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'''India Against Corruption''' ('''IAC''') was a populist anti-corruption movement in India.{{Clarify|date=March 2014}} '''India Against Corruption''' ('''IAC''') was an anti-corruption movement in India that arose as a result of popular resentment against numerous scams attributed to the ruling ] such as the ].{{Clarify|date=March 2014}}


== Rise == == Rise ==
{{See also |2011 Indian anti-corruption movement|2012 Indian anti-corruption movement}} {{See also |2011 Indian anti-corruption movement|2012 Indian anti-corruption movement}}
The official position of figureheads in the IAC movement was that it had no formal organisation beyond a 24-member core committee.<ref>{{cite news |first=Abantika |last=Ghosh |url=http://archive.indianexpress.com/news/shifting-stir-to-mumbai-a-mistake-iac/893269/0 |title=Shifting stir to Mumbai a mistake: IAC |publisher=Indian Express |date=29 December 2011 |accessdate=20 March 2014}}</ref> In 2011, the mostly middle-class organisers of IAC determined to launch a campaign to mobilise the masses in support of a demand that they hoped would help to bring about a corruption-free India. Their proposal for the creation of a Lokpal (]) who would have had powers to arrest and charge government officials accused of corruption.<ref name="Guha">{{cite book |title=Patriots and Partisans: From Nehru to Hindutva and Beyond |first=Ramachandra |last=Guha |authorlink=Ramachandra Guha |publisher=Penguin UK |year=2013 |isbn=9788184757538 |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=hCU2Kv3tinkC?PG=PT119 |pages=119-122}}</ref><ref name="Nanda" /> They approached ], a populist ] with millions of supporters among the middle-classes of small-town India, to be the figurehead for this campaign. His connections to the right-wing ] threatened to damage the credibility of what was nominally an apolitical movement. He was soon replaced by ], a veteran ]er with a history of undertaking ] in support of his causes. Hazare, too, brought a large support base with him, comprising mostly middle-class people from urban areas and idealistic youths. The urban sophistication of Hazare, compared to Ramdev's rusticity, attracted high-profile support for the campaign from ] stars, the internet-savvy, and mainstream English-language news media. He, too, struggled to disassociate himself from ] symbolism: hence, support from non-Hindus was less forthcoming.<ref name="Nanda">{{cite book |title=The God Market: How Globalization is Making India More Hindu |first=Meera |last=Nanda |publisher=NYU Press |year=2011 |isbn=9781583673096 |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=vxVvrSevzQsC&pg=PR22 |pages=xxii-xxiii}}</ref> The official position of figureheads in the IAC movement was that it had no formal organisation beyond a 24-member core committee.<ref>{{cite news |first=Abantika |last=Ghosh |url=http://archive.indianexpress.com/news/shifting-stir-to-mumbai-a-mistake-iac/893269/0 |title=Shifting stir to Mumbai a mistake: IAC |publisher=Indian Express |date=29 December 2011 |accessdate=20 March 2014}}</ref> In 2011, the mostly middle-class organisers of IAC determined to launch a campaign to mobilise the masses in support of a demand that they hoped would help to bring about a corruption-free India. Their proposal for the creation of a Lokpal (]) who would have had powers to arrest and charge government officials accused of corruption.<ref name="Guha">{{cite book |title=Patriots and Partisans: From Nehru to Hindutva and Beyond |first=Ramachandra |last=Guha |authorlink=Ramachandra Guha |publisher=Penguin UK |year=2013 |isbn=9788184757538 |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=hCU2Kv3tinkC?PG=PT119 |pages=119-122}}</ref><ref name="Nanda" /> They approached ], a populist ] with millions of supporters among the middle-classes of small-town India, to be the figurehead for this campaign. {{Clarify|date=March 2014}} He was soon replaced by ], a veteran ]er with a history of undertaking ] in support of his causes. Hazare, too, brought a large support base with him, comprising mostly middle-class people from urban areas and idealistic youths. The urban sophistication of Hazare, compared to Ramdev's rusticity, attracted high-profile support for the campaign from ] stars, the internet-savvy, and mainstream English-language news media. He, too, struggled to disassociate himself from ] symbolism: hence, support from non-Hindus was less forthcoming.<ref name="Nanda">{{cite book |title=The God Market: How Globalization is Making India More Hindu |first=Meera |last=Nanda |publisher=NYU Press |year=2011 |isbn=9781583673096 |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=vxVvrSevzQsC&pg=PR22 |pages=xxii-xxiii}}</ref>


Historian and commentator ] has questioned the image that has been portrayed of IAC and of Hazare. Acknowledging that Hazare had previously been successful in campaigns for infrastructure reforms at the local level in his native ] and that the IAC campaign of 2011 had an impact, Guha doubts the claims that the 2011 and 2012 protests overwhelmingly engaged the masses. He notes that liberals were concerned with a perceived anti-democratic rhetoric while socially oppressed communities, such as the ]s and ]es, were worried that the Hindu-led movement would undermine the gains they have made through legislative reforms, such as those resulting from the ]. He considers that the attention given to the protest by 24-hour news channels and internet resources has masked the realities, such as that popular participation at the ] and ] protests in Delhi was a fraction of that evidenced in ] in 1998 when 400,000 marched in an anti-nuclear movement. IAC and Hazare in particular piggy-backed on and gained from discontent surrounding some coincident corruption scandals involving the government. These scandals, such as the ], were high-profile examples of the corruption that is claimed to be endemic in Indian society at all levels but Guha believes the IAC solution&nbsp;— the Lokpal&nbsp;— was a "simplistic" reaction.<ref name="Guha" /> Historian and commentator ] has questioned the image that has been portrayed of IAC and of Hazare. Acknowledging that Hazare had previously been successful in campaigns for infrastructure reforms at the local level in his native ] and that the IAC campaign of 2011 had an impact, Guha doubts the claims that the 2011 and 2012 protests overwhelmingly engaged the masses. He notes that liberals were concerned with a perceived anti-democratic rhetoric while socially oppressed communities, such as the ]s and ]es, were worried that the Hindu-led movement would undermine the gains they have made through legislative reforms, such as those resulting from the ]. He considers that the attention given to the protest by 24-hour news channels and internet resources has masked the realities, such as that popular participation at the ] and ] protests in Delhi was a fraction of that evidenced in ] in 1998 when 400,000 marched in an anti-nuclear movement. IAC and Hazare in particular piggy-backed on and gained from discontent surrounding some coincident corruption scandals involving the government. These scandals, such as the ], were high-profile examples of the corruption that is claimed to be endemic in Indian society at all levels but Guha believes the IAC solution&nbsp;— the Lokpal&nbsp;— was a "simplistic" reaction.<ref name="Guha" />

Revision as of 04:15, 1 April 2014

India Against Corruption
File:India against corruption .png
TypePeople's Movement
FocusAnti-corruption
Area served India
Key peopleAnna Hazare, Arvind Kejriwal

India Against Corruption (IAC) was an anti-corruption movement in India that arose as a result of popular resentment against numerous scams attributed to the ruling Congress Party such as the Commonwealth Games scam.

Rise

See also: 2011 Indian anti-corruption movement and 2012 Indian anti-corruption movement

The official position of figureheads in the IAC movement was that it had no formal organisation beyond a 24-member core committee. In 2011, the mostly middle-class organisers of IAC determined to launch a campaign to mobilise the masses in support of a demand that they hoped would help to bring about a corruption-free India. Their proposal for the creation of a Lokpal (ombudsman) who would have had powers to arrest and charge government officials accused of corruption. They approached Ramdev, a populist yogi with millions of supporters among the middle-classes of small-town India, to be the figurehead for this campaign. He was soon replaced by Anna Hazare, a veteran social reformer with a history of undertaking fasts in support of his causes. Hazare, too, brought a large support base with him, comprising mostly middle-class people from urban areas and idealistic youths. The urban sophistication of Hazare, compared to Ramdev's rusticity, attracted high-profile support for the campaign from Bollywood stars, the internet-savvy, and mainstream English-language news media. He, too, struggled to disassociate himself from Hindutva symbolism: hence, support from non-Hindus was less forthcoming.

Historian and commentator Ramachandra Guha has questioned the image that has been portrayed of IAC and of Hazare. Acknowledging that Hazare had previously been successful in campaigns for infrastructure reforms at the local level in his native Maharashtra and that the IAC campaign of 2011 had an impact, Guha doubts the claims that the 2011 and 2012 protests overwhelmingly engaged the masses. He notes that liberals were concerned with a perceived anti-democratic rhetoric while socially oppressed communities, such as the dalits and Other Backward Classes, were worried that the Hindu-led movement would undermine the gains they have made through legislative reforms, such as those resulting from the Mandal Commission. He considers that the attention given to the protest by 24-hour news channels and internet resources has masked the realities, such as that popular participation at the Jantar Mantar and Ramlila Maidan protests in Delhi was a fraction of that evidenced in Kolkata in 1998 when 400,000 marched in an anti-nuclear movement. IAC and Hazare in particular piggy-backed on and gained from discontent surrounding some coincident corruption scandals involving the government. These scandals, such as the 2G spectrum scam, were high-profile examples of the corruption that is claimed to be endemic in Indian society at all levels but Guha believes the IAC solution — the Lokpal — was a "simplistic" reaction.

According to the present IAC, which dates itself back to 2006, the name "IAC" came to be used in 2007 for a movement to monitor accounts of the Commonwealth Games of 2010. Between 2007 and 2010 this movement filed a series of coordinated Right to Information (RTI) requests to gaint information from the Government and Games Organising Committees.

According to the HRA-related IAC, in 2010 the name "India Against Corruption" was adopted by the PCRF of Arvind Kejriwal for a wider popular movement against the excesses of Congress, but turned into a campaign for a JanLokPal (ombudsman) Bill, which was not supported by the 2006-IAC.

Divergence

Those at the head of IAC became known as Team Anna. In late 2012, there was a split in the IAC movement caused by differences of opinion among the central figures regarding its lack of practical success and how much this might have been due to its unwillingness to be directly engaged in the political system. An IAC survey had suggested that direct involvement in politics was preferable, leading to Arvind Kejriwal and some others splitting to form the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in order to cause change from within the system. Hazare rejected the survey findings.

Hazare had announced that he was disbanding Team Anna in August 2012, around the time that the divisions were coming to a head. In November 2012, after the split, he said that he was forming a new Team Anna, that it would retain the label of India Against Corruption and that its members were discussing other societal issues that they might address.

The new Team Anna, sometimes referred to as Team Anna 2.0, was preparing to tour the country from 30 January 2013, coinciding with the death anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi. When that day came, Hazare announced that he had formed Jantantra Morcha, a campaigning group that included the previously-named members of Team Anna 2.0 and which he considered to be a replacement for IAC but with a broader agenda.

Notable people

Notable members of IAC/Team Anna prior to the breakaway of the Aam Aadmi Party were:

Following the split with the AAP, notable members were:

See also

Notes

  1. The present "India Against Corruption" is related to the HRA. According to the present IAC the term "IAC" was dubbed in 1973 by Raj Narain as a renaming of "India Against Colonialism", an organisation grounded by the HRSA in the 1920s. The present IAC was formed in 2006. Permission to use the name "IAC" was obtained from the "Hindustan Republican Army" in 2007.
  2. According to the HRA-related IAC, "The usage of IAC name was only approved to protest and litigate against the Common Wealth Games 2010 scams in 2010, and was withdrawn on 9 Dec. 2010 to (sic) Team Arvind." The 2006-IAC objected against the use of the term "IAC" by this popular movement for Lokpal Bill andolan and to the association of persons like Ramdev, Agnivesh, Kiran Bedi, Aruna Roy and others under its banner. According to iamiac.com, "this movement and its logo have evolved from the movement "India against Colonization", and are affiliated to "Hindustan Republic Association" originally founded by Sachindranath Sanyal and others in 1923 and revived in 1973 and have office bearers who have exclusive right to the use if its name and logo or to restrict its use."

References

  1. Ghosh, Abantika (29 December 2011). "Shifting stir to Mumbai a mistake: IAC". Indian Express. Retrieved 20 March 2014.
  2. ^ Guha, Ramachandra (2013). Patriots and Partisans: From Nehru to Hindutva and Beyond. Penguin UK. pp. 119–122. ISBN 9788184757538.
  3. ^ Nanda, Meera (2011). The God Market: How Globalization is Making India More Hindu. NYU Press. pp. xxii–xxiii. ISBN 9781583673096.
  4. ^ Hindustan Republican Association - India Against Corruption
  5. ^ India Against Corruption (Colonization), "I AM IAC (India against Corruption)"
  6. Schoen, Douglas E. (2013). The End of Authority: How a Loss of Legitimacy and Broken Trust Are Endangering Our Future. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 185–186. ISBN 9781442220324.
  7. "Anna Hazare tells Arvind Kejriwal not to use his name, photo for votes as they part ways". New Delhi: India Today. PTI. 19 September 2012. Retrieved 12 June 2013.
  8. "So what is the Aam Aadmi Party all about". New Delhi: India Today. 24 November 2012. Retrieved 12 June 2013.
  9. "Hazare disbands Team Anna, says no talks with govt on Lokpal". The Times of India. 6 August 2012. Retrieved 23 November 2013.
  10. "After announcing team, Anna Hazare to inaugurate new office in Delhi". IBN Live. 11 November 2012. Retrieved 23 November 2013.
  11. "Team Anna gets new people. But will their gameplan be a game-changer?". India Today. 15 November 2012. Retrieved 23 November 2013.
  12. ^ "Team Anna 2.0 announced, will tour country from January 30". NDTV. 10 November 2012. Retrieved 23 November 2013.
  13. Gaikwad, Rashi (31 January 2013). "IAC is now Jantantra Morcha, says Anna". The Hindu. Retrieved 23 November 2013.

Further reading


Corruption in India
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