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| The term is frequently used to emphasize the need to rally patriots. Within the ], this concept was employed “to describe the period of gathering diverse groups within the FN from the early 1980s to the 1998 split”<ref>{{Ouvrage|lang=en|first1=Erwan|last1=Lecoeur|title=A French Neo-Populism: Thirty Years of the National Front|publisher=La Découverte|date=2012-06-07|isbn=978-2-7071-7280-8|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7breWvYoxqYC&pg=PT58|accessdate=2022-09-30}}</ref>. | The term is frequently used to emphasize the need to rally patriots. Within the ], this concept was employed “to describe the period of gathering diverse groups within the FN from the early 1980s to the 1998 split”<ref>{{Ouvrage|lang=en|first1=Erwan|last1=Lecoeur|title=A French Neo-Populism: Thirty Years of the National Front|publisher=La Découverte|date=2012-06-07|isbn=978-2-7071-7280-8|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7breWvYoxqYC&pg=PT58|accessdate=2022-09-30}}</ref>. | ||
| In 2011, ], appointed Secretary General of the FN in 2005, offered his own interpretation: “The nationalist compromise doesn’t concern the Nazis; it’s about the program”<ref>Interview with ], May 27, 2011.</ref> |
In 2011, ], appointed Secretary General of the FN in 2005, offered his own interpretation: “The nationalist compromise doesn’t concern the Nazis; it’s about the program”<ref>Interview with ], May 27, 2011.</ref><ref name=":1" />. | ||
| == Notes and References == | == Notes and References == | ||
Revision as of 07:33, 24 December 2024
The nationalist compromise is a concept developed by Charles Maurras, referring to a tactical and situational alliance with different currents on specific issues.
Overview
Maurrassian Concept
This concept is rooted in the practice of the Maurrassian principle of "politics first". During the period between the defeat of the Republic and the establishment of a monarchy in France, Charles Maurras advocated for French nationalism. In this context, he supported two types of compromises:
one outside the national camp, with conservative republicans, which enabled Léon Daudet to be elected to the Chamber in 1919 with votes from the National Bloc; the other within nationalist factions, which differed on the form of the state, religious issues, and economic matters.
—
According to Michel Hubault, leader of Chrétienté-Solidarité, the nationalist compromise is based on three conditions: “honesty between parties; agreement on the essentials, namely the safeguarding of the French nation; and, regardless of individual religious convictions, acknowledgment of the essential role Catholicism played in building French civilization”.
Pierre Lafarge noted that Charles Maurras called for an intellectual nationalist compromise in the conclusion of The Future of Intelligence, published in 1905.
Faced with this grim horizon, the national Intelligence must ally with those striving to achieve something beautiful before sinking. In the name of reason and nature, in accordance with the old laws of the universe, for the salvation of order, for the endurance and progress of a threatened civilization, all hopes float aboard the ship of a Counter-Revolution.
During World War I, Charles Maurras temporarily aligned himself with the republican regime under the nationalist compromise to ensure that France remained France. He supported all governments that pursued the war effort.
At the National Front
When the neo-fascist group Ordre Nouveau established the National Front (FN), historian Nicolas Lebourg identified this as a strategy directly inspired by the "Maurrassian nationalist compromise, but in a version redefined by Dominique Venner”, particularly through François Duprat and his Revolutionary Nationalist Manifesto. The revolutionary nationalist strategy aimed to create a unified electoral movement capable of mainstreaming and broadening the dissemination of ideas "beyond the initial fringe circles".
The term is frequently used to emphasize the need to rally patriots. Within the National Front, this concept was employed “to describe the period of gathering diverse groups within the FN from the early 1980s to the 1998 split”.
In 2011, Louis Aliot, appointed Secretary General of the FN in 2005, offered his own interpretation: “The nationalist compromise doesn’t concern the Nazis; it’s about the program”.
Notes and References
- ^ Perrineau, Pascal (2000-01-01). Les croisés de la société fermée: l'Europe des extrêmes droites. FeniXX réédition numérique. ISBN 978-2-402-15668-4. Retrieved 2022-09-30.
- Pujo, Pierre; Blanchonnet, Sarah (2006). Le trésor de l'Action française. L'AGE D'HOMME. ISBN 978-2-8251-3712-3. Retrieved 2022-09-30.
- Kunter, Tony (2009). Charles Maurras: la Contre-Révolution pour héritage: essai pour une histoire des idées politiques. Nouvelles Editions Latines. ISBN 978-2-7233-9818-3. Retrieved 2022-09-30.
- ^ Lebourg, Nicolas (2015-10-28). "Chapter 5 / The National Front and the Galaxy of Radical Far-Right Groups". Les faux-semblants du Front national. Presses de Sciences Po. pp. 121–140. doi:10.3917/scpo.crepo.2015.01.0121. ISBN 978-2-7246-1810-5. Retrieved 2022-09-30.
- "François Duprat, the inventor of the FN". lindependant.fr. Retrieved 2022-09-30.
- Kauffmann, Grégoire (2016). "The Origins of the National Front". Pouvoirs. 157 (2): 5. doi:10.3917/pouv.157.0005. ISSN 0152-0768. Retrieved 2022-09-30.
{{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter|issn2=ignored (help) - Lecoeur, Erwan (2012-06-07). A French Neo-Populism: Thirty Years of the National Front. La Découverte. ISBN 978-2-7071-7280-8. Retrieved 2022-09-30.
- Interview with Louis Aliot, May 27, 2011.
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