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The charity evaluation organization ] reports the SPLC spends 66.4% of funds on its programs and 33.6% on administrative and fundraising expenses, and gives it an "efficiency rating" of one out of four stars. Charity Navigator gives the SPLC's "organizational capacity" ("how well a charity can sustain its efforts over time"<ref>"Organizational Capacity: We assess three key indicators to determine how well a charity can sustain its efforts over time: average annual growth of primary revenue, average annual growth of program expenses, and working capital ratio."</ref>) four out of four stars. Charity Navigator combines these two measures to give the SPLC an overall rating of three out of four stars.<ref>The overall score is "52.58," derived from combining an "efficiency rating" of "26.64" and a "capacity rating" of "25.94."</ref> The charity evaluation organization ] reports the SPLC spends 66.4% of funds on its programs and 33.6% on administrative and fundraising expenses, and gives it an "efficiency rating" of one out of four stars. Charity Navigator gives the SPLC's "organizational capacity" ("how well a charity can sustain its efforts over time"<ref>"Organizational Capacity: We assess three key indicators to determine how well a charity can sustain its efforts over time: average annual growth of primary revenue, average annual growth of program expenses, and working capital ratio."</ref>) four out of four stars. Charity Navigator combines these two measures to give the SPLC an overall rating of three out of four stars.<ref>The overall score is "52.58," derived from combining an "efficiency rating" of "26.64" and a "capacity rating" of "25.94."</ref>


===Front Page Magazine=== ===David Horowitz===
] of the conservative ] has accused the SPLC of exaggerating the threat of racism in order to increase fund-raising revenue and of wrongfully applying the term "hate group" to legitimate organizations. Conservative columnist ] and ] of the conservative ] have both accused the SPLC of exaggerating the threat of racism in order to increase fund-raising revenue and of wrongfully applying the term "hate group" to legitimate organizations.


The Southern Poverty Law Center and Morris Dees have engaged in a dispute with Front Page Magazine over material written by ] related to Front Page Magazine's founder David Horowitz's campaign against ], which the SPLC claims constitutes "hate speech". Horowitz writes: The Southern Poverty Law Center and Morris Dees have engaged in a dispute with Horowitz over material written by ] related to Horowitz's campaign against ], which the SPLC claims constitutes "hate speech". Horowitz writes:


:The effect is to multiply the number of racial hate groups, to scare well-meaning citizens into the belief that mainstream civil rights organizations like the ] are really fever swamps of hate that deserve to be lumped alongside the Ku Klux Klan. The purpose of this fear-mongering is transparent. It is to fill the already wealthy coffers of your organization by exploiting unsuspecting donors into helping you promote leftwing agendas under the guise of civil rights. :The effect is to multiply the number of racial hate groups, to scare well-meaning citizens into the belief that mainstream civil rights organizations like the ] are really fever swamps of hate that deserve to be lumped alongside the Ku Klux Klan. The purpose of this fear-mongering is transparent. It is to fill the already wealthy coffers of your organization by exploiting unsuspecting donors into helping you promote leftwing agendas under the guise of civil rights.


The SPLC's Mark Potok responded to Horowitz by stating "we believe Mr. Berlet’s article is backed up by the evidence, and we stand by the article as it was published." Potok also forwarded a reply from Berlet in which the latter alleged that Horowitz's Center for the Study of Popular Culture uses "inflammatory, mean-spirited, and divisive language that dismisses the idea that there are serious unresolved issues concerning racism and white supremacy in the United States." Horowitz subsequently replied in a letter to Dees, asserting that Berlet's attack on the CSPC "applies ''mutatis mutandis'' to the Southern Poverty Law Center, which exacerbates societal tensions by exaggerating the number of hate groups in America and by proposing that they come in only one color and one political disposition. It does this by labeling legitimate political differences as racism and bigotry." Horowitz further alleges that the SPLC targets people who disagree with them while they ignore other racial supremacy groups. The SPLC's Mark Potok responded to Horowitz by stating "we believe Mr. Berlet’s article is backed up by the evidence, and we stand by the article as it was published." Potok also forwarded a reply from Berlet in which the latter alleged that Horowitz's Center for the Study of Popular Culture uses "inflammatory, mean-spirited, and divisive language that dismisses the idea that there are serious unresolved issues concerning racism and white supremacy in the United States." Horowitz subsequently replied in a letter to Dees, asserting that Berlet's attack on the CSPC "applies ''mutatis mutandis'' to the Southern Poverty Law Center, which exacerbates societal tensions by exaggerating the number of hate groups in America and by proposing that they come in only one color and one political disposition. It does this by labeling legitimate political differences as racism and bigotry." Horowitz further alleges that the SPLC targets people who disagree with them while they ignore other racial supremacy groups.

Horowitz further alleges on his ] (DTN) website that the SPLC's "Teaching Tolerance" program is "far from a good-faith effort to instruct schoolchildren in the merits of tolerance." According to DSN, the program is used to promote a left-wing political agenda and "spread the virtues of ]" among children and teachers.


==References== ==References==

Revision as of 20:01, 6 February 2007

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) is an American non-profit legal organization, whose stated purpose is to combat racism and promote civil rights through research, education, and litigation.

The Center is based in Montgomery, Alabama, in the Southern United States. It was founded in 1971 by Morris Dees and Joe Levin as a civil rights law firm. It is known for its tolerance programs, its legal fight against what it deems to be white supremacist groups, and its investigations of alleged hate groups. The Center publishes a quarterly Intelligence Report which investigates groups it accuses of political extremism and hate crimes in the United States. The center also sponsored the creation of a Civil Rights Memorial in downtown Montgomery designed by architect Maya Lin.

The Center has received criticism from some journalists for its political tactics and financial practices, as well as allegations of racial discrimination within the organization itself by former employees.

History

The Southern Poverty Law Center was organized by Dees and Levin in 1971 during a desegregation case (Smith v. Young Men's Christian Association), as a law firm to handle anti-discrimination cases in the United States. The organization's first president was Julian Bond, formerly of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Bond served as president of the SPLC until 1979 and remains on its board of directors. In 1979 the Center brought its first of its many cases against the Ku Klux Klan. In 1981 the Center began its "Klanwatch" project to monitor and track the activities of the KKK.

In 1983, Klansmen firebombed the center's office. The SPLC claims that several other attempts to bomb the center and kill Morris Dees have been thwarted.

In 1987 the group won a case against the United Klans of America. Further, he won a $7 million judgment for the mother of Michael Donald, a black lynching victim in Alabama.

In 1990, the SPLC won $12.5 million in damages against Tom Metzger and his White Aryan Resistance when a Portland, Ore., jury held the neo-Nazi group liable in the beating death of an Ethiopian immigrant.

In 1989 the Center unveiled its Civil Rights Memorial designed by Maya Lin. The Center's "teaching tolerance" project was initiated in 1991, and its "Klanwatch" program has gradually expanded to include other "anti-hate" monitoring projects and a list of reported "hate groups" in the United States.

A 1996 USA Today article claimed that the Southern Poverty Law Center is "the nation's richest civil rights organization", with $68 million in assets at the time (in the fiscal year ending in 2003, its assets totalled $156 million ).

Educational programs

The SPLC's political initiatives include a project entitled "Teaching Tolerance" based at the website Tolerance.org. According to the SPLC the project is "an educational program to help K-12 teachers foster respect and understanding in the classroom."

"Teaching Tolerance" is a multi-pronged program aimed at two different age groups of students with separate materials for teachers and parents. One portion of the project targets elementary school children, providing informational material on the history of the civil rights movement. The center's material for children includes a publication entitled "A fresh look at multicultural 'American English'" that explores the cultural history of common words. A project website designed for elementary school children includes an interactive program that allows users to "explore" political topics such as school mascots with Native American names, the Confederate flag, and popular music and entertainment. It alleges that many of these highlighted events exhibit cases of racial, gender, and sexual orientation insensitivity.

A similar educational program aimed at teenagers in the middle and high school age groups includes a "Mix it Up" project urging readers to participate in various school activities that encourage interaction between different social groups. Other features of the teenager educational project include political activism tips and reports highlighting examples of student activism. A monthly SPLC publication for teens promotes a highlighted political movement, normally focusing on minority, feminist, and LGBT youth organizations. The program also provides publications to students such as "Ways to fight hate on campus" suggesting ideas for community activism and diversity education.

"Teaching Tolerance" also provides advice and materials for parents aimed at encouraging multiculturalism in the upbringing of their children. A guide published by the project urges parents to "examine the 'diversity profile' for your children's friends," move to "integrated and economically diverse neighborhoods," and discourage children from playing with toys or adopting heroes that "promote violence." The publication also advises parents on the use of culturally sensitive language such as promoting gender-neutral phrasings such as "Someone Special Day" instead of the traditional Mothers Day or Fathers Day and urges them to ensure "cultural diversity reflected in your home's artwork, music and literature."

Documentaries

The SPLC also produces documentary films. Two have won Academy Awards for documentary short subject: "Mighty Times: The Children's March," in 2005, and "A Time for Justice, America's Civil Rights Movement" in 1995. Five others have been nominated.

Groups listed as hate groups

A continuing source of controversy is the identification and monitoring of organizations that the SPLC labels hate groups. The SPLC describes their definition of hate group as:

All hate groups have beliefs or practices that attack or malign an entire class of people, typically for their immutable characteristics. Listing here does not imply that a group advocates or engages in violence or other criminal activity.

The SPLC further categorizes these groups as Black Separatism (such as Nation of Islam), Ku Klux Klan, Neo-Nazi, Christian Identity, Racist Skinhead, Neo-Confederate, and "Other". Some organizations described by the SPLC as hate groups object strenuously to this characterization of them, particularly those in the Other category. VDARE, for example, insisted that the SPLC's actions were doing more harm to anti-racism than to genuine racism.

There are 161 organizations in the U.S. categorized as Other in 2005, including the following:

Neoconfederate movement

The Southern Poverty Law Center is also the principal group reporting on the "neo-confederate" movement. A special report by the SPLC's Mark Potok in their magazine, Intelligence Report, describes a number of groups as "neo-confederate" in 2000. (see #Neo-Confederate groups). The SPLC has carried subsequent articles on the neo-confederate movement. "Lincoln Reconstructed" published in 2003 in the Intelligence Report focuses on the resurgent demonization of Abraham Lincoln in the South. The article quotes the chaplain of the SCV as giving an invocation which recalled "the last real Christian civilization on Earth." "Whitewashing the Confederacy" was an SPLC review that alleged that the movie Gods and Generals presented a false, pro-confederate view of history. Myles Kantor of FrontPage Magazine described the review as a "web of falsehood."

Controversy

The SPLC has attracted controversy surrounding its politics, "hate group" identification and monitoring methods, and financial practices. It has been described by Thomas Edsall of the Washington Post as a "a controversial, liberal organization that tracks conservative militia and 'patriot' organizations" that has uncovered much information on extremist groups.

Misinformation claim

In 1996 USA Today stated "... in a recent report on arsons at black churches in the South, his Klanwatch newsletter included five 1990 fires in Kentucky. The article doesn't mention they were set by a black man." The article reported Stephen Bright of the "Southern Center for Human Rights" stated that Dees "is a fraud who has milked a lot of very wonderful well-intentioned people. If it's got headlines, Morris is there."

Montgomery Advertiser investigation

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In 1994 The Montgomery Advertiser published an 9-part investigative series alleging financial mismanagement, poor management practices, misleading fundraising, and institutionalized racism at the Center. The newspaper summarized its investigation as producing evidence of "a complex portrait of a wealthy civil rights organization essentially controlled by one man: Morris Dees." (Montgomery Avertisor, Feb. 13-14 1994) Findings from the Advertiser investigation included the following:

  • 12 of 13 African-American former employees of the SPLC who were contacted by the newspaper reported experiencing or observing racial discrimination during their employment. Black former employees were quoted stating that the Center was "like a plantation" run by white supervisors.
  • The SPLC's legal department is composed primarily of whites and had only employed two African American attorneys on staff over 23 years of operation (as of 1994).
  • From 1984 to 1994 the SPLC received almost $62 million in contributions but spent only $20.8 million on its anti-poverty and anti-discrimination programs.
  • An SPLC fundraising letter that raised several million dollars for the organization claims the Center's legal team secured a $7 million victim's settlement against the Ku Klux Klan for the lynching of Michael McDonald, however McDonald's mother and heir Beulah Mae received only $51,874.70 from the settlement.
  • A random sampling of donors to the SPLC, defined as "people who receive a steady stream of fund-raising letters and newsletters", indicated "they had no idea the Law Center was so wealthy" when interviewed.

The Advertiser also interviewed several former SPLC affiliates who alleged financial improprieties on the part of the Center. Pamela Summers, formerly a legal fellow with the Center, told the newspaper that the Center's legal department operates "as though the sole, overriding goal is to make money." Summers accused Dees of avoiding "go(ing) to court" on discrimination cases and instead relying upon financial contributions to obtain money.

The Center threatened legal action against the newspaper during the publication of the series, and lobbied against its consideration for journalism awards. Nonetheless, the investigative series was a finalist for a 1995 Pulitzer Prize.

The Center states that "During its last fiscal year, the Center spent approximately 65% of its total expenses on program services. The Center also placed a portion of its income into a special, board-designated endowment fund to support the Center's future work. At the end of the fiscal year, the endowment stood at $120.6 million."

Fundraising criticism

In November 2000, Harper's Magazine published an article critical of the SPLC. In "The Church of Morris Dees," Ken Silverstein wrote "Morris Dees doesn't need your financial support" because "the SPLC is already the wealthiest 'civil rights' group in America." Furthermore, Silverstein claimed "Back in 1978, when the Center had less than $10 million," but then it sought 50 million dollars and again "upped the bar to $100 million" to allow the Center "to cease the costly and often unreliable task of fund raising." However, in 2000 "the SPLC's treasury bulges with $120 million, and it spends twice as much on fund-raising — $5.76 million last year — as it does on legal services for victims of civil rights abuses." In fact, Silverstein cited the American Institute of Philanthropy who gave "the center one of the worst ratings of any group it monitors, estimating that the SPLC could operate for 4.6 years without making another tax-exempt nickel from its investments or raising another tax-deductible cent from well-meaning 'people like you'."

Silverstein adds that most alleged "hate" groups on the SPLC's list are non-violent and reports that 95 percent of hate crimes are committed by "lone wolves." Further, he says that the SPLC's "'other important work for justice' consists mainly on spying on private citizens... a practice that, however seemingly justified, should give civil libertarians pause."

A former partner of Dees, renowned anti-death penalty lawyer Millard Farmer, was quoted by Silverstein as remarking that Dees "is the Jim and Tammy Faye Baker of the civil rights movement...though I don't mean to malign Jim and Tammy Faye".

The charity evaluation organization Charity Navigator reports the SPLC spends 66.4% of funds on its programs and 33.6% on administrative and fundraising expenses, and gives it an "efficiency rating" of one out of four stars. Charity Navigator gives the SPLC's "organizational capacity" ("how well a charity can sustain its efforts over time") four out of four stars. Charity Navigator combines these two measures to give the SPLC an overall rating of three out of four stars.

David Horowitz

Conservative columnist David Horowitz and Myles Kantor of the conservative Front Page Magazine have both accused the SPLC of exaggerating the threat of racism in order to increase fund-raising revenue and of wrongfully applying the term "hate group" to legitimate organizations.

The Southern Poverty Law Center and Morris Dees have engaged in a dispute with Horowitz over material written by Chip Berlet related to Horowitz's campaign against slavery reparations, which the SPLC claims constitutes "hate speech". Horowitz writes:

The effect is to multiply the number of racial hate groups, to scare well-meaning citizens into the belief that mainstream civil rights organizations like the Center for the Study of Popular Culture are really fever swamps of hate that deserve to be lumped alongside the Ku Klux Klan. The purpose of this fear-mongering is transparent. It is to fill the already wealthy coffers of your organization by exploiting unsuspecting donors into helping you promote leftwing agendas under the guise of civil rights.

The SPLC's Mark Potok responded to Horowitz by stating "we believe Mr. Berlet’s article is backed up by the evidence, and we stand by the article as it was published." Potok also forwarded a reply from Berlet in which the latter alleged that Horowitz's Center for the Study of Popular Culture uses "inflammatory, mean-spirited, and divisive language that dismisses the idea that there are serious unresolved issues concerning racism and white supremacy in the United States." Horowitz subsequently replied in a letter to Dees, asserting that Berlet's attack on the CSPC "applies mutatis mutandis to the Southern Poverty Law Center, which exacerbates societal tensions by exaggerating the number of hate groups in America and by proposing that they come in only one color and one political disposition. It does this by labeling legitimate political differences as racism and bigotry." Horowitz further alleges that the SPLC targets people who disagree with them while they ignore other racial supremacy groups.

Horowitz further alleges on his Discover the Networks (DTN) website that the SPLC's "Teaching Tolerance" program is "far from a good-faith effort to instruct schoolchildren in the merits of tolerance." According to DSN, the program is used to promote a left-wing political agenda and "spread the virtues of political correctness" among children and teachers.

References

  1. ^ Andrea Stone, "Morris Dees: At the Center of the Racial Storm," USA Today, 3 August 1996, A-7
  2. Edsall, Thomas (December 19, 1998). "Conservative Group Accused Of Ties to White Supremacists". Washington Post. Retrieved 2006-11-18. {{cite news}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  3. Ken Silverstein, "The Church of Morris Dees," Harper's Magazine, 1 November, 2000, No. 1806, Vol. 301; Pg. 54 ; ISSN: 0017-789X. Text can be viewed at the Federation for American Immigration Reform website here (scroll down). Harper's article verified in D.F. Oliveria, "Dees can Buy Poverty Center a New Name," Spokesman Review, Feb 12, 2001.
  4. Washington Times, Wesley Pruden reporting, February 9, 2001
  5. "Organizational Capacity: We assess three key indicators to determine how well a charity can sustain its efforts over time: average annual growth of primary revenue, average annual growth of program expenses, and working capital ratio."
  6. The overall score is "52.58," derived from combining an "efficiency rating" of "26.64" and a "capacity rating" of "25.94."

External links

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