when he reemerged in the fall of 2000, giving speeches as he always had at experience-sharing conferences, largely in North America, his tone had changed considerably. Li understandably felt compelled to explain the disaster that had befallen him and his followers, and he did so by highlighting the apocalyptic messages that, prior to April 1999, had been a relatively minor part of his discourse: the CCP's campaign against Falun Gong was now presented as part of a "final test" leading up to the destruction and renewal of the world. Those practitioners who passed the test – by remaining steadfast in their resolve – would remain part of the elite destined to survive the apocalypse, while hose who crumbled in the face of pressure might not. Those who suffered or died for their beliefs, moreover, were offered the promise of instant "consummation" (or enlightenment). Li's speeches during this period are rather dense and lend themselves to different interpretations (Falun Gong practitioners in North America often meet to discuss Li's speeches in the hopes of coming to a common understanding), but it seems clear that he encouraged those FG practitioners who chose martyrdom over prudence. If the Chinese authorities clearly lit the fire, Li Hongzhi just as clearly fanned the flames. Such flames became all too deadly in 2001, when a number of Falun Gong practitioners apparently set themselves on fire at Tiananmen Square on 23 January, resulting in five deaths. This incident remains highly disputed, FG practitioners and spokesman insisting that the event was staged by Chinese officials (who long refused, for example, to allow Western journalists to interview those who had survived their own attempted self-immolation though it would seem that such interviews would have been a golden opportunity for China to illustrate that FG "drives people crazy"). {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthor= ignored (|author= suggested) (help); line feed character in |quote= at position 1410 (help)
61. Pomfret, John (9 March 2001). "A Foe Rattles Beijing From Abroad". Washington Post.
62. Danny Schechter, "Falun Gong's Challenge to China" (2001). pp 20 – 23
63. Falun Gong's Challenge to China – A report by Danny Schechter
64. Ann Noonan in the National Review, Beijing is Burning: More lies from the PRC, accessed 21 May 2008
65. ^ Sisci, Francesco (2002). "The burning issue of Falungong". Asia Times.
66. ^ Beech, Hannah (29 January 2001). "Too Hot to Handle". Time. Retrieved 9 February 2007.
67. Rosenthal, Elisabeth (5 April 2002). "Former Falun Gong Followers Enlisted in China's War on Sect". New York Times.
68. WOIPFG (2003–2004). "Investigation Reports on the Persecution of Falun Gong: Volume 1". World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong. Retrieved 4 October 2007.
69. Ansfield, Jonathan (23 July 2001). "After Olympic win, China takes new aim at Falun Gong". Reuters.
70. Østergaard, Clemens Stubbe (2003). Jude Howell (ed.). Governance in China. pp. 220 (Governance and the Political Challenge of Falun Gong). ISBN 0-7425-1988-0.
71. "Statistical Distribution of Falun Gong Practitioners Killed in the Persecution," Falun Dafa Clearwisdom
72. "Falun Gong hijack Chinese TV station". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. 8 March 2002.
73. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. "2003 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau)". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved 3 October 2009.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
    Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. "International Religious Freedom Report 2005: China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau)". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved 3 October 2009.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
    The United States Department of State said Liu Chengjun had reportedly been "abused in custody" and "beaten to death by police in Jilin City Prison".
74. Gutmann, Ethan. (6 December 2010) 'Into Thin Airwaves'. The Weekly Standard
75. "Organizers of Tian'anmen Self-Burning Incident Sentenced". Embassy of the People's Republic of China in the United States. 17 August 2001. Retrieved 4 October 2009.
76. ^ Page, Jeremy (4 April 2002). "Survivors say China Falun Gong immolations real". Facts.org. Retrieved 9 February 2007. {{cite web}}: More than one of |author= and |last= specified (help)

External links

• falsefire.com (Falun Gong site)
• Facts.org.cn (Website of China Association For Cultic Studies)

• Use dmy dates from March 2012
• Falun Gong
• 2001 in China
• History of Beijing
• Political repression in the People's Republic of China
• Suicides in the People's Republic of China
• Self-immolations