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==Politics of identity== | ==Politics of identity== | ||
Those seeking a return to Scotland being an ] ] ] separate from the ] draw strongly on a Scottish identity, describing themselves as the ] movement. They often claim that those not sharing their aims are ] despite the association of that term with the ], though some are offended when the terms "separatists" or even "]s" are applied to themselves. In more extreme cases{{ |
Those seeking a return to Scotland being an ] ] ] separate from the ] draw strongly on a Scottish identity, describing themselves as the ] movement. They often claim that those not sharing their aims are ] despite the association of that term with the ], though some are offended when the terms "separatists" or even "]s" are applied to themselves. In more extreme cases{{Fact|date=February 2007}}some argue that "British nationalists/British unionists (Labourites, Cons, LibDems) are extremely proactive in attempting to destroy the English, Welsh, Irish and Scottish identities and attempting to erect a "British" identity. This characterisation is challenged by the fact that these parties actively promote a Scottish identity, and indeed the devolved ] was brought into being by the ] despite strong opposition by the ]. The pro-independence Scottish National Party only agreed to support the devolved ] after extensive negotiations, fearing that this step would distract from their goal of full independence. | ||
==Cultural icons== | ==Cultural icons== | ||
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==References== | ==References== | ||
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Revision as of 01:25, 8 February 2007
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This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "Scottish national identity" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (December 2006) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
A considerable majority of the people of Scotland share a Scottish national identity, usually with considerable pride in their nation, its history and with the achievements of their countrymen including those who have emigrated and their descendants. The story of the Scottish Nation starts in the later period of the so-called Dark Age. Scotland was forged from the union of the Goidelic "Scots" kingdom of Dalriada, the Brythonic Kingdom of Strathclyde, the Anglo Saxon kingdom of Bernicia and the Pictish Kingdom, the latter's origin being highly contentious. The disparate cultures of Scotland were cemented together firstly by the Viking threat, and latterly in the High Middle Ages by aggression from the neighbouring Kingdom of England. Even though the countries have shared monarchs since the 1603 Union of the Crowns and Parliaments since the Act of Union 1707 the Scottish identity remains strong, though many residents of Scotland will also, or alternatively, identify with Great Britain, the United Kingdom or Europe. Furthermore, Scotland has a large English minority, some of whom continue to identify themselves with England.
The Scottish national identity (see citizenship) is largely free from ethnic distinction, and it has been noted (Sunday Herald 4 September 2005) that many of "immigrant" descent see themselves (and are seen as), for example, Pakistani and Scottish: Asian-Scots. This contrasts with a tendency in England for such families to be called "British" but not "English". Identification of others as Scottish is generally a matter of accent, and though the various dialects of the Scots language and Scottish English (or the accents of Gaelic speakers) are distinctive, people associate them all together as Scottish with a shared identity, as well as a regional or local identity. Some parts of Scotland, like Glasgow, the Outer Hebrides, the north east of Scotland and Orkney and Shetland retain a strong sense of regional identity, alongside the idea of a Scottish national identity.
Politics of identity
Those seeking a return to Scotland being an independent sovereign state separate from the United Kingdom draw strongly on a Scottish identity, describing themselves as the Scottish independence movement. They often claim that those not sharing their aims are unionists despite the association of that term with the Conservative and Unionist Party, though some are offended when the terms "separatists" or even "nationalists" are applied to themselves. In more extreme casessome argue that "British nationalists/British unionists (Labourites, Cons, LibDems) are extremely proactive in attempting to destroy the English, Welsh, Irish and Scottish identities and attempting to erect a "British" identity. This characterisation is challenged by the fact that these parties actively promote a Scottish identity, and indeed the devolved Scottish Parliament was brought into being by the Labour Party despite strong opposition by the Conservative and Unionist Party. The pro-independence Scottish National Party only agreed to support the devolved Scottish Parliament after extensive negotiations, fearing that this step would distract from their goal of full independence.
Cultural icons
The Scottish cultural icons of tartan, the kilt and bagpipes are widely but not universally liked (or flaunted) by Scots, but their establishment as symbols for the whole of Scotland only dates back to the early 19th century and specifically to the pageantry for the visit of King George IV to Scotland organised by Sir Walter Scott who was himself very much a Unionist and Tory at the same time as being a great populariser of Scottish mythology through his writings. Also, a popular icon is the Loch Ness Monster in Loch Ness.
References
This article does not cite any sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "Scottish national identity" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (August 2006) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
- Lynch, Michael (2001). The Oxford Companion to Scottish history. Oxford University Press. pp. pp504-509. ISBN 0-19-211696-7.
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Further reading
- Abstract of Constructing National Identity: Arts and Landed Elites in Scotland, by Frank Bechhofer, David McCrone, Richard Kiely and Robert Stewart, Research Centre for Social Sciences, University of Edinburgh, Cambridge University Press, 1999
- Abstract of The markers and rules of Scottish national identity, by Richard Kiely, Frank Bechhofer, Robert Stewart and David McCrone, The Sociological Review, Volume 49 Page 33 - February 2001,
- National Identities in Post-Devolution Scotland, by Ross Bond and Michael Rosie, Institute of Governance, University of Edinburgh, June 2002
- Abstract of Near and far: banal national identity and the press in Scotland, by Alex Law, University of Abertay Dundee, Media, Culture and Society, Vol. 23, No. 3, 299-317 (2001)
- Abstract of Scottish national identities among inter-war migrants in North America and Australasia, by Angela McCarthy, The Journal of Imperial & Commonwealth History, Volume 34, Number 2 / June 2006
- Scottish Newspapers and Scottish National Identity in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, by IGC Hutchison, University of Stirling, 68th IFLA Council and General Conference, August 18-August 24, 2002
- PDF file from psych.lancs.ac.uk: Vernacular constructions of ‘national identity’ in post-devolution Scotland and England, by Susan Condor and Jackie Abell, to appear in: J. Wilson & K. Stapleton (Eds) Devolution and Identity
- PDF file from essex.ac.uk: Welfare Solidarity in a Devolved Scotland, by Nicola McEwen, Politics, School of Social and Political Studies, University of Edinburgh, European Consortium for Political Research Joint Sessions, 28 March - 2 April 2003
References