| Revision as of 06:16, 25 May 2006 view sourceIrpen (talk | contribs)32,604 edits more neutral and informative map at top, moved painting to the section and ordered images there somewhat, more needed← Previous edit | Revision as of 06:16, 25 May 2006 view source 24.7.50.84 (talk)No edit summaryNext edit → | ||
| Line 1: | Line 1: | ||
| sdafdasfasdfasdf | |||
| {{Infobox Military Conflict | |||
| |conflict=Polish-Soviet War | |||
| |image=] | |||
| |caption=The Polish-Soviet border in the ] was largely settled by the course and the outcome of this war. | |||
| |date=1919–1921 | |||
| |place=] and ] | |||
| |result= ]<ref name="result">The question of victory is not universally agreed on. Russian and Polish historians tend to assign victory to their respective countries. Outside assessments vary, mostly between calling the result a Polish victory and inconclusive. Nonetheless Lenin in his secret report to the IXth Conference of the Bolshevik Party on September 20, 1920, called the outcome of the war "In a word, a gigantic, unheard-of defeat" (see ''The Unknown Lenin'', ed. ], ], ISBN 0300069197 Document 59, p.106)</ref> | |||
| |combatant1=] | |||
| |combatant2=] | |||
| |commander1=]<br>]<br>] | |||
| |commander2=]<br>] | |||
| |strength1=950,000 including reserves 5 million | |||
| |strength2=360,000 including reserves 738,000 | |||
| |casualties1=Unknown, dead estimated at 100,000 - 150,000 | |||
| |casualties2=Unknown, dead estimated at 60,000 | |||
| }} | |||
| {{Campaignbox Polish-Soviet War}} | |||
| The '''Polish-Soviet War''' (February 1919 – March 1921) was an armed conflict between the ] and the ], two nascent states in post-] ]. Its course and outcome was a major factor that determined the ] Soviet-Polish border as it was a result of conflicting expansionist attempts — by Poland, whose statehood had just been re-established following the ] in the late 18th century, to secure territories which she had lost at the time of partitions or earlier — and by the Soviets, who aimed at control of the same territories, which had been part of ] until their occupation by ] during ]. Both states claimed victory<ref name="result"/> in the war: the Poles claimed a successful defense of their state, while the Soviets claimed a repulse of the Polish ] and Belarus that was sometimes viewed as part of ]. | |||
| The frontiers between Poland and the Russian SFSR had not been defined in the ] and were further rendered chaotic by the ], the ], ] withdrawal from the ], and the attempts of ] and ] to establish their independence. Poland's influential politician, ], envisioned using the military force and diplomacy to expand the Polish borders into not only ethnically Polish but also ethnically Lithuanian, Ukrainian and Belarusian territories in the east and the creation of a Polish-led ] ("]") in the East-Central Europe as a bulwark against the potential reemergence of the German and Russian ]. On the other hand, ] saw Poland as the bridge that the ] would have to cross in order to assist other communist movements and estabilish ]s throughout Europe. | |||
| By 1919, the Poles having won the ] had occupied some of the disputed territories. Meanwhile, the Bolsheviks began to gain the upper hand in the ] and to advance westward. Border ]es then escalated into open warfare following Piłsudski's ] (April 1920). He was met by a nearly simultaneous ] ], initially very successful. The Soviet operation threw the Polish forces back westward all the way to the Polish capital, ]. Meanwhile, western fears of Soviet troops arriving at the German frontiers ] in the war. For a time, in midsummer, the fall of Warsaw seemed certain which generated much excitement in ]<!---rm redundant, repetion of what's in the previous paragraph---, who began to see Poland as a bridge over which communism might pass into Germany, bolstering the ]--->. In mid-August, Polish forces achieved an unexpected and decisive victory at the ]. The Polish forces advanced eastward, and the Soviets sued for peace. The war ended with a ] in October 1920. A formal ], the ], was signed on ], ], dividing the disputed territories between Poland and Soviet Russia. | |||
| {{Polish-Soviet War}} | |||
| == Names and dates of the war == | |||
| The war is referred to by several names. "Polish-Soviet War" may be the most common, but is potentially confusing since "Soviet" is usually thought of as relating to the ], which (by contrast with "]") did not officially come into being until December 1922. Alternative names include "Russo-Polish War of 1919-20/21" (to distinguish it from earlier Polish-Russian wars) and "Polish-Bolshevik War." This second term (or just "Bolshevik War" (]: ''Wojna bolszewicka'') is most common in Polish sources. In some Polish sources it has also come down as the "War of 1920" (Polish: ''Wojna 1920 roku''), while Soviet historians often either called it the "War against White Poland" or considered it a part of the "War against Foreign Intervention" or of the ]. | |||
| A second controversy revolves around the starting date of the war. For example, ] considers the ] as the starting point of the war.<ref name=EB>See for instance in ]<br>''...military conflict between Soviet Russia and Poland, which sought to seize Ukraine... Although there had been hostilities between the two countries during 1919, the conflict began when the Polish head of state Józef Pilsudski formed an alliance with the Ukrainian nationalist leader Symon Petlyura (April 21, 1920) and their combined forces began to overrun Ukraine, occupying Kiev on May 7.''</ref> On the other hand, many historians - like ]<ref name="Davies_WERS">], ''White Eagle, Red Star: the Polish-Soviet War, 1919-20'', Pimlico, 2003, ISBN 0712606947. (First edition: New York, St. Martin's Press, inc., 1972.)</ref> - give the year 1919 as the starting year of the war. Finally, the ending dates are given as either 1920 or 1921; this confusion stemms from the fact that while the ] was put in force in fall 1920, the ] was signed months later, in 1921. | |||
| While the events of 1919 can be described as a ] and only in early 1920 did both sides realize that they were in fact engaged in an all-out ], the conflicts that took place in 1919 are an essential part of the war that began in earnest a year later. In the end, the events of 1920 were only a logical, if nearly unpredictable, consequence of the 1919 prelude. | |||
| == Prelude to the war == | |||
| ] (from March 1920) ].]] | |||
| {{main|Causes of the Polish-Soviet War}} | |||
| In 1919, with the end of the ], the map of ] and ] had drastically changed. As Germany's defeat rendered her plans for the creation of the ] ]s obsolete, and as Russia sank into the depths of the ], the newly emergent countries of that region saw a chance for real independence and were not prepared to easily relinquish this rare opportunity. At the same time, the Russians saw these territories as rebellious Russian provinces but were unable to react swiftly, as Russia was weakened and in the process of transforming herself into the ] through the Russian Revolution and Russian Civil War that had begun in 1917. | |||
| ], 1795. The colored territories show the greatest extent of the ]. Blue (north-west) were taken by ], green (south) by ], and cyan (east) by ]. ]] | |||
| Meanwhile, with the success of the ] in 1918, Poland had regained her ] lost in 1795 with the ]. After 123 years of Poland's rule by her three imperial neighbors, the ] was proclaimed and the reborn country proceeded to carve out its borders from the territories of her former partitioners, Russia, Germany and ]. | |||
| Poland, however, was not alone in her newfound opportunities and troubles. Soon, virtually all of the newly independent neighbours begun fighting over borders. ] fought with ] over ]. ] with ] over ]. Poland with ] over ], with ] over ] and with ] over ]. Ukrainains, Belarusians, Lithuanians, Estonians and Latvians fought against themselves and against just as divided Russians. Spreading communist influences have added to this mix, resulting in communists revolutions in ], ], ] and ]. ] commented on this situation: ''War of giants has ended, war of dwarfs have begun''<ref name="AHP">], ''Germany and European Order'', Manchester University Press, 2001, ISBN 0719054281 </ref>. He was mostly correct. All but one of those engagements would be shortlived border conflicts, insignificant in the greater scheme of things. All but the Polish-Soviet war. | |||
| Polish politics were under the strong influence of Piłsudski and his vision of a Polish-led "] Federation" comprising of an expanded Poland itself, ] and ] and other ] and ]an countries now emerging out of the crumbling empires after the First World War. The new union was to be a counterweight to any ] intentions on the part of Russia or Germany. However Piłsudski's vision was not the only one in reborn Poland, and he was opposed by ] who actually prevailed with his view of a smaller, ethnically purer Poland where all minorities would be ].<ref name="BFG">], ], ], ''The Treaty of Versailles: A Reassessment After 75 Years'', Cambridge University Press, 1998, ISBN 0521621321, </ref><ref name=DmowskiQuote>] have been quoted saying: "Wherever we can multiply our forces and our civilizational efforts, absorbing other elements, no law can prohibit us from doing so, as such actions are our duty."<br>Tomaszewski J. Kresy Wschodnie w polskiej mysli politycznej XIX i XX w.//Miedzy Polska etniczna a historyczna. Polska mysl polityczna XIX i XX wieku.—T.6.—Warszawa, 1988.—S.101. Cited through: Oleksandr Derhachov (editor), ''"Ukrainian Statehood in the Twentieth Century: Historical and Political Analysis"'', 1996, Kiev ISBN 966-543-040-8</ref> Piłsudski, who specifically argued that "There can be no independent Poland without an independent Ukraine", really meant Ukraine's being split from Russia rather that his true concern for the fate of Ukrainians as he did not hesitate to use the military force to ] to ] and ], crushing a ] in the disputed territories east of the ] River, which contained a significant Polish minority, mainly in the cities like ], but a Ukrainian majority in the countryside. Speaking of Poland's future frontiers, Piłsudski said: "All that we can gain in the west depends on the ] — on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany," while in the east "there are doors that open and close, and it depends on who forces them open and how far."<ref name="MM">], ''Paris 1919 : Six Months That Changed the World'', Random House Trade Paperbacks, 2003, ISBN 0375760520, p.212"</ref> As such, Polish forces set out to secure vast territories in the east. On the other hand, Poland had no intention of joining the western intervention in the ] or of conquering Russia itself. | |||
| ] | |||
| The Polish-Soviet war happened more by accident than by design. In the chaos prevailing in the first months of 1919, it is unlikely that anyone in Bolshevik Russia or in the new Second Republic of Poland would have deliberately planned a major foreign war. Poland, its territory a major frontline of the First World War, was unstable politically and already engaged in border conflicts with Germany (the ]) and Czechoslovakia (]), while the attention and policies of revolutionary Russia were predominantly directed at dealing with ] and with intervention by the western powers. | |||
| ].]] | |||
| This began to change in late 1919, however, when ], leader of Russia's new ] government, succumbed to a mood of buoyant optimism, inspired by the Red Army's civil-war victories over ] anticommunist forces and their western allies on Russian territory. The Bolsheviks acted on a conviction that historical processes would soon lead to rule of the ] in all nations, and that the withering away of ]al ]s would eventually bring about a worldwide communist community. The main impetus to the coming war with Poland lay in the Bolsheviks’ avowed intent to link their revolution in Russia with an expected ]. Lenin saw Poland as the bridge that the ] would have to cross in order to link the two revolutions and to assist other communist movements in ]. As Lenin himself remarked, "That was the time when everyone in Germany, including the blackest reactionaries and monarchists, declared that the Bolsheviks would be their salvation."{{citation needed}} | |||
| The Soviet offensive into Poland would be an opportunity "to probe Europe with the ]s of the Red Army." It would be the Soviet Union's first penetration into Europe proper, the first attempt to export the Bolshevik Revolution by force. In a telegram, Lenin exclaimed: "We must direct all our attention to preparing and strengthening the Western ]. A new slogan must be announced: Prepare for war against Poland."<ref name="Lincoln">], ''Red Victory: a History of the Russian Civil War'', Da Capo Press, 1999, ISBN 0306809095.</ref> The stated purpose of the Red Army's advance was not to conquer Europe militarily, but to provoke ] and revolution. In the words of General Tukhachevsky: "To the West! Over the corpse of White Poland lies the road to world-wide conflagration. March on ], ], ]!"<ref>Mikhail Tukhachevski, order of the day, ] ].</ref> However, the Soviets never expected any major resistance on the part of the Poles. While first clashes between Polish and Soviet forces occurred in February 1919, it would be almost a year before both sides fully realised that they were engaged in an all-out war. | |||
| == The Campaign == | |||
| === 1919 === | |||
| {{main|Polish-Soviet War in 1919}} | |||
| ==== Chaos in Eastern Europe ==== | |||
| In 1918 the German Army in the east, under command of ], began to retreat westwards. The areas abandoned by the ] became a field of conflict among local governments created by Germany, other local governments that independently sprang up after the German withdrawal, and the Bolsheviks, who hoped to incorporate those areas into Bolshevik Russia. Many of those groups were fragmented, merged, divided, formed short alliances with others, and almost constantly fought. Almost all of Eastern Europe was in chaos. | |||
| On ], ], Vladimir Lenin issued orders to the ] of the ] to begin ] that would follow the withdrawing German troops of Oberkommando Ostfront (]). The basic aim of the operation was to drive through eastern and central Europe, institute Soviet governments in the newly independent countries of that region and support communist revolutions in Germany and Austria-Hungary. At the start of 1919, fighting broke out almost by accident and without any orders from the respective governments, when self-organized Polish military units in ] clashed with Bolshevik forces, each trying to secure the territories for its own incipient government. Eventually the more organized Soviet forces quelled most of the resistance and drove the remaining Polish forces west. On 5 January 1919, the Red Army entered ] almost unopposed, thus putting an end to the short-lived ]. At the same time, more and more self-defense units, mostly led by Poles, sprang up across western Belarus and Lithuania ('']'': Lithuanian and Belarusian Self-Defence). A series of local skirmishes ensued between them and Bolshevik groups operating in the area. The newly organized ] began sending first of their units east to assist the self-defense forces, while the Russians sent their own units west. Open conflict seemed inevitable. | |||
| In the spring of 1919, Soviet conscription produced a Red Army of 2,300,000. However, few of these were sent west that year, as the majority of Red Army forces were engaging the White Russians. In September 1919, the Polish army had 540,000 men under arms, 230,000 of these on the Soviet ]. | |||
| ] | |||
| Small Polish forces had been securing the eastern border. By ], Polish forces had secured positions along the line of ], ], rivers ] and ]. Around ], the first organised Polish units made contact with the advance units of the Red Army, and a border frontline slowly began to form from Lithuania, through Belarus to Ukraine. | |||
| ] | |||
| ==== Avalanche starts: First Polish-Soviet conflicts ==== | |||
| The first serious armed conflict of the war took place ], when ] erupted near the towns of ] and ] in Belarus. By late February, the Bolshevik offensive had come to a halt. Both Polish and Soviet forces had also been ], and unrest was growing in the territories of the Baltic countries (]). Further escalation of the conflict seemed inevitable. | |||
| At the same time, the Russian civil war raged on. In early summer 1919, the White Russians gained the upper hand, and White forces under the command of ] were marching on Moscow. Piłsudski is said to have considered the Bolsheviks the less dangerous of the Russian-civil-war contenders<ref name="Kenez">], ''A History of the Soviet Union from the Beginning to the End'', Cambridge University Press, 1999, ISBN 0521311985, </ref>, as the White Russians were not willing to accept Poland's independence, while the Bolsheviks did proclaim the ] null and void. In the coming months, Denikin would pay dearly for his refusal to compromise on this question. | |||
| In early March 1919, Polish units opened an offensive, crossing the ], taking ] and reaching the outskirts of ]. Both the Russian and Polish advances began around the same time in April, resulting in increasing numbers of troops being brought into the area. That month the Bolsheviks captured ] and ], but were pushed out by a Polish counteroffensive. The newly-formed Polish Army had proven to be a far more difficult opponent than the Russians had assumed. Unable to accomplish their objectives and facing strengthening offensives from the White Russians, the Red Army withdrew from their positions and reorganized. Soon the Polish-Bolshevik War would begin in earnest. | |||
| Polish forces recaptured the major city of Wilno on ] and steadily continued advancing east. On 28 August Polish forces for the first time used ]s and after heavy fighting captured town ] near ]. By ], Polish forces reached the ] river and secured the region from ] to ]. | |||
| ] | |||
| Until early 1920, the Polish offensive was quite successful. Sporadic battles erupted between Polish forces and the ], but the latter was preoccupied with the ] and ] conterrevolutionary forces and were slowly but steadily retreating on the entire western frontline, from ] in the north to Ukraine in the south. | |||
| ====Diplomatic Front, Part 1: The alliances==== | |||
| In 1919, several attempts at peace negotiations had been made by various Polish-Russian factions, but to no avail. In the meantime, Polish-Lithuanian relations worsened as Polish politicians found it hard to accept the Lithuanians' demand for complete independence and their territorial demands, especially on ceding the city of ], Lithuania's historical capital which had nonetheless a Polish ethnic majority. Polish negotiators made progress in negotiations with the ]n Provisional Government, and in early 1920 Polish and Latvian forces were conducting some joint operations against the Bolsheviks. The main Polish success lay in signing a ] with the ] of ]. Petliura had, after his government's defeat by the Bolsheviks, found ] in Poland and now headed a new Ukrainian Army. The ] ended around July 1919 and from September both Polish and Ukrainians loyal to Petliura fought together. | |||
| === 1920 === | |||
| {{main|Polish-Soviet War in 1920}} | |||
| ====Opposing forces==== | |||
| Soviet forces had recently been very successful against the White armies, defeating Denikin, and signed peace treaties with Latvia and Estonia. The Polish front became the most important war theater and the majority of Soviet resources and forces were diverted to it. In January 1920, the Red Army began concentrating a 700,000-strong force near the ] and on Belarus. In the course of 1920, almost 800,000 Red Army personnel were sent to fight in the Polish war, of whom 402,000 went to the Western front and 355,000 to the armies of the South-West front in ]. The Soviets had at their disposal many military depots left by German armies withdrawing from eastern Europe in 1918-19, and modern French armaments captured in great numbers from the White Russians and the Allied expeditionary forces in the Russian Civil War. With the new forces, Soviet High Command planned a new offensive in late April/May. | |||
| Bolshevik commanders in the Red Army's coming offensive would include ] (new commander of the Western Front), ], the future Soviet ruler ], and the future founder of the ] secret police, ]. | |||
| The Polish Army was made up of soldiers who had formerly served in the various partitioning empires, supported by inexperienced volunteers (including 20,000 Americans) and recruits. ] were very bad, relying on whatever equipment was left over from World War I and could be captured. The Polish Army employed guns made in five countries, and ]s manufactured in six, each using different ammunition. The Polish forces grew from approximately 100,000 in 1918 to over 500,000 in early 1920. On ] ], the Polish army had reached the total strength of 737,000, so there was rough numerical parity between the two armies - 950,000 on the Soviet side, although the Soviet Union had reserves totaling 4 million soldiers, due to shortage of arms they were not at the front. The Soviet Union could only produce 100,000 rifles per month. | |||
| Polish intelligence was aware that the Soviets have been prepared for a new offensive and Polish High Command decided to launch their own offensive before their opponents. The plan for ] was to beat the Red Army on Poland's southern flank and install a friendly government in Ukraine. | |||
| ==== The tide turns: Operation Kiev ==== | |||
| Until April, the Polish forces had been slowly but steadily advancing eastward. The new ]n government requested Polish help in capturing Dyneburg, which fell after heavy fighting in January and handed to the Latvians, who viewed the Poles as liberators. By March, Polish forces had driven a wedge between Soviet forces north (Bielorussia) and south (Ukraine). | |||
| ] ] operating from Kiev airfield]] | |||
| On ], Poland began its main offensive, ], aimed at creating an independent Ukraine that would become part of Piłsudski's project of the Polish-led ] Federation. Poland was assisted by the small force of the exiled ], nominally representing the ]. However, most Ukrainians were ambivalent to what many viewed as a variety of a new occupation<ref name="ZerkMach">], then a captain, (the future prominent Polish military leader) wrote in his diary: ''"Ukrainian people, who saw in their capital an alien general with the Polish army, instead of Petliura leading his own army, didn't view it as the act of liberation but as a variety of a new occupation. Therefore, the Ukrainians, instead of enthusiasm and joy, watched in gloomy silence and instead of rallying to arms to defend the freedom remained the passive speactators"''. Quoted from: "Figures of the 20th century. Józef Piłsudski: the Chief who Created a State for Himself," '']'' (the Mirror Weekly), Feb. 3-9, 2001, available online and .</ref> and what could be seen as an armed Polish intervention into central Ukraine just after ] of the ].<ref name=Roshwald_p144>"n practice, was engaged in a process of conquest that was bitterly resisted by Lithuanians and Ukrainians (except the latter's defeat by the Bolsheviks left them with no one else to turn but Pilsudski)."<br>{{cite book | last = Roshwald | first = Aviel | authorlink = | title = Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires: Central Europe, the Middle East and Russia, 1914-1923 | url = http://books.google.com/books?ie=UTF-8&vid=ISBN0415242290&id=qPyer6Pks0oC&vq=bitterly+resisted&dq=%22Peace+of+Riga%22 | edition = | year = 2001 | publisher = Routledge (UK) | location = | id = ISBN 0415242290 | pages = | chapter = | chapterurl = http://books.google.com/books?ie=UTF-8&vid=ISBN0415242290&id=qPyer6Pks0oC&pg=PA164&lpg=PA164&dq=%22Peace+of+Riga%22&vq=bitterly+resisted&sig=O-9FXzZz2mDsX8Gm9U7QwcCYO2s | quote =}}</ref> | |||
| The Polish 3rd Army easily won border clashes with the Red Army in Ukraine. The combined Polish-Ukrainian forces entered the abandoned ] on ], encountering only token resistance. The Polish military thrust soon met with ] ]s. Polish forces in the area, preparing for an offensive towards ], managed to push the Soviets back, but were unable to start their own planned offensive. In the north, Polish forces had fared much worse. The Polish 1st Army was defeated and forced to retreat, pursued by the Russian 15th Army which recaptured territories between Dzwina and Berezyna. Polish forces attempted to take advantage of the exposed flanks of the attackers but the enveloping forces failed to stop the Soviet advance. At the end of May, the front had stabilised near the small river ], and Soviet forces begun preparing for the next push. | |||
| ] | |||
| On ] ], the Polish-Ukrainian forces in the south were engaged for the first time by ]'s famous ] (''Konarmia''). Repeated attacks by Budionny's ] cavalry broke the Polish-Ukrainian front on ]. The Soviets then deployed mobile cavalry units to disrupt the Polish rearguard, targeting communications and logistics. By ], Polish armies were in retreat along the entire front. On ], Polish forces and their Ukrainian allies abandoned Kiev to the Bolsheviks. | |||
| ], ],], slows the Russian offensive. (Painting by ], 1935.)]] | |||
| ==== String of Soviet victories ==== | |||
| The commander of the Polish 3rd Army in Ukraine, General ], decided to break through toward the northwest. Polish forces in Ukraine managed to withdraw in orderly fashion and relatively unscathed, but were unable to support Poland's northern front and reinforce the defenses at the ] for the decisive battle that was soon to take place there. | |||
| Due to insufficient forces, Poland's 200-mile-long front was manned by a thin line of 120,000 troops backed by some 460 artillery pieces with no strategic reserves. This approach to holding ground harked back to ] practice of "establishing a fortified line of defense." It had shown some merit on a Western Front saturated with troops, machine guns and artillery. Poland's eastern front, however, was weakly manned, supported with inadequate artillery, and had almost no fortifications. | |||
| ]]] | |||
| Against the Polish line the Red Army gathered their Northwest Front led by the young General ]. Their numbers exceeded 108,000 infantry and 11,000 cavalry, supported by 722 artillery pieces and 2,913 machine guns. The Russians at some crucial places outnumbered the Poles four-to-one. | |||
| Tukhachevski launched his offensive ], along the axis ]-], crossing the Auta and ]. The northern 3rd Cavalry Corps of ] (Gay Dmitrievich Gay, Gaj-Chan) was to envelope Polish forces from the north, moving near the Lithuanian and Prussian border (both of these belonging to nations hostile to Poland). 4th, 15th and 3rd Armies were to push decisively west, supported from the south by the 16th Army and Grupa Mozyrska. For three days the outcome of the battle hung in the balance, but the Russians' numerical superiority finally became apparent. Due to the stubborn defense by Polish units, Tukhachevski's plan to break through the front and push the defenders southwest into the ] failed, but from ], the Polish forces were in full retreat along the entire front. | |||
| Polish resistance was offered again on a line of "German trenches," a heavily fortified line of World War I field fortifications that presented a unique opportunity to stem the Russian offensive. Once again, however, the Polish troops were insufficient in number. Soviet forces selected a weakly defended part of the front and broke through. Gej-Chan forces, supported by Lithuanian forces, captured Wilno on ], forcing the Poles to retreat again. In the south, in ], General Semyon Budionny's cavalry advanced far into the Polish rear, capturing ] and approaching ] and ]. In early July, it became clear to the Poles that the Russians' objectives were not limited to pushing their borders westwards. Poland's very independence was at stake. | |||
| The Russian forces relentlessly moved forward at the remarkable rate of 20 miles a day. ] in Belarus fell on ], Brest-Litovsk fell on ], Polish attempt to defend the ] line with 4th Army and Grupa Poleska units stopped the advance of the Red Army for only one week. After crossing the ] on ], the units of the Russian Northwest Front were only 60 miles from Warsaw. The ] which was to be the headquarters of the planned Polish counteroffensive fell to the 16th Army in the first attack. The Russian Southwest Front had pushed Polish forces out of Ukraine and was closing on Zamość and ], the largest city in southeastern Poland and an important industrial center, defended by the Polish 6th Army. The way to the Polish capital lay open. Polish Galicia's Lwów (Ukrainian Lviv) was soon ], and five Russian armies were approaching Warsaw. | |||
| ] | |||
| Polish forces in Galicia near Lwów launched a successful counteroffensive to slow the Soviets down. This had put a stop to the retreat of Polish forces on the southern front, but the worsening situation near the Polish capital of ] prevented the Poles from continuing that southern counteroffensive and pushing east. After the Soviets captured ], the Polish offensive in the south was put on hold and all available forces moved north to take part in the coming battle for Warsaw. | |||
| ==== Diplomatic Front, Part 2: The political games ==== | |||
| With the tide turning against Poland, Piłsudski's political power had been weakened, while his opponents, including ], had risen to power. However Piłsudski did manage to regain his influence, especially over the military, almost at the last possible moment - as the Soviet forces were approaching Warsaw and the Polish political scene begun to unravel in panic, with the government of ] resigning in early June. Meantime, by the order of the ], a Polish ], the ], TKRP (English: ''Provisional Polish Revolutionary Committee''), had been formed on ] in Białystok to organise administration on the Polish territories captured by the Red Army. The TKRP had very little support from the Polish population and recruited its supporters mostly from the ranks of Bielorussians and ]. In addition, political intrigues between Soviet commanders grew in the face of their more and more certain victory. Eventually the lack of cooperation between the top commanders would cost them dearly in the upcoming decisive ]. | |||
| Western public opinion, swayed by the press and by ] politicians, was strongly pro-Soviet. Many foreign observers expected Poland to be quickly defeated and become the next Soviet republic. Britain's Prime Minister, ], pressed Poland to make peace on Soviet terms and refused any assistance to Poland which would alienate the Whites in the Russian Civil War. In July 1920, Britain announced it would send huge quantities of World War One surplus military supplies to Poland, but a threatened general strike by the ] who objected to British support of "White Poland" ensured that none of the weapons that were supposed to go to Poland went any further than British ports. David Lloyd George had never been enthusiastic about supporting the Poles, and had been pressured by his more right-wing Cabinet members such as ] and ] into offering the supplies. On the 11th of July, 1920, the government of Great Britain issued a ''de facto'' ultimatum to the Soviets. The Soviets were ordered to stop hostilities against Poland and the Russian Army (the White Army in Southern Russia lead by baron Wrangel), and to accept what later has been called "]" as a temporary border with Poland, until a permanent border was established in the process of negotiations. In case of Soviet refusal, the British threatened to assist Poland with all the means available, which, in reality, were limited by the internal political situation in the United Kingdom. On the 17th of July, the Bolsheviks refused and made a counter-offer to negotiate a peace treaty directly with Poland. The British responded by a threat to cut off the on-going trade negotiations if the Soviets conducted further offensives against Poland. These threats were ignored. | |||
| The threatened general strike was for Lloyd George a convenient excuse for backing out of his commitments. On ], 1920, the British ] published a pamphlet stating that British workers would never take part in the war as Poland's allies, and labour unions blocked supplies to the British expeditionary force assisting Russian Whites in ]. French Socialists, in their newspaper '']'', declared: "Not a man, not a ], not a shell for reactionary and capitalist Poland. Long live the Russian Revolution! Long live the Workmen's International!" Poland suffered setbacks due to sabotage and delays in deliveries of war supplies, when workers in Austria, Czechoslovakia and Germany refused to transit such materials to Poland. | |||
| ]'s stance was mostly anti-Polish and the country eventually joined the Soviet side in the war against Poland in July 1919. Lithuania's decision was dictated by a desire to incorporate the city of ] (in Lithuanian, Vilnius) and the nearby areas into Lithuania and to a smaller extent by Soviet diplomatic pressure backed by the threat of the Red Army stationed on Lithuania's borders. | |||
| ] and ], fought in the Kościuszko Squadron of the Polish Air Force.]] | |||
| Polish allies were few. ], continuing her policy of countering Bolshevism, now that the Whites in Russia proper had been almost completely defeated, sent in 1919 a 400-strong ]. This group was comprised mostly of French officers, although it also included ] led by Lieutenant General Sir ]. The French effort was vital to improving the organization and logistics of the Polish Army, which until 1919 had used diverse manuals, organizational structures and equipment, mostly drawn from the armies of Poland's former partitioners. The French officers included a future President of France, ], who during that war won Poland's highest military decoration, the ]. In addition to the Allied advisors, France also facilitated in 1919 the transit to Poland from France of the "]": a force of troops, mostly of Polish origin plus some international volunteers, formerly under French command in World War I. The army was commanded by the Polish general, ]. ] offered to send a 30,000 cavalry corps to Poland's aid, but Czechoslovakian government refused to allow them through; some trains with weapon supplies from Hungary did however arrive in Poland. | |||
| ] (touching the flag) and his Blue Army.]] | |||
| In mid-1920, the Allied Mission was expanded by some new advisers (the ]). They included the French diplomat, ]; ], chief of staff to Marshal ], Supreme Commander of the victorious Entente; and the British diplomat, Lord ]. The newest members of the mission achieved little; indeed, the crucial Battle of Warsaw was fought and won by the Poles before the mission could return and make its report. However subsequently, for many years, the ] persisted that it was the timely arrival of Allied forces that had saved Poland, a myth in which Weygand occupied the central role. | |||
| Eventually, on the 21st of February, 1921, France and Poland entered into ], which became an important factor during the subsequent Soviet-Polish negotiations. | |||
| ==== The tide turns: Miracle at the Vistula ==== | |||
| {{ImageStackRight|200|]].]]]: Russian cavalry are stopped at the ]. (Painting by ], 1929. ], Warsaw.)]]].]]}} | |||
| On ], ], Russian ] units under the command of ] crossed the ] River, planning to take Warsaw from the west while the main attack came from the east. On ], an initial Russian attack was repulsed. The Polish 1st Army resisted a direct ] as well as stopping the ]. | |||
| The Soviet ], Tukhachevski, feeling certain that all was going according to his plan, was actually falling into a trap set by Piłsudski. The Russian advance across the Vistula River in the north was advancing into an operational vacuum, as there were no sizable Polish forces in the area. On the other hand, south of Warsaw, where the fate of the war was about to be decided, Tukhachevski had left only token forces to guard the vital link between the Russian northwest and southwest fronts. Another factor that influenced the outcome of the war was the effective neutralization of Budionny's 1st Cavalry Army, much feared by Piłsudski and other Polish commanders, in the ]. The Soviet High Command, at Tukhachevski's insistence, had ordered the 1st Cavalry Army to march north toward Warsaw and ], but Budionny disobeyed the order due to a grudge between Tukhachevski and ], commander of the southwest front. Additionally, the political games of ], chief political ] of the Southwest Front, decisively influenced the disobedience of Yegorov and Budionny<ref name=" Adam Bruno Ulam">''Stalin: The Man and His Era'', Beacon Press, 1987, ISBN 080707005X, </ref>. Stalin, seeking a personal triumph, was focused on capturing ]—far to the southeast of Warsaw—besieged by Bolshevik forces but still resisting their assaults. | |||
| The Polish 5th Army under General ] counterattacked ] from the area of the ], crossing the ] River. It faced the combined forces of the numerically and materially superior Soviet 3rd and 15th Armies. In one day the Soviet advance toward Warsaw and Modlin had been halted and soon turned into retreat. Sikorski's 5th Army pushed the exhausted Soviet formations away from Warsaw in a lightning operation. Polish forces advanced at a speed of thirty kilometers a day, soon destroying any Soviet hopes for completing their enveloping maneuver in the north. By ], the Polish counteroffensive had been fully joined by Marshal Piłsudski's "Reserve Army." Precisely executing his plan, the Polish force, advancing from the south, found a huge gap between the Russian fronts and exploited the weakness of the Soviet "Mozyr Group" that was supposed to protect the weak link between the Soviet fronts. The Poles continued their northward offensive with two armies following and destroying the surprised enemy. They reached the rear of Tukhachevski's forces, the majority of which were encircled by ]. Only that same day did Tukhachevski, at his ] headquarters 300 miles east of Warsaw, become fully aware of the proportions of the Soviet defeat and ordered the remnants of his forces to retreat and regroup. He hoped to straighten his front line, halt the Polish attack, and regain the initiative, but the orders either arrived too late or failed to arrive at all. | |||
| The Soviet armies in the center of the front fell into chaos. Tukhachevski ordered a general retreat toward the ], but by then he had lost contact with most of his forces near Warsaw, and all the Bolshevik plans had been thrown into disarray by communication failures. | |||
| The Bolshevik armies retreated in a disorganised fashion, entire divisions panicking and disintegrating. The Red Army's defeat was so great and so unexpected that, at the instigation of Piłsudski's detractors, the ] is often referred to in Poland as the "]." | |||
| Current investigation in Poland concluded that the "Miracle at the Vistula" was caused by a big net of Polish spies within the Red Army. Pilsudski knew about all the moves by the Red Army while the Soviets were left in the dark. | |||
| ===== Budionny's defeat ===== | |||
| On ], the advance of Budionny's Cavalry Army toward Lwów was halted at the ], where a small Polish force sacrificed itself to prevent Soviet cavalry from seizing Lwów and stopping vital Polish reinforcements from moving toward Warsaw. Moving through weakly defended areas, Budionny's cavalry reached the city of ] on ] and attempted to take it in the ]; however, he soon had to face increasing number of Polish units diverted from the successful Warsaw counteroffensive. On ], Budionny's cavalry finally broke off its siege of Lwów and attempted to come to the aid of Russian forces retreating from Warsaw. The Russian forces were intercepted and defeated by ] at the ] near Zamość, the greatest cavalry battle since 1813 and one of the last cavalry battles in history. Although Budionny's Army managed to avoid encirclement, morale had plummeted. The remains of Budionny's 1st Cavalry Army retreated towards ] on ] and was defeated shortly thereafter at the ]. | |||
| ], one of the greatest cavalry clashes in world history. (Painting by ].)]] | |||
| Tukhachevski managed to reorganize the eastward-retreating forces and in September established a new defensive line running from the Polish-Lithuanian border to the north to the area of ], with the central point in the city of ] in Belarus. In order to break this line, the Polish Army had to fight the ]. Polish forces crossed the Niemen River and outflanked the Bolshevik forces, which were forced to retreat again. Polish forces continued to advance East on all fronts, repeating their successes from the previous year. After the early October ], the Polish Army had reached the ]-]-]-] line. | |||
| ], the second greatest battle of the war. (Painting by ].)]] | |||
| ==== End of the war ==== | |||
| The Bolsheviks sued for peace soon after the Battle of Warsaw, and the Poles, exhausted and constantly pressured by the Western governments and League of Nations, with the Polish army now controlling the majority of the disputed territories, were willing to negotiate. In September in Riga, the Soviets made two offers: on September 21st and 28th. The Polish delegation made a counteroffer on the 2nd of October. On the 5th, the Soviets offered amendments to the Polish offer. Poland accepted. The ] between Poland on one side and Soviet Ukraine and Soviet Russia on the other was signed on the 12th and went into effect on the 18th of October. Long negotiations of the peace treaty ensued. | |||
| == Aftermath == | |||
| {{main|Aftermath of the Polish-Soviet War}} | |||
| According to the British historian ], the Polish-Bolshevik War "largely determined the course of European history for the next twenty years or more. Unavowedly and almost unconsciously, Soviet leaders abandoned the cause of international revolution."{{fact}} The Bolsheviks' defeat in the war prevented Poland from becoming another Soviet republic and possibly spared Germany, Czechoslovakia and other nearby states from a similar fate<ref name="Gella">], ''Development of Class Structure in Eastern Europe: Poland and Her Southern Neighbors'', SUNY Press, 1988, ISBN 0887068332, </ref>. | |||
| Much of what Poland had won during the 1920 war was lost in peace negotiations that were characterized by many as short-sighted and petty-minded. Due to their disastrous military defeat, the Bolsheviks offered the Polish peace delegation substantial territorial concessions in the contested borderland areas. However, to many observers it seemed as though the Polish side were conducting the Riga talks as if Poland had not won but lost the war. The exhausted Poles, pressured by the ], decided to sign the ] on ], ], splitting the disputed territories in Belarus and Ukraine between Poland and Russia. | |||
| The treaty, which Piłsudski called an ''act of cowardice''<ref name="Davies_GP">], '']. Vol. 2: 1795 to the Present''. Columbia University Press. 1982. ISBN 0231053525. )</ref>, actually violated the terms of Poland's military alliance with Ukraine, which had explicitly prohibited a separate peace. It worsened relations between Poland and her Ukrainian minority, who felt that Ukraine had been betrayed by her Polish ally — a feeling that would be exploited in Soviet propaganda and result in ] in the 1930s and 1940s.{{fact}} | |||
| ] | |||
| The Polish military successes in the autumn of 1920 allowed Poland to reclaim the city of Wilno, where a Polish-dominated Governance Committee of ] (''Komisja Rządząca Litwy Środkowej'') was formed. A ] was conducted, and the Wilno ] voted on ], ], for incorporation into Poland. This worsened Polish-Lithuanian relations for decades to come. Repercussions of this continue (to a diminishing extent) to affect relations between the two countries. | |||
| The outcome of the Polish-Soviet War, while welcomed by some Polish politicians such as the ] leader ] — who favored a relatively small, ethnically homogeneous state — was a death blow to Piłsudski's dream of reviving the multicultural ] in the form of a "] Federation." A ] ] deputy, ], coined the phrase, "Miracle at the Wisła" (]: ''"Cud nad Wisłą"''), to underline his disapproval of ]'s "Ukrainian adventure." Stroński's phrase was adopted with approval by some patriotically- or piously-minded Poles unaware of Stroński's ironic intent. | |||
| ], ], ].]] | |||
| During this war between two countries experiencing great socioeconomic difficulties, and often unable to care for their own populations, the treatment of ] was far from adequate<ref name="Karpus_jency">{{pl icon}} ], ''Jeńcy i internowani rosyjscy i ukraińscy na terenie Polski w latach 1918-1924'' (Russian and Ukrainian Prisoners of War and Internees in Poland, 1918-1924), Toruń 1997, ISBN 8371740204. . English translation available: ''Russian and Ukrainian Prisoners of War and Internees in Poland, 1918-1924'', Wydawn. Adam Marszałek, 2001, ISBN 8371749562;</ref> <ref name="Karpus_zwyciezcy">{{pl icon}} Karpus, Zbigniew, ], ], ''Zwycięzcy za drutami. Jeńcy polscy w niewoli (1919-1922). Dokumenty i materiały'' (Victors Behind Barbed Wire: Polish Prisoners of War, 1919-1922: Documents and materials), Toruń, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu, 1995, ISBN 8323106274.</ref>, with tens of thousands on both sides, in Russian and ], dying during the rampaging post-World War I ]. | |||
| Military strategy in the Polish-Soviet War influenced ], then an instructor with the Polish Army who fought in several of the battles. He and ] were the only military officers who, based on their experiences of this war, correctly predicted how the next one would be fought. Although they failed in the ] to convince their respective militaries to heed those lessons, early in ] they rose to command of their armed forces in exile. The Polish-Soviet War also influenced Polish military doctrine, which for the next 20 years would place emphasis on the mobility of elite cavalry units. | |||
| Among the technical advances associated with the Polish-Soviet War was one that would, two decades later, affect the course of World War II. Poland's Marshal Piłsudski and his staff enjoyed a vast advantage from their ] ]ing ("breaking") Red Army radio messages. These were ]ed in primitive ]s and ]s, and often involved incredible breaches of security by Soviet cipher clerks. The Polish ]s and commanders were thus regularly able to look over the shoulders of the Soviet commanders, including ], and their superior, ].<ref name="Ścieżyński">{{pl icon}} ], , ''Radjotelegrafja jako źrodło wiadomości o nieprzyjacielu'' (Radiotelegraphy as a Source of Intelligence on the Enemy), Przemyśl, , 1928, 49 pp.</ref> <ref name="Wroński">{{pl icon}} ], ''"Sensacyjne odkrycie: Nie było cudu nad Wisłą"'' ("A Remarkable Discovery: There Was No Miracle at the Vistula"), '']'', .</ref> <ref name="Bury">], POLISH CODEBREAKING DURING THE RUSSO-POLISH WAR OF 1919-1920, </ref> Poland's cryptological achievements in the Polish-Soviet War were a prelude to the spectacular achievements of her General Staff's Cipher Bureau (]), from December 1932, in decrypting German ] ciphers. Their subsequent decryption in World War II by the ] at ] — given a flying head-start by Poland's having revealed her techniques and technology to Britain and France at Warsaw a month before the outbreak of war — substantially affected the outcome of the war.<ref name="Kozaczuk">], ''Enigma: How the German Machine Cipher Was Broken, and How It Was Read by the Allies in World War Two'', edited and translated by ], Frederick, Maryland, University Publications of America, 1984, ISBN 0890935475.</ref> | |||
| In August 1939, the Soviet Union allied itself with ] in the ], and on ], ], invaded eastern Poland, ensuring Poland's defeat in her ] and sealing the fate of the ]. The ] ]. It has been suggested that the Soviets' stinging 1920 defeat at Warsaw contributed, two decades later, to the 1940 ] of Polish military officers, sanctioned by ], who had been one of the Soviet leaders in the Polish-Soviet War. | |||
| In the aftermath of the ], the Soviet Union acquired direct or indirect control of more territory than had ] and partly fulfilled Lenin's original dream of bringing ]. | |||
| Until 1989, while communists held power in a ], the Polish-Soviet War was either omitted from, or minimized in, Polish and other ] countries' history books, or was presented so as to fit in with communist ideology.<ref name="Ferro">], ''The Use and Abuse of History: Or How the Past Is Taught to Children'', Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0415285925, </ref> | |||
| == List of battles == | |||
| For a chronological list of important battles of the Polish-Soviet War, see ]. | |||
| == See also == | |||
| * ] | |||
| * ] | |||
| * ] | |||
| == External links == | |||
| {{Wikiquote}} | |||
| * | |||
| * Maps of the Polish-Bolshevik War: , <!-- this link is broken?? --> | |||
| * | |||
| * | |||
| * | |||
| * | |||
| == References == | |||
| <div style="font-size: 90%"> | |||
| <references /> | |||
| </div> | |||
| == Further reading == | |||
| * ], ''The Eighteenth Decisive Battle of the World: Warsaw, 1920'', Hyperion Press, 1977, ISBN 0883554291. | |||
| * ], ''Конармия'' (original 1926), ''Red Cavalry'' , W. W. Norton & Company, 2003, ISBN 0393324230 | |||
| * ], "Paderewski, Polish Politics, and the Battle of Warsaw, 1920," ''Slavic Review'', vol. 46, no. 3/4 (autumn–winter, 1987), pp. 503-512. | |||
| * ], "The 'Miracle of the Vistula': Soviet Policy versus Red Army Strategy," ''The Journal of Modern History'', vol. 45, no. 4 (Dec., 1973), pp. 626-643. | |||
| * Thomas C. Fiddick, ''Russia's Retreat from Poland, 1920'', Macmillian Press, 1990, ISBN 033351940X | |||
| * ], "Soviet Policy Toward Germany during the Russo-Polish War, 1920," ''Slavic Review'', vol. 35, no. 4 (Dec., 1976), p. 667. | |||
| * ], ''The Code-Breakers'', New York, Macmillan, 1967. | |||
| * ], ''The Pole: the Heroic Life of Jozef Pilsudski'', Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd, 2004, ISBN 0715632108. | |||
| * ], ''The Ukrainian-Polish Defesnive Alliance, 1919-1921'', University of Toronto, 1995, ISBN 1895571057 | |||
| * ], "General Weygand and the Battle of Warsaw," ''Journal of Central European Affairs," 1960. | |||
| * ], ''Bitter Glory: Poland and Its Fate, 1918-1939'', New York, Hippocrene Books, 1998, ISBN 0781806739. | |||
| === Non-Engish === | |||
| ==== Polish ==== | |||
| * ], ''Sąsiedzi wobec wojny 1920 roku. Wybór dokumentów.'' (''Neighbours Attitude Towards the War of 1920. A collection of documents.'' - English summary), Polish Cultural Foundation Ltd, 1990, London, ISBN 085065212X. | |||
| * ], ''Walka o granice wschodnie polski w latach 1918-1921'' (''Fighting for eastern borders of Poland in 1918-1921''), Instytut Slaski w Opolu, Opole, 1993 | |||
| * ] (ed.), ''Miedzynarodowe aspekty wojny polsko-bolszewickiej, 1919-1920. Antologia tekstow historycznych'' (''International aspects of the Polish-Bolshevic War,1919-1920. Anthology of historical texts.'), Instytut Historii PAN, 1996, ISBN 8386417218 | |||
| * ], ''Obrona Płocka przed bolszewikami, 18-19 sierpnia 1920 r.'' (''Defence of Płock from the Bolshevicks, 18-19 August, 1920''), NOVUM, 2004, ISBN 8389416433 | |||
| * ], ''Historia IV-ej Dywizji Strzelcow Generala Żeligowskiego w zarysie'' (''History of 4th Rifleman Division of General Żeligowki in brief''), Gryf, 1993, ISBN 8385209245 | |||
| * ], ''Moje życie w mundurze. Czasy narodzin i upadku II RP'' (''My life in the uniform. Times of the birth and fall of the Second Polish Republic''), Księgarnia Akademicka, 2005 ISBN 8371886934 | |||
| * ], ''16 (39-a) Eskadra Wywiadowcza 1919-1920'' (''16th (39th) Scouting Escadrille 1919-1920''), Wojskowy Instytut Historyczny, 1994, ISBN 8390173352 | |||
| * ], ''Moja wojaczka na Ukrainie. Wiosna 1920'' (''My fighting in Ukraine. Spring 1920''), Wojskowy Instytut Historyczny, 1995, ISBN 8385621741 | |||
| * ], ''Walka Rzeczpospolitej o kresy polnocno-wschodnie, 1918-1920. Polityka i dzialania militarne.'' (''Rzczepolita's fight for the northern-eastern borderlands, 1918-1920. Politics and military actions.''), Wydawnictwo Naukowe Universytetu Adama Mickiewicza, Poznan, 1994, ISBN 8323206147 | |||
| * Łukowski, Grzegorz and ], ''Walka o Wilno. Z dziejow Samoobrony Litwy i Bialorusi, 1918-1919'' (''Fight for Wilno. From the history of Self-Defence of Lithuania and Belarus, 1918-1919''), Adiutor, 1994, ISBN 8390008505 | |||
| * ], ''Dramat Pilsudskiego: Wojna 1920'' (''The drama of Piłdsuski: War of 1920''), Polska Oficyna Wydawnicza BGW, 1995, ISBN 8370665608 | |||
| * ], ''Leksykon Wojny Polsko-Rosyjskiej 1919-1920'' (''Lexycon of Polish-Russian War 1919-1920''), Rytm, 2004, ISBN 8373990968 | |||
| * ] (ed.), ''Listy z wojny polsko-bolszewickiej'' (''Letters from the Polish-Bolshevic War''), Adiutor, 1995, ISBN 8386100117 | |||
| * ], ''Wojna 1920 na Mazowszu i Podlasiu'' (''War of 1920 in Mazowsze and Podlasie''), Gryf, 1995, ISBN 8386643307 | |||
| ==== Russian ==== | |||
| * "Figures of the 20th century. Józef Piłsudski: A Head of the State He Created for Himself," '']'' (the Mirror Weekly), Feb. 3-9, 2001, available online and . | |||
| * "Dramas of Ukrainian-Polish Brotherhood," '']'' (Mirror Weekly), March 13-19, 1999, available . | |||
| * {{cite book | author=Мельтюхов, Михаил Иванович (])| title=Советско-польские войны. Военно-политическое противостояние 1918—1939 гг. (Soviet-Polish Wars. Politico-Military standoff of 1918-1939) | location= Moscow | publisher= Вече (Veche) | year = 2001 | id = ISBN 5-699-07637-9 | url = http://militera.lib.ru/research/meltyukhov2/index.html }} (in Russian). | |||
| * (in Russian) | |||
| {{featured article}} | |||
| ] | |||
| {{Link FA|ro}} | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
Revision as of 06:16, 25 May 2006
sdafdasfasdfasdf