Revision as of 13:29, 13 June 2006 editFormeruser-82 (talk | contribs)15,744 edits I don't think they were ever the official leaders← Previous edit | Revision as of 15:58, 13 June 2006 edit undoPeter G Werner (talk | contribs)Autopatrolled, Extended confirmed users, Page movers12,923 edits →SplitNext edit → | ||
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By the late 1960s the most powerful figures in the Socialist Party of America were Max Shachtman and ], who agreed upon a parallel strategy of maintaining the Socialist Party as an independent ] that fielded its own candidates, and acting as a pressure group within the ]. The party itself had become divided into three caucuses. One was the Debs Caucus led by ], which wanted to pursue the traditional position of the Socialist Party as an independent political party and held the most strongly "leftist" position within the group. Another was the "centrist" Coalition Caucus led by ], which also had a leftist orientation, but wanted to work within the Democratic Party to pull it to the left. Finally, the "rightist" Unity Caucus led by Max Shachtman were strong supporters of the ]/] wing of the Democratic Party that supported hawkish ] abroad and ] and the ] program domestically. | By the late 1960s the most powerful figures in the Socialist Party of America were Max Shachtman and ], who agreed upon a parallel strategy of maintaining the Socialist Party as an independent ] that fielded its own candidates, and acting as a pressure group within the ]. The party itself had become divided into three caucuses. One was the Debs Caucus led by ], which wanted to pursue the traditional position of the Socialist Party as an independent political party and held the most strongly "leftist" position within the group. Another was the "centrist" Coalition Caucus led by ], which also had a leftist orientation, but wanted to work within the Democratic Party to pull it to the left. Finally, the "rightist" Unity Caucus led by Max Shachtman were strong supporters of the ]/] wing of the Democratic Party that supported hawkish ] abroad and ] and the ] program domestically.<ref>{{SPRI}}Socialist Party of Rhode Island. (2000). (web page). Accessed: June 13, 2006.</ref> <ref>{{Drucker}} Drucker, Peter. (1994). Max Shachtman and His Left: A Socialist's Odyssey Through the "American Century". Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press. 346 p. ISBN 039103815X</ref> | ||
This split was reflected in party members opinions about the ] and the ] – Shachtman and his followers increasingly supported the war and greatly distrusted the New Left, Harrington was strongly opposed to the war, but was nevertheless suspicious of the New Left, while the Debs Caucus opposed the war and embraced the New Left. This division manifest most strongly during the ], in which members of the Debs Caucus were among the protesters outside of the convention, while members of the Coalition and Unity Caucuses were among the convention delegates. | This split was reflected in party members opinions about the ] and the ] – Shachtman and his followers increasingly supported the war and greatly distrusted the New Left, Harrington was strongly opposed to the war, but was nevertheless suspicious of the New Left, while the Debs Caucus opposed the war and embraced the New Left. Conversely, of all the three groups, the ] maintained the strongest tendency to ] orthodoxy (or their version of it) and ], while the other two caucuses were more eclectic in their approach to socialism. This division manifest most strongly during the ], in which members of the Debs Caucus were among the protesters outside of the convention, while members of the Coalition and Unity Caucuses were among the convention delegates. | ||
By 1972, the party was even more deeply divided, with the party newspaper, ], running opposing articles on practically every issue. During the ], each caucus supported a different candidate; the Debs Caucus supported the independent candidacy of ], the Coalition Caucus supporting the liberal Democratic nominee ], and the Unity Caucus supporting the Democratic primary run of ], then declaring their neutrality between McGovern and ] when Jackson failed to win the nomination. | By 1972, the party was even more deeply divided, with the party newspaper, ], running opposing articles on practically every issue. During the ], each caucus supported a different candidate; the Debs Caucus supported the independent candidacy of ], the Coalition Caucus supporting the liberal Democratic nominee ], and the Unity Caucus supporting the Democratic primary run of ], then declaring their neutrality between McGovern and ] when Jackson failed to win the nomination. |
Revision as of 15:58, 13 June 2006
The Socialist Party of America (SPA) was a socialist political party in the United States and one of the most influential socialist parties in U.S. history. It was formed in 1901 by a merger between the Social Democratic Party, formed three years earlier by veterans of the Pullman Strike of the American Railway Union, and a wing of the older Socialist Labor Party of America.
History
Early history
From 1901 to the onset of World War I, the Socialist Party had numerous elected officials. There were two Socialist members of Congress, Meyer London of New York and Victor Berger of Wisconsin; over 70 mayors, and many state legislators and city councilors. Socialist electoral victories were most likely in the Midwest and plains states, particularly Oklahoma and Wisconsin.
Early participants' perspectives ranged from radical socialism to social democracy, with New York party leader Morris Hillquit and Congressman Berger on the more social democratic or right wing of the party and radical socialists and syndicalists, including members of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and the party's frequent candidate, Eugene V. Debs, on the left wing of the party. As well there were old line agrarian utopian-leaning radicals, such as Julius Wayland of Kansas, who edited the party's leading national newspaper, Appeal To Reason along with trade unionists, immigrants, and intellectuals such as Walter Lippmann.
The party had a hostile relationship with the American Federation of Labor (AFL). The AFL leadership was strongly opposed to the SPA, but moderate Socialists like Berger and Hillquit urged cooperation with the AFL in hopes of eventually forming a broader Labor Party. Their leading ally in the AFL was Max Hayes, president of the International Typographical Union. These efforts were bitterly spurned, however, by the majority of the Socialist Party, who held to either the IWW view or the Wayland view.
The party's opposition to World War I caused a sharp decline in membership. An increase in the membership of its language federations from areas involved in the Bolshevik Revolution proved illusory, since these members were soon lost to the Communist Labor Party.
The party also lost some of its best activists who had been in favor of America's entry into World War I, including Walter Lippmann, John Spargo, George Phelps Stokes, and William English Walling. They briefly formed an outfit called the National Party, which hoped to merge with the remnants of Theodore Roosevelt's Progressive Party and the Prohibition Party.
On June 16, 1918 the Party's best-known leader, Eugene Victor Debs made an anti-war speech in Canton, Ohio, calling for draft resistance to World War I, and was arrested under the Sedition Act of 1918 passed under the presidency of Woodrow Wilson. He was convicted and sentenced to serve ten years in prison; he served three years until pardoned by President Warren G. Harding.
Expulsion of Bolshevists
In January 1919 Vladimir Lenin invited the communist wing of the Socialist Party to join in the founding of the Communist Third International, the Comintern.
The Bolshevists held a conference in June 1919 to plan to regain control of the party by bringing delegations from the sections of the party that had been expelled to demand that they be seated. However, the language federations, eventually joined by Charles Ruthenberg and Louis Fraina broke away from that effort and formed their own party, the Communist Party of America, at a separate convention in Chicago on September 2 1919.
Meanwhile plans led by John Reed and Benjamin Gitlow to crash the Socialist Party convention went ahead. Tipped off, the incumbents called the police, who obligingly expelled the Bolshevists from the hall. The remaining Bolshevist delegates walked out and, meeting with the expelled delegates, formed the Communist Labor Party on September 1, 1919. The two parties eventually merged in 1921 to form the predecessor of the Communist Party USA.
Electoral campaigns
From 1904 to 1912, the Socialist Party ran Eugene Debs for President at each election. The best showing ever for a Socialist ticket was in 1912, when Debs gained 901,551 total votes, or 6% of the popular vote. In 1920 Debs ran again, this time from prison, where he was serving time for opposing American involvement in World War I, and received a vote on par with his 1912 showing. Debs was pardoned by President Warren Harding on Christmas Day 1921.
The Socialist Party did not run a presidential candidate in 1924, but joined the AFL and railroad brotherhoods in support of the Progressive Party's candidate, Senator Robert M. La Follette, Sr. of Wisconsin. Under the guidance of Debs and Morris Hillquit, the Socialists were following the example of the Socialists of the United Kingdom, who had just in the past few years successfully brought about the formation of the Labour Party. It was against the heartfelt pleadings of Debs and Hillquit that the new party disbanded in 1925.
In 1928, the Socialist Party returned as an independent electoral entity under the leadership of Norman Thomas, a Presbyterian minister in Harlem and a founder of the American Civil Liberties Union. Thomas would remain the party's presidential candidate and leader until after World War II.
A turn to the left
The party experienced a major growth spurt during the Great Depression, primarily among youth. These youth leaders, however, were quickly won over to the proposition of reconciliation and reunification with the Communist Party, in keeping with new Popular Front policy of the Comintern. Leaders of the United Front faction included Reinhold Niebuhr, Andrew Biemiller, Daniel Hoan, and Gus Tyler. Most of these figures went on to become the founders of Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), a key Cold War liberal organization.
The "militants", as they were called, were triumphant at the Socialist Party's national convention in Detroit in June 1934, which precipitated the exodus of the opposing "old guard"—led by Louis Waldman and David Dubinsky—which favored the formation of a national Farmer-Labor Party that would have been likely led by Huey Long. After this fell through, in 1936 the old guard leaders formed the Social Democratic Federation and reluctantly endorsed Franklin Roosevelt.
By this time, however, the militants as well were on the Roosevelt bandwagon, in keeping with the dictates of the Popular Front. The party was then buttressed by the mass entry of the American followers of Leon Trotsky in keeping with the so-called French Turn, by which Trotsky posited the belief in social democracy as a Leninist vanguard. The Trotskyists caused enough havoc, however, that they were expelled by 1938.
Waning years
By 1940, only a small committed core remained in the party, which swam mightily against the tide of the New Deal and the increasing power and prominence of the Communists with whom they were at that time allied. Thus in 1940 Norman Thomas was the only presidential candidate opposed to a pro-Soviet foreign policy. This also led Thomas to serve as an active spokesman for the America First Committee during 1941.
Thomas led his last presidential campaign in 1948, after which he became a critical supporter of the postwar liberal consensus. The party retained some pockets of local success, in cities such as Milwaukee, Bridgeport, Connecticut, and Reading, Pennsylvania. In New York, they often ran their own candidates on the Liberal Party line. In 1956, the party reconciled and reunified with the Social Democratic Federation.
In 1958 the party admitted to its ranks the members of the Independent Socialist League led by Max Shachtman. Shachtman's young followers were able to bring new vigor into the party and helped propel it to play an active role in the civil rights movement as well as the early events of the New Left.
Split
By the late 1960s the most powerful figures in the Socialist Party of America were Max Shachtman and Michael Harrington, who agreed upon a parallel strategy of maintaining the Socialist Party as an independent third party that fielded its own candidates, and acting as a pressure group within the Democratic Party. The party itself had become divided into three caucuses. One was the Debs Caucus led by David McReynolds, which wanted to pursue the traditional position of the Socialist Party as an independent political party and held the most strongly "leftist" position within the group. Another was the "centrist" Coalition Caucus led by Michael Harrington, which also had a leftist orientation, but wanted to work within the Democratic Party to pull it to the left. Finally, the "rightist" Unity Caucus led by Max Shachtman were strong supporters of the Lyndon Johnson/"Scoop" Jackson wing of the Democratic Party that supported hawkish anti-Communism abroad and civil rights and the Great Society program domestically.
This split was reflected in party members opinions about the Vietnam War and the New Left – Shachtman and his followers increasingly supported the war and greatly distrusted the New Left, Harrington was strongly opposed to the war, but was nevertheless suspicious of the New Left, while the Debs Caucus opposed the war and embraced the New Left. Conversely, of all the three groups, the Shachtmanites maintained the strongest tendency to Marxist orthodoxy (or their version of it) and democratic centralism, while the other two caucuses were more eclectic in their approach to socialism. This division manifest most strongly during the 1968 Democratic Convention, in which members of the Debs Caucus were among the protesters outside of the convention, while members of the Coalition and Unity Caucuses were among the convention delegates.
By 1972, the party was even more deeply divided, with the party newspaper, New America, running opposing articles on practically every issue. During the 1972 presidential election, each caucus supported a different candidate; the Debs Caucus supported the independent candidacy of Benjamin Spock, the Coalition Caucus supporting the liberal Democratic nominee George McGovern, and the Unity Caucus supporting the Democratic primary run of Henry M. "Scoop" Jackson, then declaring their neutrality between McGovern and Richard Nixon when Jackson failed to win the nomination.
The Debs Caucus finally broke with the party in 1972 to form the Union for Democratic Socialism. (David McReynolds had left the party in 1970, but rejoined the breakaway group.) The UDS became the Socialist Party USA in 1973 when all other factions had abandoned the name "Socialist Party". The Socialist Party USA developed into a small third party in U.S. politics with now roughly 1,500 members. The party regularly runs candidates for public office.
Michael Harrington and the Coalition Caucus left the party soon after. They became the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee (later the Democratic Socialists of America), which worked within the Democratic Party but in support of its left wing. They enjoyed some successes in the 1970s, but were marginalized by their dependence on Harrington's personality and later support for Jesse Jackson.
This left Shachtman and the Unity Caucus in unopposed control of the party (though Shachtman himself died very soon after). In 1973, this group renamed it the Social Democrats USA. It evolved into more of a think tank than a political organization, with many of its members later holding important governmental offices in both Democratic and Republican administrations.
Presidential tickets
- 1904 - Eugene V. Debs & Ben Hanford
- 1908 - Eugene V. Debs & Ben Hanford
- 1912 - Eugene V. Debs & Emil Seidel
- 1916 - Allan L. Benson & George Kirkpatrick
- 1920 - Eugene V. Debs & Seymour Stedman
- 1924 - Robert M. La Follette, Sr. & Burton K. Wheeler (Progressive Party)
- 1928 - Norman Thomas & James H. Maurer
- 1932 - Norman Thomas & James H. Maurer
- 1936 - Norman Thomas & George A. Nelson
- 1940 - Norman Thomas & Maynard C. Krueger
- 1944 - Norman Thomas & Darlington Hoopes
- 1948 - Norman Thomas & Tucker P. Smith
- 1952 - Darlington Hoopes & Samuel H. Friedman
- 1956 - Darlington Hoopes & Samuel H. Friedman
Prominent members
- Victor L. Berger
- Ella Reeve Bloor*
- Earl Browder*
- Eugene V. Debs
- James P. Cannon*
- Elizabeth Gurley Flynn*
- William Z. Foster*
- Bill Haywood
- Morris Hillquit
- Helen Keller
- Jack London
- Theresa S. Malkiel
- Mary E. Marcy
- Scott Nearing
- Reinhold Niebuhr
- Kate Richards O'Hare
- Mary White Ovington
- A. Philip Randolph
- John Reed*
- Victor Reuther
- Walter Reuther
- Bayard Rustin
- Carl Sandburg
- Upton Sinclair
- Rose Pastor Stokes*
- Norman Thomas
- Louis Waldman
- Frank P. Zeidler
(*) Left with founding of Communist Party USA
Further reading
Archives
- Socialist Party of America Papers, 1897-1963, Duke University Library, Manuscript Department.
External links
Socialist Party of America websites
- Socialist Party chronology in Early American Marxism on Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved April 20 2005.
- SPA Downloadable Documents 1897 - 1930 on Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved April 20 2005.
- Lists of SPA Publications 1897 - 1930 on Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved April 20 2005.
- Lists of SPA Officials 1897 - 1936. Retrieved May 29, 2006.
- List of SPA Membership figures 1899 - 1946. Retrieved May 29, 2006.
Socialist Books
- Featuring George Ross Kirkpatrick's WAR - WHAT FOR?reprinted for the first time as an eBook. Read first hand what the 1916 Socialist Party candidate for vice-president wrote about war.
Articles
- The Last Socialist Mayor. Frank Zeidler, Mayor of Milwaukee (1948-1960). Interviewer, Amy Goodman. Democracy Now!. Monday, June 21 2004. Retrieved May 12 2005.
- Template:SPRISocialist Party of Rhode Island. (2000). A Short History of the Socialist Party USA (web page). Accessed: June 13, 2006.
- Template:Drucker Drucker, Peter. (1994). Max Shachtman and His Left: A Socialist's Odyssey Through the "American Century". Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press. 346 p. ISBN 039103815X