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The Iraq War
Conflict	Iraq War
Date	2003–present
Place	Iraq
Result	Overthrow of Saddam Hussein's regime
Major Combatants
Republic of Iraq (Saddam Hussein regime) Ba'ath Loyalists Iraqi insurgency	United States of America Flag of the United States United Kingdom Flag of the UK Coalition of the Willing Iraqi Transitional Government Forces
Victor: conflict ongoing
Categories
Military history of Iraq Military history of the United Kingdom Military history of the United States

For other uses, see Iraq war (disambiguation)

The Iraq WarTemplate:Fn (2003-present) is an ongoing conflict in the Middle Eastern country of Iraq, which began with the 2003 invasion of Iraq, and continues to the present in the form of an insurgent rebellion, claimed to be led or greatly assisted by non-Iraqi Muslim militant groups like Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda.

The 2003 invasion was undertaken by a multinational "Coalition of the willing" which included the United States and the United Kingdom, which had invaded Iraq and deposed Saddam Hussein's regime on the basis that Hussein was in posession of weapons of mass destruction, abused the human rights of Iraqi Citizens and had ties to al Qaeda. Some of the original claims were shown to be unfounded, and many citizens of the members of the "Coalition of the Willing" feel that involvment in Iraq is illegal.

During the Invasion and early occupation, an insurgency with roots in Iraq and many other Islamic states formed. Although the goals of Iraqi insurgents vary, many call for immediate U.S. withdrawal, although this insurgency is not strictly popular because the vast majority of Iraqi Citizens are not involved. This second phaseof the conflict began after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein and, despite the use of terroristic tactics by insurgents, the insurgency has gained some popularity in Coalition countries, especially among extremist-Left Wing politicians in the United States and United Kingdom. The Insurgency has sucessfully caused the withdrawal of troops by several minor coalition countries.

Invasion

Prior to invasion, the United States and other coalition forces involved in the 1991 Persian Gulf War had been engaged in a low-level conflict with Iraq, enforcing Iraqi no-fly zones. Iraqi air-defense installations were engaged on a fairly regular basis after repeatedly targeting American and British air patrols. In mid-2002, the U.S. began to change its response strategy, more carefully selecting targets in the southern part of the country in order to disrupt the military command structure in Iraq. A change in enforcement tactics was acknowledged at the time, but it was not made public that this was part of a plan known as Operation Southern Focus.

The tonnage of bombs dropped increased from 0 in March 2002 and 0.3 in April 2002 to between 7 and 14 tons per month in May-August, reaching a pre-war peak of 54.6 tons in September - prior to Congress' 11 October authorisation of the invasion. The September attacks included a 5 September 100-aircraft attack on the main air defence site in western Iraq. According to The New Statesman this was "Located at the furthest extreme of the southern no-fly zone, far away from the areas that needed to be patrolled to prevent attacks on the Shias, it was destroyed not because it was a threat to the patrols, but to allow allied special forces operating from Jordan to enter Iraq undetected."

On March 20, 2003 at approximately 02:30 UTC (05:30 local time), about 90 minutes after the lapse of the 48-hour deadline set by the coalition for Saddam Hussein and his sons to leave Iraq, explosions were heard in Baghdad and Australian Special Air Service Regiment personnel crossed the border into southern Iraq. At 03:15 UTC, or 10:15 pm EST, U.S. President George W. Bush announced that he had ordered the coalition to launch an "attack of opportunity" against targets in Iraq.

Before the invasion, many observers had expected a lengthy campaign of aerial bombing in advance of any ground action, taking as examples the Persian Gulf War or the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan. In practice, U.S. plans envisioned simultaneous air and ground assaults to decapitate the Iraqi forces as fast as possible (see Shock and Awe), attempting to bypass Iraqi military units and cities in most cases. The assumption was that superior U.S. mobility and coordination would allow the U.S. to attack the heart of the Iraqi command structure and destroy it in a short time, and that this would minimize civilian deaths and damage to infrastructure. It was expected that the elimination of the leadership would lead to the collapse of the army and the government, and that much of the population would support the invaders once the government had been weakened. Occupation of cities and attacks on peripheral military units were viewed as undesirable distractions.

Following Turkey's decision to deny any official use of its territory, the U.S. was forced to abandon a planned simultaneous attack from north and south, so the primary bases for the invasion were in Kuwait and other Persian Gulf nations. One result of this was that one of the divisions intended for the invasion was forced to relocate and was unable to take part in the invasion until well into the war.

The invasion was swift, with the collapse of the Iraq government and the military of Iraq in about three weeks. The oil infrastructure of Iraq was rapidly secured with limited damage in that time. Securing the oil infrastructure was considered important. In the first Persian Gulf War, while retreating from Kuwait, the Iraqi army had set many oil wells on fire, in an attempt to disguise troop movements and to distract Coalition forces--a side effect of these actions were many environmental problems. Presumably, oil infrastructure was secured for financial reasons as well as strategic. The British Royal Marines 3 Commando Brigade launched an air and amphibious assault on the Al-Faw peninsula during the closing hours of 20 March to secure the oil fields there; the amphibious assault was supported by frigates of the Royal Navy and Royal Australian Navy. The 15th Marine Expeditionary Unit, attached to 3 Commando Brigade, attacked the port of Umm Qasr. The British 16 Air Assault Brigade also secured the oilfields in southern Iraq in places like Rumaila.

In keeping with the rapid advance plan, the U.S. 3rd Infantry Division moved westward and then northward through the desert toward Baghdad, while the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force and 1 (UK) Armoured Division moved northward through marshland. All forces avoided major cities except when necessary to capture river crossings over the Tigris and Euphrates. The British 7 Armoured Brigade ('The Desert Rats') fought their way into Iraq's second-largest city, Basra, on 6 April, coming under constant attack by regulars and Fedayeen, while the 3rd Parachute Regiment cleared the 'old quarter' of the city that was inaccessible to vehicles. The entering of Basra had only been achieved after two weeks of conflict, which included the biggest tank battle by British forces since World War II when the Royal Scots Dragoon Guards destroyed 14 Iraqi tanks on 27 March. The UK's control of the city was, however, limited. Element's of 1 (UK) Armoured Division began to advance north towards U.S. positions around Al Amarah on 9 April. Pre-existing electrical and water shortages continued through the conflict and looting began as Iraqi forces collapsed. While British forces began working with local Iraqi Police to enforce order, humanitarian aid began to arrive from ships landing in the port city of Umm Qasr and trucks entering the country through Kuwait.

After a rapid initial advance, the first major pause occurred in the vicinity of Hillah and Karbala, where U.S. leading elements, hampered by dust storms, met resistance from Iraqi troops and paused for some days for re-supply before continuing toward Baghdad.

The 2nd Battalion of the U.S. 5th Special Forces Group (part of the Green Berets) conducted reconnaissance in the cities of Basra, Karbala and various other locations. In the North 10th SFG had the mission of aiding the Kurdish factions such as the Union of Kurdistan and the Democratic Party of Kurdistan. Turkey had officially forbidden any US troops from using their bases, so lead elements of the 10th had to make certain detours; their journey was supposed to take four hours but instead it took ten. However, Turkey did allow the use of its air space and so the rest of the 10th flew in. The mission was to destroy Ansar al-Islam and a Kurdish faction. The target was Sargat and after heavy fighting with both groups the special forces finally took Sargat and pushed the remaining units out of Northern Iraq. After Sargat was taken, Bravo Company along with their Kurdish Allies pushed south towards Tikrit and the surrounding towns of Northern Iraq. During the Battle of the Green Line, Bravo Company with their Kurdish allies pushed back, destroyed, or routed 13th Iraqi Armoured and Infantry Division. Bravo took Tikrit. The 173rd Airborne Brigade parachuted into H3, an Iraqi Airfield, and secured it for future use. Iraq was the largest deployment of Special Forces since Vietnam.

Fall of Baghdad

Three weeks into the invasion, U.S. forces moved into Baghdad. Initial plans were for armor units to surround the city and a street-to-street battle to commence using Airborne units. However, within days a "Thunder Run" of US tanks was launched to test Iraqi defenses, with about 30 tanks rushing from a staging base to the Baghdad airport. They met heavy resistance, including many suicide attacks, but launched another run two days later into the Palaces of Saddam Hussein, where they established a base. Within hours of the palace seizure, and television coverage of this spreading through Iraq, Iraqi resistance crumbled around the city. Iraqi government officials had either disappeared or had conceded defeat. On April 9 2003, Baghdad was formally secured by US forces and the power of Saddam Hussein was declared ended. Saddam had vanished, and his whereabouts were unknown. Many Iraqis celebrated the downfall of Saddam by vandalizing the many portraits and statues of him together with other pieces of his personality cult. One widely publicized event was the dramatic toppling of a large statue of Saddam in central Baghdad by a US tank, while a crowd of Iraqis apparently cheered the Marines on. The spontaneity of this event has been disputed, with evidence that it was staged by US forces. More detail is available under media coverage.

General Tommy Franks assumed control of Iraq as the supreme commander of occupation forces. Shortly after the sudden collapse of the defense of Baghdad, rumors were circulating in Iraq and elsewhere that there had been a deal struck (a "safqua") wherein the US had bribed key members of the Iraqi military elite and/or the Ba'ath party itself to stand down. In May 2003, General Franks retired, and confirmed in an interview with Defense Week that the U.S. had paid Iraqi military leaders to defect. The extent of the defections and their effect on the war are unclear.

Coalition troops promptly began searching for the key members of Saddam Hussein's government. These individuals were identified by a variety of means, most famously through sets of most-wanted Iraqi playing cards.

On 22 July 2003 during a raid by the U.S. 101st Airborne Division and men from Task Force 20, Saddam Hussein's sons Uday and Qusay, and one of his grandsons were killed.

Saddam Hussein was captured on December 13 2003 by the U.S. Army's 4th Infantry Division and members of Task Force 121 during Operation Red Dawn.

Seizure of other areas

In the north, Kurdish forces opposed to Saddam Hussein had already occupied for years an autonomous area in northern Iraq. With the assistance of U.S. Special Forces and airstrikes, they were able to rout the Iraqi units near them and to occupy oil-rich Kirkuk on 10 April.

U.S. special forces had also been involved in the extreme west of Iraq, attempting to occupy key roads to Syria and airbases. In one case two armored platoons were used to convince Iraqi leadership that an entire armored battalion was entrenched in the west of Iraq.

On 15 April, U.S. forces mostly took control of Tikrit, the last major outpost in central Iraq, with an attack led by the Marines' Task Force Tarawa (comprised of units from 1st Marine Expeditionary Force) and followed by elements of the Army's 4th Infantry Division.

Summary of the initial invasion

Coalition forces managed to topple the government and capture the key cities of a large nation in only 28 days, taking minimal losses while also trying to avoid large civilian deaths and even high numbers of dead Iraqi military forces. The invasion was, in a military context, a complete success, and did not require the huge army built up for the 1991 Gulf War, which numbered half a million Allied troops. This did prove short-sighted, however, due to requirement for a much larger force to combat the irregular Iraqi forces in the aftermath of the war.

The Saddam-built army had no weapons that could stand up to Coalition forces, and managed only to stage a few ambushes that gained a great deal of media attention but in reality did nothing to slow the Coalition advance. The Iraqi T-72 tanks, the heaviest armored vehicles in the Iraqi Army, were both outdated and ill-maintained, and when they did stand up to Coalition forces were destroyed quickly, thanks in part due to the Coalition's control of the air. The U.S. Air Force and British Royal Air Force operated with impunity throughout the country, pinpointing heavily defended enemy targets and destroying them before ground troops arrived.

The main battle tanks (MBT) of the Coalition forces, the U.S. M1 Abrams and British Challenger 2, proved their worth in the rapid advance across the country. Even with the large number of RPG attacks by irregular Iraqi forces, few Coalition tanks were lost and no tank crewmen was killed by hostile fire. All three British tank crew fatalities were a result of friendly fire. The only tank loss sustained by the British Army was a Challenger 2 of the Queen's Royal Lancers that was hit by another Challenger 2, killing two crewmen.

The Iraqi Army suffered from poor morale, even amongst the supposedly elite Republican Guard, and entire units simply melted away into the crowds upon the approach of Coalition troops. Other Iraqi Army officers were bribed by the CIA or coerced into surrendering to coalition forces. Worse, the Iraqi Army had incompetent leadership - reports state that Qusay Hussein, charged with the defense of Baghdad, dramatically shifted the positions of the two main divisions protecting Baghdad several times in the days before the arrival of U.S. forces, and as a result the units within were both confused and further demoralized when the U.S. Army attacked. By no means did the Coalition invasion force see the entire Iraqi military thrown against it, and it is assumed that most units disintegrated to either join the growing Iraqi insurgency or return to their homes.

"Mission Accomplished" (May 2003)

On 1 May 2003 George W. Bush landed on the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, in a Lockheed S-3 Viking, where he gave a speech announcing the end of major combat operations in the Iraq war. Bush's landing was criticized by opponents as an overly theatrical and expensive stunt. Clearly visible in the background was a banner stating "Mission Accomplished." The banner was requested by the crew of the carrier, but made by White House staff) and hung by the U.S. Navy. It was criticized by some as premature - especially later as the guerrilla war dragged on. However, one crewmember later stated the banner refered specifically to the aircraft carrier's mission and not the war itself. The White House also subsequently released a statement alleging that the sign and Bush's visit referred to the initial invasion of Iraq and disputing the claim of theatrics. The speech itself noted: "We have difficult work to do in Iraq. We are bringing order to parts of that country that remain dangerous." ()

"Major combat" concluding did not mean that peace had returned to Iraq. Iraq was subsequently marked by violent conflict between U.S.-led occupation of Iraq soldiers and forces described by the occupiers as insurgents. Some critics of the invasion (such as former CIA analyst Bill Christison (writing in Counterpunch) argue that there are parallels between the current situation in Iraq and the Vietnam War ). Many supporters of the invasion disagree, for example U.S. Senator John McCain, a Vietnam veteran, who said in a speech given to the U.S. Senate on April 7, 2004: "I know we do not face another Vietnam." Militarily speaking, the insurgency in Iraq bears little resemblance to the Vietnam war and lacks many key capabilities demonstrated by either the Viet Cong or North Vietnamese Army, including a unified command and control structure, a common strategic vision, or the ability to mass personnel in anything larger than platoon size elements.

The ongoing resistance in Iraq was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle which includes Baghdad . Critics point out that the regions where violence is most common are also the most populated regions, but this is not entirely true. The three provinces with the most number of attacks are Baghdad, Anbar, and Salah Ad Din. Combined they account for 32% of the population. Even this is misleading because Baghdad has a very low ratio of attacks per capita, indicating that it is only a small minority within the city that supports attacks. This resistance has been described as a type ofguerrilla warfare. Insurgent tactics include mortars, suicide bombers, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure.

There is evidence that some of the resistance was organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, Iraqis angered by the occupation, and foreign fighters. The insurgents are generally known to the Coalition forces as Anti-Iraqi Forces or AIF.

Military rule and occupation

See Post-invasion Iraq, 2003–2005 for a fuller discussion of the second phase of the war.

In the weeks that followed Bush's dramatic aircraft carrier landing, all types of crime significantly increased in Iraq due to the end of the Sadaam Hussein regime. The failure to restore basic services to above pre-war levels, where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption, and decaying infrastructure had left major cities functioning at much-reduced levels, also contributed to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council. On the 2nd of July 2003, President Bush declared that American troops would remain in Iraq in spite of the attacks, challenging the opponents with "My answer is, Bring 'em on", a line the president later expressed misgivings about having used. .

In the summer of 2003, the U.S. military focused on hunting down the remaining leaders of the former regime, culminating in the shooting deaths of Saddam's two sons in July. In all, over 200 top leaders of the former regime were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel. However, even as the Ba'ath party organization disintegrated, elements of the secret police and army began forming guerilla units, since in many cases they had simply gone home rather than openly fight the invading forces. These began to focus their attacks around Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah. In the fall, these units and other elements who called themselves freedom fighters began using ambush tactics, suicide bombings, and improvised explosive devices, targeting coalition forces and checkpoints. They favored attacking the unarmored Humvee vehicles, and in November they successfully attacked U.S. rotary aircraft with SAM-7 missiles bought on the global black market.

In December, Saddam himself was captured, and with the weather growing cooler, U.S. forces were able to operate in full armor or "battle rattle", which reduced their casualty figures. The provisional government began training a security force intended to defend critical infrastructure, and the U.S. promised over $20 billion in reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil revenues. Of this, less than half a billion dollars had been spent as of 10 months after it had been promised; instead, oil revenues were tapped for rebuilding schools, and for work on the electrical and refining infrastructure. At the same time, elements left out of the IPA began to agitate for elections. Most prominent among these was Ali al-Sistani, Grand Ayatollah in the Shia sect of Islam. More insurgents, some connected with international terrorist groups, and with conduits to neighboring Iran and Syria, stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad to Basra in the south.

In the spring, the United States and the IPA decided to crush the growing rebellion with a pair of assaults: one on Fallujah, the center of the "Mohammed's Army of Al-Ansar", and another on Najaf, home of an important mosque, which had become the focal point for the Mahdi Army and its activities. Just before the American attack on Fallujah, four private military contractors, working for Blackwater USA, were ambushed and their corpses mutilated by a large crowd, receiving a great deal of media attention. In the ensuing offensive, the United States was unable to dislodge the insurgents, and instead suffered repeated attacks on its own rear and flank. While the Marine Division attacking had clear superiority in ground firepower and air support, it decided to accept a truce and a deal which put a former Baathist general in complete charge of the town. The marines were then shifted south, because Italian and Polish forces were having increasing difficulties retaining control over Nasiriya and Najaf. The marines relieved the Poles and Italians, and put down the overt rebellion, but were unable to reestablish control over the centers of the towns. At the same time, British forces in Basra were faced with increasing restiveness, and became more selective in the areas they patrolled. In all, April, May and early June represented the bloodiest months of fighting since the end of hostilities, and little was resolved other than to establish a military stalemate. As well, the city of Fallujah fell under insurgent control despite the Marine's attempt to recapture it in Operation Vigilant Resolve. In the April battle for Fallujah, US troops killed about 600 insurgents and a number of civilians, while 40 Americans died and hundreds were wounded in a fierce battle. Due to these abrupt setbacks, the U.S. gradually began admitting that it was facing organized military forces capable of independent operations.

Sovereignty restored

In June, the United States transferred "limited sovereignty" to a caretaker government, whose first act was to begin the trial of Saddam Hussein. The government began the process of moving towards open elections, though the insurgency, and the lack of cohesion within the government itself, has lead to repeated delays. Militia leader Muqtada al-Sadr openly took control of Najaf, and after negotiations broke down the government asked the United States for help dislodging him. Through the months of July and August, a series of skirmishes in and around Najaf culminated with the Imman Ali Mosque itself under siege, only to have a peace deal brokered by al-Sistani in late August. Al-Sadr then declared a national cease fire, and opened negotiations with the American and government forces on disbanding his militia and entering the political process. These negotiations are still in progress.

Currently the Iraqi government, with significant numbers of holdovers from the Coalition Provisional Authority, is engaged in attempts to secure control of the oil infrastructure, the source of Iraq's foreign currency, and control of the major cities of Iraq. The continuing insurgencies, poor state of the Iraqi Army, disorganized condition of police and security forces, as well as the lack of revenue have hampered their efforts to assert control. In addition both former Baathist elements and militant Shia groups have engaged in sabotage, terrorism, open rebellion, and establishing their own security zones in all or part of a dozen cities. The Allawi government has vowed to crush resistance, using U.S. troops, but at the same time has negotiated with Muqtada al-Sadr.

Fighting continues

Beginning 8 November, American and Iraqi forces invaded the militant stronghold of Fallujah in Operation al-Fajr, capturing or killing many insurgents. Many rebels were thought to have fled the city before the invasion. U.S.-backed figures put insurgency losses at over 2,000. Ruined homes across the city attest to a strategy of overwhelming force. As well, it was the bloodiest single battle for the U.S. in the war, with 51 Americans dead and several hundred wounded. A video showing the killing of at least one unarmed and wounded man by an American serviceman surfaced, throwing renewed doubt and outrage at the efficiency of the US occupation. Though the marine was later cleared of any wrongdoing because the Marines had been warned that the enemy would sometimes feign death and booby-trap bodies as a tactic to lure Marines to their deaths. November was the deadliest month of the occupation for coalition troops, surpassing April.

In December, 14 American soldiers were killed and over a hundred injured when an explosion struck an open-tent mess hall in Mosul, where President Bush had displayed a Thanksgiving turkey the year before. It was one of the most costly attacks on U.S. troops during the war - the explosion is believed to have come from a suicide bomber.

On 31 January, an election for a government to draft a permanent constitution took place. Although some violence and lack of widespread Sunni participation marred the event, most of the eligible Kurd and Shia populace participated.

On 4 February, Paul Wolfowitz announced that 15,000 U.S. troops whose tours of duty had been extended in order to provide election security would be pulled out of Iraq by the next month. It was hoped to be the start of a gradual US withdrawal by many, but so far have proved untrue. February, March, and April proved to be relatively peaceful months compared to the carnage of November and January, with insurgent attacks averaging 30 a day from the average 70. This was also hoped by many to be the beginning of the end of the insurgency due to the renewed confidence in the elections, but this again proved untrue.

Hopes for a quick end to an insurgency and a withdrawal of U.S. troops where dashed at the advent of May, the Iraq's bloodiest month since the invasion of U.S. forces in March and April of 2003. Suicide bombers, believed to be many disheartened Iraqi Sunnis and Saudis, tore through Iraq. Its targets where often Shia gatherings or civilian concentrations mainly of Shias. As a result, over 700 Iraqi civilians died in the month, as well as 79 U.S. soldiers.

During early and mid-May, the U.S. also launched Operation Matador, an assault by around 1,000 marines in the ungoverned region of western Iraq. Its goal was the closing of suspected Insurgent supply routes of volunteers and materiel from Syria, and with the fight they received their assumption proved correct. Fighters armed with Flak Jackets (unseen in the insurgency by this time) and sporting sophisticated tactics met the marines, eventually inflicting 30 U.S. casualties by the operation's end, suffering 125 casualties themselves. The marines succeeded, recapturing the whole region and even fighting insurgents all the way to the Syrian border, where they where forced to stop (Syrian residents living nearby the border heard the American bombs very clearly during the operation). The vast majority of this armed and trained insurgents learned from the past, and quickly dispersed before the U.S. could bring the full force of its firepower on them, as it did in Fallujah.

On August 14, 2005 the Washington Post , in a story widely picked up by other news media, reported that

the United States no longer expects to see a model new democracy, a self-supporting oil industry or a society in which the majority of people are free from serious security or economic challenges, U.S. officials say. "What we expected to achieve was never realistic given the timetable or what unfolded on the ground," said a senior official involved in policy since the 2003 invasion.

Notes

Template:FnbThe conflict is also commonly referred to as Gulf War II or the Second Gulf War, to distinguish it from the 1991 Persian Gulf War.

Related articles

• Iraq disarmament crisis
  • Iraq and weapons of mass destruction
  • United States and weapons of mass destruction
  • The UN Security Council and the Iraq war
  • Governments' pre-war positions on invasion of Iraq
  • American government position on invasion of Iraq

• Predicted effects of invading Iraq
  • Criticism of the Iraq War
    • "The French Were Right"
    • Protests against the invasion of Iraq
    • Popular opposition to war on Iraq
  • American popular opinion of invasion of Iraq

• 2003 invasion of Iraq
  • Casualties of the conflict in Iraq since 2003
  • Invasion and occupation of Iraq casualties
  • List of people associated with the 2003 invasion of Iraq
    • Australian contribution to the 2003 invasion of Iraq
    • Deployment of Japanese troops to Iraq
    • Polish contribution to the 2003 invasion of Iraq
      • "You forgot Poland"
  • 2003 in Iraq

• Occupation of Iraq timeline
  • Human rights in post-Saddam Iraq
  • Iraqi insurgency
  • Reconstruction of Iraq
  • Post-invasion Iraq, 2003-2005
  • List of Coalition aircraft crashes in Iraq
  • 2004 in Iraq
  • 2005 in Iraq

History and related concepts

• British Mandate of Iraq
• Dover test
• Military rule
• 2004 energy crisis

External link

• Dollar cost of war

• Current events
• Iraqi insurgency
• 2003 Iraq conflict