Misplaced Pages

Revision as of 08:20, 2 June 2024

This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these messages) This article is written like a personal reflection, personal essay, or argumentative essay that states a Misplaced Pages editor's personal feelings or presents an original argument about a topic. Please help improve it by rewriting it in an encyclopedic style. (January 2024) (Learn how and when to remove this message) You can help expand this article with text translated from the corresponding article in Chinese. (February 2024) Click for important translation instructions. Machine translation, like DeepL or Google Translate, is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into the English Misplaced Pages. Do not translate text that appears unreliable or low-quality. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article. You must provide copyright attribution in the edit summary accompanying your translation by providing an interlanguage link to the source of your translation. A model attribution edit summary is Content in this edit is translated from the existing Chinese Misplaced Pages article at ]; see its history for attribution. You may also add the template {{Translated|zh|百花齐放、百家争鸣}} to the talk page. For more guidance, see Misplaced Pages:Translation. (Learn how and when to remove this message)

History of the People's Republic of China
1949–1976: Mao era Revolution Land Reform Movement Proclamation Korean War Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries Three-anti and Five-anti Campaigns First five-year plan Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence Bandung Conference Sufan movement Hundred Flowers Campaign Anti-Rightist Campaign Canton Fair Great Leap Forward Great Chinese Famine Two Bombs, One Satellite Seven Thousand Cadres Conference Socialist Education Movement Third Front Cultural Revolution UN representation Richard Nixon visit
1976–1989: Deng era Gang of Four Boluan Fanzheng 1978 Truth Criterion Controversy New Enlightenment Reforms and Opening Up Special economic zones China–United States relations Three Communiqués Four Modernizations Sino-Vietnamese War Beijing Spring Strike Hard Against Crime Campaign Sino-British Joint Declaration Campaign against spiritual pollution Bourgeois liberalization Opposition 863 Program 1986 Chinese student demonstrations Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre
1989–2002: Jiang era Shanghai Stock Exchange Pudong New District Deng's southern tour 1992 consensus One country, two systems Handover of Hong Kong Handover of Macau 1998 floods US bombing of the Belgrade embassy Persecution of Falun Gong China Western Development Hainan Island incident APEC China 2001 Accession to the WTO Forum on China–Africa Cooperation Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
2002–2012: Hu era 2002–2004 SARS outbreak Shenzhou 5 Visit of Lien Chan South–North Water Transfer Project Qinghai–Tibet railway 2008 Sichuan earthquake Three Links with Taiwan 2008 Summer Olympics Expo 2010 BRICS Three Gorges Dam West–East Gas Pipeline High-speed rail
2012–present: Xi era Anti-corruption campaign Belt and Road Initiative Chang'e 3 Supercomputing APEC China 2014 Meeting with Ma Ying-Jeou 2016 G20 Hangzhou summit Xiong'an 9th BRICS summit Persecution of Uyghurs Xinjiang internment camps China–United States trade war China International Import Expo Space program 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests 2020 Hong Kong national security law COVID-19 pandemic 2020–2021 reform spree 2022 Winter Olympics
Constitution Beijing Shanghai
Culture Economy Education Geography Politics
China portal
v t e

The Hundred Flowers Campaign, also termed the Hundred Flowers Movement (Chinese: 百花齐放), the double hundred movement (双百方针) was a period from 1956 to 1957 in the People's Republic of China during which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) led by Mao Zedong purposed to "let one hundred flowers boom in social science and arts and let one hundred of view points be expressed in the field of science. It is a campaign that allowed citizens to offer criticism and advice to the government and the party.

The movement was in part a response to address the tensions between the CCP and the intellectuals.Another key issue that led to the hundred flower movement is the fact that Mao realized the CCP's control over intellectual life is stifling potentially useful new ideas. He was also worried of the emerging new party elites that could threaten his position. He sought to use this movement to restrain the new forces within the party. However, criticism quickly grew out of hand and posed a legitimate threat to the communist regime. The liberation was short-lived.Following this liberation, a crackdown continued through 1957 and 1959 as it developed into an Anti-Rightist Campaign against those who were critical of the regime and its ideology. Citizens were rounded up in waves by the hundreds of thousands, publicly criticized during struggle sessions, and condemned to prison camps for re-education through labor, or even execution. The ideological crackdown re-imposed Maoist orthodoxy in public expression, and catalyzed the Anti-Rightist Movement.

The campaign

Naming

The name of the movement consists two parts. The first part "Let a hundred flowers bloom" （百花齊放） is originated from a novel named "Flowers in the Mirror" by Qing Author Li Ruzhen; the second part "Let a hundred schools of thoughts content" （百家爭鳴）comes from "Treatise on Literature" of the Book of Han authored by the Chinese historian Ban Gu:

The slogan was first used by Mao Zedong on May 2, 1956, during a public speech. The name was used to arouse the interest of China's intellectuals, referring to the Warring States period when numerous schools of thought competed for ideological, not military, supremacy. Historically, Confucianism, Chinese Mahayana Buddhism and Taoism had gained prominence, and socialism would now face its test. At the time, the movement was opposed by even some of Mao's most devout followers, as well as some within the academic circle, most notably, Guo Moruo.

Origin of the Campaign (1951-1953)

Prior to 1956, Mao Zedong has proposed "Hundred Flowers Bloom, Remove the Olds and Embrace the News" （「百花齊放、推陳出新」）in the discussion on the developmental issues of Beijing Opera in mainland China in 1951. Following in 1953, Mao Zedong raised that "Hundred Schools Rival to Voice Out" （「百家爭鳴」） was necessary regarding the guidelines of historical research. In January 1956, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held a National Conference on Intellectuals. Lu Dingyi proposed that the Central Propaganda Department should focus on the work of 5 million intellectuals, strongly advocating for an atmosphere of respect for knowledge and free academic discussion. The slogan was then first used by Mao Zedong on May 2, 1956, and was later elaborated on by Lu Dingyi on May 26, 1956, with no immediate response.

Launch (late 1956–early 1957)

The beginning of the Hundred Flowers Movement was marked by a speech titled On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People, published on 27 February 1957, in which Mao displayed open support for the campaign. The speech encouraged people to vent their criticisms as long as they were "constructive" (i.e., "among the people") rather than "hateful and destructive" (i.e., "between the enemy and ourselves").

Our society cannot back down, it could only progress... criticism of the bureaucracy is pushing the government towards the better.

In the opening stage of the movement, during March and April, issues discussed were relatively minor and unimportant in the grand scheme. Emphasis was placed on a distinction being drawn between "friend and foe". Intellectuals approached the campaign with suspicion, due to a lack of guidelines on what speech was acceptable; few also had suspicions about whether the campaign was bait, and whether disallowed speech would get them in trouble. Resultantly, the Central Government did not receive much criticism, although there was a significant rise in letters of conservative advice. Premier Zhou Enlai received some of these letters, and once again realized that, although the campaign had gained notable publicity, it was not progressing as had been hoped. Zhou approached Mao about the situation, stating that more encouragement was needed from the central bureaucracy to lead the intellectuals into further discussion. Mao Zedong found the concept interesting and superseded Zhou to take control. Guo Moruo declared that the contending of diverse schools should be guided by the central aim of building a socialist society.

The idea was to have intellectuals discuss the country's problems to promote new forms of arts and new cultural institutions. Mao also saw this as the chance to promote socialism, believing that after discussion it would be apparent that socialist ideology was the dominant ideology over capitalism, even amongst non-communist Chinese, and would thus propel the development and spread of the goals of socialism. To this end, in an attempt to reduce hesitancy, intellectuals were invited to forums in which they were allowed to ask exploratory questions, slowly discovering what was deemed acceptable speech. During this time, criticisms were often indirect and lauded the Hundred Flowers campaign itself. Criticisms became more specific in May, citing the regimentation of education, thought reforms in previous years that were described as "painful", and the lack of employment prospects for those who went to American and British scholars. Additionally, some recanted their self-criticism and confessions from previous years.

In a revised version of the speech, published June 19, 1957, Mao Zedong clarified the distinction between "beautiful flowers" and "poisonous weeds";

1. Whether they would help to unite the people of various nationalities.
2. Whether they were beneficial or harmful to socialism.
3. Whether they would consolidate or weaken the people's democratic dictatorship.
4. Whether they would consolidate democratic centralism.
5. Whether they would strengthen or weaken the leadership of the Communist Party of China.
6. Whether they would strengthen our “international socialist solidarity”. Later in this version of the speech, "international socialist solidarity" was defined as “To strengthen our solidarity with the Soviet Union, to strengthen our solidarity with all socialist countries - this is our fundamental policy, herein lies our basic interest.”

Spring (1957)

By the spring of 1957, Mao had announced that criticism was "preferred" and had begun to mount pressure on those who did not turn in healthy criticism on policy to the Central Government. The reception was immediate with intellectuals, who began voicing concerns without any taboo. In the period from 1 May to 7 June that year, millions of letters were pouring into the Premier's Office and other authorities.

From May to June 1957, newspapers published a huge range of critical articles. The majority of these critiques argued that the Party had become less revolutionary and more bureaucratic. Nonetheless, most of the commentary was premised on complete acceptance of socialism and the legitimacy of the Communist Party and focused on making the existing socialist system work better.

People spoke out by putting up posters around campuses, rallying in the streets, holding meetings for CPC members, and publishing magazine articles. For example, students at Peking University created a "Democratic Wall" on which they criticized the CPC with posters and letters.

They protested CPC control over intellectuals, the harshness of previous mass campaigns such as that against counter-revolutionaries, the slavish following of Soviet models, the low standards of living in China, the proscription of foreign literature, economic corruption among party cadres, and the fact that 'Party members many privileges which make them a race apart'.

Effects of the campaign

On June 8, 1957, the major party newspaper, People's Daily, published an editorial that signaled the conclusion of the Hundred Flowers Campaign. The editorial asserted that "rightists" had exploited the newfound freedom to attack the party and undermine the revolution. This, the editorial claimed, amounted to a hostile struggle "between the enemy and the people"—a conflict that could only be resolved through the use of dictatorial force.

In July 1957, Mao ordered a halt to the campaign. Unexpected demands for power sharing led to the abrupt change of policy. By that time, Mao had witnessed Nikita Khrushchev denouncing Joseph Stalin and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, events which he felt were threatening. In essence, Mao was threatened by the intellectuals efforts to reclaim the position as loyal guardians of the proper moral framework for the political system.

The campaign made a lasting impact on Mao's ideological perception. Mao, who is known historically to be more ideological and theoretical, less pragmatic and practical, continued to attempt to solidify socialist ideals in future movements in a more pragmatic manner, and in the case of the Cultural Revolution, employed more violent means. Another consequence of the Hundred Flowers Campaign was that it discouraged dissent and made intellectuals reluctant to criticize Mao and his party in the future. The Anti-Rightist Movement that shortly followed, and was possibly caused by the Hundred Flowers Campaign, resulted in the persecution of intellectuals, officials, students, artists, and dissidents labeled "rightists." The campaign led to a loss of individual rights, especially for any Chinese intellectuals educated in Western centers of learning.

The Hundred Flowers Movement was the first of its kind in the history of the People's Republic of China in that the government opened up to ideological criticisms from the general public. Although its true nature has always been questioned by historians, it can be generally concluded that the events that took place alarmed the central communist leadership. The movement also represented a pattern that has emerged from Chinese history wherein free thought is promoted by the government, and then suppressed by it. A similar surge in ideological thought would not occur again until the late 1980s, leading up to the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989. The latter surge, however, did not receive the same amount of government backing and encouragement.

Another important issue of the campaign was the tension that surfaced between the political center and national minorities. With criticism allowed, some of the minorities' activists made public their protest against "Han chauvinism" which they saw the informal approach of party officials toward the local specifics.

Debated intention of the campaign

Historians debate whether Mao's motivations for launching the campaign were genuine. Some find it possible that Mao originally had pure intentions, but later decided to utilize the opportunity to destroy criticism. Historian Jonathan Spence suggests that the campaign was the culmination of a muddled and convoluted dispute within the Party regarding how to address dissent.

Authors Clive James and Jung Chang posit that the campaign was, from the start, a ruse intended to expose rightists and counter-revolutionaries, and that Mao Zedong persecuted those whose views were different from those of the Party. The first part of the phrase from which the campaign takes its name is often remembered as "let a hundred flowers bloom." This is used to refer to an orchestrated campaign to flush out dissidents by encouraging them to show themselves as critical of the regime, and then subsequently imprison them, according to Chang and James.

In Mao: The Unknown Story by Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, Chang asserts that "Mao was setting a trap, and...was inviting people to speak out so that he could use what they said as an excuse to victimise them." Prominent critic Harry Wu, who as a teenager was a victim, later wrote that he "could only assume that Mao never meant what he said, that he was setting a trap for millions."

Mao's personal physician, Li Zhisui, suggested that:

a gamble, based on a calculation that genuine counterrevolutionaries were few, that rebels like Hu Feng had been permanently intimidated into silence, and that other intellectuals would follow Mao's lead, speaking out only against the people and practices Mao himself most wanted to subject to reform.

Professor Lin Chun characterizes as a "conspiracy theory" the depiction of the Hundred Flowers campaign as a calculated trap. In her analysis, this depiction is disputed by empirical research from archival sources and oral histories. She writes that many interpretations of the Hundred Flowers campaign "underestimate the fear on the part of Mao and party leadership over an escalating atmosphere of anticommunism within the communist world in the aftermath of the East European uprisings."

Author Christine Vidal similarly rejects the idea of the campaign as being initially calculated to lure dissidents for later repression, stating that "the repression was not the initial aim of Mao and of his Hundred Flowers policy."

See also

• List of campaigns of the Chinese Communist Party
• Cultural Revolution
• Great Leap Forward
• History of the People's Republic of China
• De-Stalinization
• Trust Operation, Soviet Union
• Self-criticism

References

1. MacFarquhar, Roderick. 1960. The Hundred Flowers. pp. 3
2. "新中国档案："百花齐放、百家争鸣"方针的提出". www.gov.cn. Retrieved 2024-06-02.
3. Fofa (2023-03-02). China a century of revolution, part 2 (1949-1976). Retrieved 2024-06-02 – via YouTube.
4. Burns, John P. (1996-03). "Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform. By Kenneth Lieberthal [New York: W.W. Norton, 1995. xxvi + 498 pp. $30.00. ISBN 0–393–96714–X.]". The China Quarterly. 145: 189–190. doi:10.1017/s0305741000044192. ISSN 0305-7410. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
5. Fofa (2023-03-02). China a century of revolution, part 2 (1949-1976). Retrieved 2024-06-02 – via YouTube.
6. Short, Philip (2000). Mao: A Life. Macmillan. pp. 457–471. ISBN 978-0-8050-6638-8.
7. "双百方针的历史回顾 - 长城战略咨询 北京市长城企业战略研究所". www.gei.com.cn. Retrieved 2024-06-02.
8. ^ Hsi-chen, Theodore (1981). Chinese Education Since 1949: Academic and Revolutionary Models. New York: Pergamon Press Inc. pp. 44–62. ISBN 0-08-023861-0.
9. Priestley, K.E. (July 1962). China's Men of Letters. Hong Kong: Dragonfly Books. pp. 73–100.
10. Li, Yanzeng. "Regarding the origin of the policy "Let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools of thought contend"". News of the Communist Party of China. {{cite web}}: |archive-url= requires |archive-date= (help)
11. ^ On the Correct Handling of the Contradictions Among the People
12. Roderick MacFarguahar, The Origins of the Cultural Revolution, vol. 1, Contradictions Among the People, 1956-57 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), pp.261-269
13. ^ Karl, Rebecca E. (2010). Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world : a concise history. Durham : Duke University Press. p. 96. ISBN 978-0-8223-4780-4. OCLC 503828045.
14. ^ Spence, Jonathan D. 1990. The Search For Modern China (2nd ed.) New York: W.W. Norton Company. pp. 539–43.
15. Kenneth, Lieberthal (1955). "Governing China : from revolution through reform". Internet Archive. p. 101.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
16. ^ Lin, Chun (2006). The transformation of Chinese socialism. Durham : Duke University Press. p. 161. ISBN 978-0-8223-3785-0. OCLC 63178961.
17. Burns, John P. (1996-03). "Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform. By Kenneth Lieberthal [New York: W.W. Norton, 1995. xxvi + 498 pp. $30.00. ISBN 0–393–96714–X.]". The China Quarterly. 145: 189–190. doi:10.1017/s0305741000044192. ISSN 0305-7410. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
18. Link, Perry. 23 July 2007. "Legacy of a Maoist Injustice Archived 2021-11-09 at the Wayback Machine." The Washington Post. p. A19.
19. Teiwes, cited in MacFarquhar, ed. The Politics of China, 1949-1989, p. 53.
20. Spence, Jonathan D. 2013. The Search for Modern China. New York: Norton. ISBN 9780393934519. pp. 508–13.
21. Jung Chang; Jon Halliday. Mao: The Unknown Story. Jonathan Cape. p. 435.
22. Harry Wu; Hongda Harry Wu; George Vecsey (2002). Troublemaker: One Man's Crusade Against China's Cruelty. NewsMax Media, Inc. p. 49. ISBN 978-0-9704029-9-8. Archived from the original on 2014-07-22. Retrieved 2016-09-20.
23. Zhisui Li (1996). "1957-1965". The Private Life of Chairman Mao. Chatto & Windus, Ltd. pp. 198–199. ISBN 978-0679764434. Retrieved 4 June 2012.
24. Vidal, Christine (2016-04-25). "The 1957-1958 Anti-Rightist Campaign in China: History and Memory (1978-2014)". CCJ-Occasional-Papers: 6.

Works cited

• Hsi-en Chen, Theodore. Chinese Education Since 1949: Academic and Revolutionary Models. Pergamon Policy Studies. Pergamon Press Inc. 1981. Print.
• MacFarquhar, Roderick. 1960. The Hundred Flowers, Paris: The Congress for Cultural Freedom.
• Priestley, K. E., and Shou-jung Chʻên. China's Men of Letters, Yesterday and Today. Hong Kong: Dragonfly Books, 1962. Print.
• 1973. The Origins of the Cultural Revolution: Contradictions Among the People, 1956-1957. Columbia University Press.
• Spence, Jonathan D. 2013. The Search for Modern China. New York: Norton. ISBN 9780393934519.
• Meisner, Maurice. 1986. Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic. New York: Macmillan. pp. 177–80.
• Zheng, Zhu. 1998. 1957 nian de xiaji: Cong bai jia zhengming dao liang jia zhengming. Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chubanshe.

External links

• Campaigns of the Chinese Communist Party
• Anti-Rightist Campaign
• 1956 in China
• 1957 in China
• Maoist terminology
• Maoist China
• Persecution of intellectuals in China