Misplaced Pages

Democratic Leadership Council: Difference between revisions

Article snapshot taken from Wikipedia with creative commons attribution-sharealike license. Give it a read and then ask your questions in the chat. We can research this topic together.
Browse history interactively← Previous editNext edit →Content deleted Content addedVisualWikitext
Revision as of 19:52, 11 June 2008 editAtrix20 (talk | contribs)Extended confirmed users2,781 edits →Criticism← Previous edit Revision as of 20:02, 11 June 2008 edit undo8bitJake (talk | contribs)1,659 edits →Criticism: Deleted pointless ranting about Perot and magic electoral numbers that really don’t have much to do with the DLCNext edit →
Line 41: Line 41:
The DLC has become unpopular within many progressive political circles such as the organizations ], ], and the blogs ] and ] The DLC has become unpopular within many progressive political circles such as the organizations ], ], and the blogs ] and ]


Some critics claim the strategy of ] between the political left and right to gain broad appeal is fundamentally flawed. In the long run, so opponents say, this strategy results in concession after concession to the opposition, while alienating traditionally-allied voters. For example, some critics point out that liberal Democrat ] won a larger share of the popular vote in the ] (46%) than ] in the ] (43%), despite Clinton's ] pro-] positions. However, many others say a criticism is highly flawed <ref>http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2519/is_n5_v13/ai_13975246</ref>in that the 1992 contest featured three major presidential candidates, and the 1988 contest featured two major presidential candidates. While Clinton got a lower percentage of votes, unlike Dukakis, he got more votes than any of his opponents, more electoral votes than Dukakis, and turnout was higher because of Ross Perot's candidacy. Exit polls from the 1992 indicated that Perot voters would have split 38 percent for Bush and 38 percent for Clinton if Perot were not on the ballot<ref>http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9E0CE0DB1F3FF936A35752C1A964958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=1</ref> thus leaving the outcome unchanged, and Clinton emerging with a higher percentage<ref>http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P2-1033813.html</ref> in a two way race than Dukakis in 1988. Some critics claim the strategy of ] between the political left and right to gain broad appeal is fundamentally flawed. In the long run, so opponents say, this strategy results in concession after concession to the opposition, while alienating traditionally-allied voters.


Others critics cite that the low turnout of ] in the 1994 election after Bill Clinton signed the ] into law resulted in the Republican Party gaining a majority in the ] and ] that would last for twelve years until 2006. Others critics cite that the low turnout of ] in the 1994 election after ] signed the ] into law resulted in the Republican Party gaining a majority in the ] and ] that would last for twelve years until 2006.


Author and Columnist ] has strongly criticized the DLC, whom he claims have ] to corporate interests, and has argued that the term "]" is a misnomer in that these politicians are out of touch with ]. Sirota's article "The Democrats' Da Vinci Code" argues that progressive politicians are more successful in so-called "]" than the mainstream media have previously reported. Author and Columnist ] has strongly criticized the DLC, whom he claims have ] to corporate interests, and has argued that the term "]" is a misnomer in that these politicians are out of touch with ]. Sirota's article "The Democrats' Da Vinci Code" argues that progressive politicians are more successful in so-called "]" than the mainstream media have previously reported.

Revision as of 20:02, 11 June 2008

The neutrality of this article is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. (December 2007) (Learn how and when to remove this message)
This article may require cleanup to meet Misplaced Pages's quality standards. No cleanup reason has been specified. Please help improve this article if you can. (February 2008) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

The Democratic Leadership Council is a non-profit 501(c)(4) corporation that argues that the United States Democratic Party should shift away from traditionally populist positions. The DLC hails President Clinton as proof of the viability of third way politicians and as a DLC success story while progressives assert that Bill Clinton won campaigning as a populist only to abandon those positions after getting elected. Critics contend that the DLC is a powerful, corporate-financed mouthpiece within the Democratic party - or "The Republican Wing of the Democratic Party".

The DLC's affiliated think tank is the Progressive Policy Institute. Democrats who adhere to the DLC's philosophy often call themselves New Democrats. Others use this label too though and belong to other organizations and have differing agendas contesting to define that term and control the party's future.

The DLC's current chairman is former Representative Harold Ford, Jr. of Tennessee, and its vice chair is Senator Thomas R. Carper of Delaware. Its CEO is Al From and its president is Bruce Reed. Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton is chair of the DLC's American Dream Initiative.

Founding and early history

The DLC was founded by Al From in 1985 in the wake of incumbent President Ronald Reagan's defeat of Walter Mondale in the 1984 presidential election. Other founders include Democratic Governors Chuck Robb (Virginia), Bruce Babbitt (Arizona), and Lawton Chiles (Florida), as well as Senator Sam Nunn (Georgia) and Representative Dick Gephardt (Missouri).

The organization started as a group of forty-three elected officials, and two staffers, Al From and Will Marshall. Their original focus was to secure the 1988 presidential nomination of a southern conservative Democrat such as Nunn or Robb. After the success of Jesse Jackson, a vocal critic of the DLC, in winning a number of southern states in 1988's "Super Tuesday" primary, the group began to shift its focus towards influencing public debate. In 1989, Marshall founded the Progressive Policy Institute, a think tank which has since turned out policy blueprints for the DLC. Its most extensive series of papers is the series of New Economy Policy Reports.

Positions

This article contains weasel words: vague phrasing that often accompanies biased or unverifiable information. Such statements should be clarified or removed.

It is the opinion of the DLC that economic populism is not politically viable, citing the defeated Presidential campaigns of Senator George McGovern in 1972 and Vice-President Walter Mondale in 1984. The DLC states that it “seeks to define and galvanize popular support for a new public philosophy built on progressive ideals, mainstream values, and innovative, non-bureaucratic, market-based solutions."

The DLC has supported welfare reform, such as the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 , President Clinton's expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit , and the creation of AmeriCorps . The DLC supports expanded health insurance via tax credits for the uninsured and opposes plans for single-payer universal health care. The DLC supports universal access to preschool, charter schools, and measures to allow a greater degree of choice in schooling (though not school vouchers), and supports the No Child Left Behind Act. The DLC supports both NAFTA and CAFTA.

The DLC has both supported and criticized the policies of President George W. Bush. The DLC opposed the partial birth abortion ban, the expiration of the 1994 assault weapon ban, the Clear Skies Initiative, and what they perceived as a lack of funding of the Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program. In 2001 the DLC endorsed the idea of tax cuts for the middle class, but then opposed the tax cuts favored by Bush, which they said favored the wealthy. The organization supports some forms of Social Security privatization but opposes financing private retirement accounts with large amounts of borrowed money.

Recently, the DLC also urged Senate Democrats to vote against Bush's nomination of Samuel Alito to the U.S. Supreme Court "on principle", but firmly opposed any filibuster of the nominee.

2003 invasion of Iraq

The DLC gave strong support for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Prior to the war, Will Marshall co-signed a letter to President Bush from the Project for the New American Century endorsing military action against Saddam Hussein. During the 2004 Primary campaign the DLC attacked Presidential candidate Howard Dean as an out-of-touch liberal because of Dean's anti-war stance. The DLC dismissed other critics of the Iraq invasion such as filmmaker Michael Moore as members of the "loony left" . Even as domestic support for the Iraq War plummeted in 2004 and 2005, Marshall reprised his right-wing credentials and called upon Democrats to balance their criticism of Bush's handling of the Iraq War with praise for the President's achievements and cautioned "Democrats need to be choosier about the political company they keep, distancing themselves from the pacifist and anti-American fringe."

Criticism

The neutrality of this article is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. (Learn how and when to remove this message)
This article contains weasel words: vague phrasing that often accompanies biased or unverifiable information. Such statements should be clarified or removed.

The DLC has become unpopular within many progressive political circles such as the organizations Center for American Progress, Democracy for America, and the blogs Daily Kos and MyDD

Some critics claim the strategy of triangulation between the political left and right to gain broad appeal is fundamentally flawed. In the long run, so opponents say, this strategy results in concession after concession to the opposition, while alienating traditionally-allied voters.

Others critics cite that the low turnout of organized labor in the 1994 election after President Bill Clinton signed the North American Free Trade Agreement into law resulted in the Republican Party gaining a majority in the United States House of Representatives elections, 1994 and United States Senate elections, 1994 that would last for twelve years until 2006.

Author and Columnist David Sirota has strongly criticized the DLC, whom he claims have sold out to corporate interests, and has argued that the term "centrist" is a misnomer in that these politicians are out of touch with public opinion. Sirota's article "The Democrats' Da Vinci Code" argues that progressive politicians are more successful in so-called "red states" than the mainstream media have previously reported.

Others contend that the DLC's distaste for what they refer to as "economic class warfare" has allowed the language of populism to be monopolized by the right-wing. Many argue that the Democrats' abandonment of populism to the right-wing, shifting the form of that populism from the economic realm to the "culture wars", has been critical for Republican dominance of Middle America. (See, for instance, Thomas Frank's What's the Matter with Kansas.)

Still other critics believe the DLC has essentially become an influential corporate and right-wing implant in the Democratic party. Marshall Wittmann, a former senior fellow at the DLC, former legislative director for the Christian Coalition, and former communications director for Republican senator John McCain, and Will Marshall, a vocal supporter of the war in Iraq, are among those associated with the DLC who have right-wing credentials.

Finally, detractors of the DLC note that the DLC has received funding from the right-wing Bradley Foundation as well as from oil companies, military contractors, and various Fortune 500 companies.

2004 Presidential Primary

In May 2003, as the Democratic primary of the 2004 presidential campaign was starting to pick up, the organization voiced concern that the Democratic contenders might be taking positions too far left of the mainstream general electorate. Early front-runner Howard Dean, who attracted popular support due in large part to his anti-war views despite his reputation as a centrist governor of Vermont, was specifically criticized by DLC founder and CEO Al From. From's criticism of Dean was also likely due to the former governor's opposition to the war in Iraq, which most party centrists, including From, endorsed. Dean's claim to hail "from the Democratic wing of the Democratic Party" (a phrase originally used by Senator Paul Wellstone of Minnesota) has been interpreted by some as subtle criticism of the DLC and the New Democrats in general. Indeed, Dean once described the DLC as the "Republican wing of the Democratic Party." The DLC countered that Dean represented the "McGovern-Mondale wing" of the Democratic Party, "defined principally by weakness abroad and elitist, interest-group liberalism at home."

Senator John Kerry won the Democratic primary and chose primary contender Senator John Edwards as his running mate. Both Senators are members of the Senate New Democrat Coalition, and the DLC anticipated that they would win the general election. In a March 3, 2004 dispatch, they suggested voters would appreciate Kerry's centrist viewpoints, imagining voters to say "If this is a waffle, bring on the syrup."

2008 Presidential Primary

In the Democratic primary in 2008, Senator Hillary Clinton and her husband, former President Bill Clinton are both prominent members of the DLC, while presumptive nominee Senator Barack Obama opposes the DLC - in 2003, he discussed why his positions against NAFTA, the War in Iraq, and in support of universal healthcare were at odds with the DLC, saying that "...these positions make me an unlikely candidate for membership in the DLC. That is why I am not currently, nor have I ever been, a member of the DLC."

Chairs

(Titles listed are those held at time of assuming chair.)

References

Notes

  1. Rae, Nicol C. (1994). Southern Democrats. Oxford University Press. p. 113. ISBN 0195087097.
  2. DLC: Valuing Patriotism by Will Marshall

External links

Critics

Categories: