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The Battle of the Alamo
Part of the Texas Revolution
Plan of the Alamo, by José Juan Sánchez-Navarro, 1836.
Date February 23–March 6, 1836 Location San Antonio, Texas Result Mexican victory
Belligerents
Republic of Mexico	Republic of Texas
Commanders and leaders
Antonio López de Santa Anna	William Travis† Jim Bowie†
Strength
2,400	180–260
Casualties and losses
400–600 killed or wounded	182–257 killed

The Battle of the Alamo (February 23 – March 6, 1836) is the most famous battle of the Texas Revolution. After an insurgent army of Texian settlers and adventurers from the United States drove all Mexican troops out of Mexican Texas, President Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna led an invasion to regain control of the area. Mexican forces arrived in San Antonio de Bexar on February 23 and initiated a siege of the Texian forces garrisoned at the Alamo Mission.

In the early morning hours of March 6 the Mexican army launched an assault on the Alamo. The outnumbered Texians repulsed two attacks, but were unable to fend off a third. As Mexican soldiers scaled the walls, most of the Texian soldiers retreated into the long barracks or the chapel. Several small groups who were unable to reach these points attempted to escape and were killed outside the walls by the waiting Mexican cavalry. The Mexican soldiers fought room-to-room and soon had control over Alamo. Between five and seven Texians may have surrendered; if so, they were quickly executed on Santa Anna's orders. Most eyewitness accounts reported between 182 and 257 Texian dead, while most Alamo historians agree that 400–600 Mexicans were killed or wounded. Of the Texians who fought during the battle, only two survived: Joe, spared because he was a slave, and Brigido Guerrero, a Mexican Army deserter who convinced Mexican soldiers he had been imprisoned. Women and children, primarily family members of the Texian soldiers, were questioned by Santa Anna and then released.

On Santa Anna's orders, three of the survivors were sent to Gonzales to spread word of the Texian defeat. After hearing this news, Texian army commander Sam Houston ordered a retreat; this sparked the Runaway Scrape, a mass exodus of citizens and the Texas government towards the east (away from the Mexican army). News of the Alamo's fall prompted many Texas colonists to join Houston's army. On the afternoon of April 21 the Texian army attacked Santa Anna's forces in the Battle of San Jacinto. During the battle many Texians shouted "Remember the Alamo!" Santa Anna was captured and forced to order his troops out of Texas, ending Mexican control of the area, now known as the Republic of Texas.

By March 24 a list of names of the Texians who died at the Alamo had begun to be compiled. The first history of the battle was published in 1843, but serious study of the battle did not begin until after the 1931 publication of Amelia W. Williams's dissertation attempting to identify all of the Texians who died at the Alamo. The first full-length, non-fiction book covering the battle was published in 1948. The battle was first depicted in film in the 1911 silent film The Immortal Alamo, and has since been featured in numerous movies, including one directed by John Wayne. The Alamo church building has been designated an official Texas state shrine, with the Daughters of the Republic of Texas acting as permanent caretakers.

Background

In 1835 federalists across Mexico began to revolt against the increasingly dictatorial reign of President Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. In October, settlers in Mexican Texas launched an armed uprising against the Mexican government. Santa Anna immediately began preparations to invade Texas and end the Texas Revolution. His invasion force, named the Army of Operations in Texas, was comprised primarily of raw recruits, including conscripts and convicts.

As Santa Anna assembled his forces in Mexico, the Texians systematically defeated the Mexican troops already stationed in Texas. After the surrender of Santa Anna's brother-in-law, General Martin Perfecto de Cos, on December 9, no Mexican troops remained in Texas. Unprepared for a long campaign, many Texas settlers had left the Texian Army; by the time Cos surrendered, the Texian Army was dominated by recent arrivals to the region, primarily adventurers from the United States. According to historian Alwyn Barr, their presence "contributed to the Mexican view that Texian opposition stemmed from outside influences".

Santa Anna was angered by what he perceived as American interference in Mexican affairs. At his behest, the Mexican Congress authorized the army to treat any foreigners found fighting in Texas as pirates. The resolution effectively banned the taking of prisoners of war; in this time period, captured pirates were executed immediately. Santa Anna reiterated this message in a a strongly worded letter to United States President Andrew Jackson. The letter was not widely distributed, and it is unlikely that most of the American recruits serving in the Texian Army were aware that there would be no prisoners of war.

When Mexican troops departed San Antonio de Bexar (now San Antonio, Texas), Texian soldiers took control of the Alamo Mission, a former religious outpost now used as a makeshift fort. Described by Santa Anna as an "irregular fortification hardly worthy of the name", the Alamo had been designed to withstand an attack by native tribes, not artillery. Texian engineer Green B. Jameson wrote that, "You can plainly see that the Alamo never was built by a military people for a fortress". The complex sprawled across 3 acres (1.2 ha), providing almost 1,320 feet (400 m) of perimeter to be defended. An interior plaza ranged 150 yards (140 m) long and 62 yards (57 m) wide. To the west of the plaza lay the chapel, 75 feet (23 m) long and 62 feet (19 m) wide with 4 feet (1.2 m) thick walls. To the south was a one-story building, 114 feet (35 m) long, which served as a barracks and was known as the Low Barracks. A wooden palisade stretched between the chapel and the low barracks. On the east was the Long Barracks, formerly the convent, which was two stories high, 186 feet (57 m) long and 18 feet (5.5 m) wide. At the northern corner of the east wall stood a cattle pen, with a horse corral between it and the plaza. The walls surrounding the complex were at least 2.75 feet (0.84 m) thick and ranged from 9 feet (2.7 m) to 12 feet (3.7 m) high.

After the Mexican withdrawal, Jameson made many improvements to the fortifications. To compensate for a lack of firing ports, Jameson constructed catwalks to allow defenders to fire over the walls; this method, however, would leave the shooter's upper body exposed. In several places, earthen breastworks were constructed several feet back from the walls to provide a secondary defense. Jameson then installed the Mexican cannon along the walls, telling Texian army commander Sam Houston that the Texians could "whip 10 to 1 with our artillery".

The Texian garrison was woefully undermanned and underprovisioned. As of January 6,1836 only 100 soldiers remained at the Alamo. Colonel James C. Neill, the acting Alamo commander, wrote to the provisional government: "If there has ever been a dollar here I have no knowledge of it". Neill requested additional troops and supplies, mentioning his fear that the garrison could not withstand a siege greater than four days. The Texian government was in turmoil and unable to provide much assistance. A week after Neill sent his letter, the Texian provisional legislature impeached the governor, who in turn disbanded the legislature. The interim constitution had given neither party the authority to take those actions, and no one in Texas was entirely sure who was in charge. In the confusion, four different men claimed to have been given command over the entire army: Houston, James Fannin, Frank W. Johnson, and Dr. James Grant. Neill chose to approach Houston for help, and on January 14 sent a message complaining about the lack of supplies, clothing, and ammunition.

Prelude to battle

After considering both Jameson and Neill's comments, Houston realized that it would be difficult for the Texians to hold the Alamo. Houston ordered Colonel James Bowie to help Neill move the artillery out of the Alamo and destroy the complex. On his arrival in Bexar on January 19, Bowie discovered that the Alamo garrison lacked draft animals, making it impossible to transport the artillery. Neill soon convinced Bowie that the fortress should not be abandoned. In a letter to Governor Henry Smith, Bowie reiterated his view that "the salvation of Texas depends in great measure on keeping Bexar out of the hands of the enemy. It serves as the frontier picquet guard, and if it were in the possession of Santa Anna, there is no stronghold from which to repel him in his march toward the Sabine." The letter to Smith ended, "Colonel Neill and myself have come to the solemn resolution that we will rather die in these ditches than give it up to the enemy." Bowie also wrote to the provisional government, asking for "men, money, rifles, and cannon powder". Smith ordered a cavalry officer, William B. Travis, to raise a company to reinforce the Alamo. Travis arrived in Bexar with 30 men on February 3. Five days later, Davy Crockett arrived.

On February 11, Neill went on furlough, likely to recruit additional reinforcements and gather supplies for the garrison. He transitioned command to Travis, the highest-ranking regular army officer in the garrison. Most of the men currently in the garrison were volunteers, and rather than accept Travis's appointment they chose Bowie, who had a reputation as a fierce fighter, as their commander. Bowie celebrated his election by getting very drunk and creating havoc in Bexar. To mitigate some of the ill feelings he caused, Bowie soon agreed to share command with Travis.

The Texians were unaware that Santa Anna had begun his preparations the year before and were convinced that no action would have been taken until after Cos was defeated in December. However, in late December, the Mexican Army of Operations began marching north. After a two-week break in Saltillo to train the new recruits in how to use their weapons, the army crossed the Rio Grande on February 12. Progress was slow, and rations ran short. Temperatures in Texas reached record lows, and by February 13 an estimated 15–16 inches (38–41 cm) of snow had fallen. Hypothermia and dystenery killed some soldiers; Comanche raiding parties killed others.

Residents of Bexar began warning the Texians of the Mexican army approach as early as February 16; Travis disregarded the rumors. On February 21, Santa Anna and his vanguard reached the banks of the Medina River, 25 miles (40 km) from Bexar. With no idea that the Mexican army was so close, the majority of the Alamo garrison joined Bexar residents at a February 22 fiesta to celebrate George Washington's birthday. After learning of the planned celebration, Santa Anna ordered General Ramirez y Sesma to seize the Alamo while the garrison was unprotected; sudden rains halted the raid.

Siege

Mexican army arrival

Fearing the Mexican army's imminent arrival, many Bexar residents left on February 23. When Travis discovered their reasons for fleeing, he stationed one of his soldiers in the San Fernando church bell tower to keep watch. That afternoon, Travis sent scouts to look for signs of an approaching army; they returned quickly, having seen Mexican troops 1.5 miles (2.4 km) outside the town. The garrison was completely unprepared for the arrival of the Mexican army and had no food in the mission. The men quickly herded cattle into the Alamo and scrounged for food in some of the recently abandoned houses. A few members of the garrison brought their families into the Alamo for safety. Among these were Alamaron Dickinson, who fetched his wife Susanna and their daughter Angelina, and Bowie, who brought his deceased wife's cousins, Gertrudis Navarro and Juana Navarro Alsbury and Alsbury's young son into the fort.

Travis quickly dispatched couriers to Gonzales and Goliad with pleas for reinforcements. By late afternoon Bexar was occupied by about 1500 Mexican troops, who quickly raised a blood-red flag signifying no quarter. Travis responded with a blast from the Alamo's largest cannon. Believing that Travis had acted hastily, Bowie sent Jameson to meet with Santa Anna. Travis was angered that Bowie had acted unilaterally and sent his own emissary to the Mexican army. The emissaries met with Colonel Juan Almonte and Jose Bartres. According to Almonte, the Texians asked for an honorable surrender but were informed that any surrender must be unconditional. On learning this, Bowie and Travis mutually agreed to fire the cannon again. Although Santa Anna later reported that the cannon fire killed two Mexican soldiers and wounded eight others, no other Mexican officer reported fatalities from that day.

Investment

The first night of the siege was relatively quiet. Santa Anna sent General Ventura Mora's cavalry to circle to the north and east of the Alamo to prevent the arrival of Texian reinforcements. Six hundred more of Sesma's troops arrived on the first full day of siege. The reinforcements allowed Santa Anna to post a company of soldiers east of the Alamo, on the road to Gonzales. After hearing rumors that Fannin was marching towards Bexar with Texian reinforcements, Santa Anna stationed Almonte and 800 dragoons along the road to Goliad to intercept them.

In the first few days of the siege, Mexican soldiers established artillery batteries, initially about 1000 feet (300 m) from the south and east walls of the Alamo. A third battery, at the old Powderhouse, was southeast of the fort. Each night the cordon drew tighter as the batteries inched closer to the Alamo walls.

On March 3, The Texians watched from the walls as approximately 1000 Mexican troops, attired in dress uniform, marched into Bexar's military plaza to reinforce Santa Anna. The Mexican army celebrated loudly throughout the afternoon, both in honor of their reinforcements and at the news that troops under General Jose de Urrea had soundly defeated Texian Colonel Frank W. Johnson at the Battle of San Patricio on February 27. Most of the Texians in the Alamo believed that Sesma had been leading the Mexican forces during the siege, and they mistakenly attributed the celebration to the arrival of Santa Anna. The reinforcements brought the number of Mexican soldiers in Bexar to almost 2,400.

Skirmishes

The first fatality of the siege occurred on February 24, when Texians killed a Mexican soldier as he and other scouts crossed a footbridge over the San Antonio River; the other scouts quickly retreated. The following morning, about 200–300 Mexican soldiers crossed the San Antonio River and took cover in abandoned shacks near the Alamo walls. Several men volunteered to burn the huts, despite the fact that it was broad daylight and they would be within musket range of the Mexican soldiers. Those who remained behind provided cover with rifle and cannon fire. The skirmish lasted approximately two hours. No Texians were injured, but two Mexican soldiers were killed and four wounded. Mexican troops retreated into Bexar as the huts burned. That evening, Texians ventured out again to burn more of the huts and returned unmolested.

The Mexican army kept up a consistent barrage of artillery shells. During the first week of the siege over 200 Mexican cannon shots landed in the Alamo plaza. The Texians often picked up the cannonballs and reused them. At first the Texians matched Mexican artillery fire, but on February 26 Travis ordered the artillery to conserve powder and shot. Crockett and his men were encouraged to keep shooting, as they rarely missed and thus didn't waste ammunition.

A blue norther blew in that evening and dropped the temperature to 39 °F (4 °C). Neither army was prepared for the cold temperatures. Several Texians ventured out to gather firewood but returned empty-handed after encountering Mexican troops. On the evening of February 26, the Texians burned more huts. Santa Anna sent Colonel Juan Bringas to engage the Texians, and according to Edmondson, one Texian was killed.

Texian troop movements

The sudden arrival of the Mexican army caught several Texians outside the fort. Most did not try to sneak past Mexican lines, but on the night of February 23, Gregorio Esparza and his family climbed through the window of the Alamo chapel to join the Texians. At some point on Wednesday, February 24, Bowie collapsed from illness, leaving Travis in sole command of the garrison. That afternoon Travis wrote a letter addressed To the People of Texas & All Americans in the World, which is, according to historian Mary Deborah Petite, "considered by many as one of the masterpieces of American patriotism". Copies of the letter were distributed across Texas, and it was eventually reprinted throughout the United States and much of Europe.

Travis sent multiple other letters pleading for reinforcements. As news of the siege spread throughout the colonies, settlers gathered in Gonzales, waiting for Fannin to arrive with more troops so that they could all reinforce the Alamo. On February 27, some of the men from Gonzales became impatient and began their march towards Bexar. That same night, Travis ordered Samuel G. Bastian to go to Gonzales "to hurry up reinforcements". According to historian Thomas Ricks Lindley, Bastian soon found the group from Gonzales and volunteered to lead them to the Alamo. The group encountered a roving patrol of Mexican soldiers, which drove off four of the men, including Bastian. A total of 32 reinforcements reached the Alamo; in the darkness, the Texians thought this was a party of Mexican soldiers and fired, wounding one of the volunteers. The wounded man's English curses convinced the defenders to open the gates.

Meanwhile, Fannin had finally decided to offer assistance. On the morning of February 26, he led 320 men, 4 cannon, and several supply wagons began the 90 miles (140 km) march from Goliad to the Alamo. By the end of the day, they had traveled less than 1 mile (1.6 km). The following day the group returned to Presidio La Bahia in Goliad. Fannin blamed the retreat on his officers, who he said requested that the trip be cancelled once they received word that General Urrea's army was marching towards Goliad. The officers and men in the expedition claimed that Fannin decided on his own to abort the mission.

According to Lindley, after Fannin's aborted rescue mission up to 50 of his men, most of whom had been in Thomas H. Breece's company of New Orleans Greys, left Goliad to rescue their former mates in the Alamo. On March 3, these men joined a group waiting at Cibolo Creek for Fannin. That day in Bexar, Mexican reinforcements arrived. Probably in response, that evening Travis sent three men, including Davy Crockett, to find Fannin's force, which they still believed was en route. Lindley stated that just before midnight, Crockett reached Cibolo Creek and found the force of Texians waiting 20 miles (32 km) from the Alamo. Just before daylight on March 4, part of the Texian force managed to break through the Mexican lines and enter the Alamo. A second group was driven across the prairie by Mexican soldiers. Almonte's journal reported that there was an engagement that night, but that the Mexican troops had repulsed the assault.

Assault preparations

On March 4, the day after his reinforcements arrived, Santa Anna called his senior officers together and proposed an assault of the fort. Many of the participants recommended that the battle wait for the two 12 lb (5.4 kg) cannons, anticipated to arrive on March 7. A local woman, likely Juana Navarro Alsbury, approached Santa Anna that evening and attempted to negotiate a surrender for the Alamo defenders. According to many historians, this visit likely increased Santa Anna's impatience; as historian Timothy Todish noted, "there would have been little glory in a bloodless victory". The following morning, Santa Anna announced to his staff that the assault would take place early on March 6.

That evening, James Allen became the last courier to leave the Alamo. He carried personal messages from Travis and several of the other men. Legend holds that at some point on March 5, Travis gathered his men and explained that an attack was likely imminent, and that the Mexican Army would prevail. He supposedly drew a line in the sand and asked those willing to die for the Texian cause to cross and stand alongside him. A bedridden Bowie requested that Crockett and several others carry his cot over the line, leaving only one man, Louis "Moses" Rose on the other side. Explaining that he was not yet ready to die, Rose deserted that evening. This episode was first mentioned in a newspaper article written thirty-five years later by a reporter who said his parents heard the story directly from Rose. The reporter later admitted to embellishing pieces of the article, and as Rose had died by the time the story was published, the story could not be authenticated. Years after the story was published, Alamo survivors Susannah Dickinson and Enrique Esparza mentioned the incident, but many details conflicted.

At 10 pm, the Mexican artillery ceased their bombardment. As Santa Anna had planned, the exhausted Texians soon fell into the first uninterrupted sleep many had gotten since the siege began.

Final assault

Exterior fighting

Just after midnight on March 6 the Mexican army began preparing for the final assault. The troops were divided into four columns, commanded by Cos, Colonel Francisco Duque, Colonel Jose Marie Romero, and Colonel Juan Morales. Four hundred reserves remained in camp under the authority of Santa Anna, while the Mexican cavalry were positioned around the Alamo to prevent escape of either Texians or Mexican soldiers. Despite the bitter cold, the soldiers were ordered not to wear overcoats, which could impede their movements. Clouds concealed the moon, and thus the movements of the soldiers.

At 5:30 a.m. Santa Anna gave the order to advance. They silently moved forward, with veterans positioned on the outside of the columns to better control the new recruits in the middle. Cos and his men approached the northwest corner of the Alamo, while Duque led his men from the northwest to the breach in the north wall of the Alamo. The column commanded by Romero marched towards the east wall, and Morales's column aimed for the low parapet by the chapel. In front of each column ranged several lines of light infantry, poised to "pick off any defenders who showed their heads". Although the Texians had posted three sentinels outside the walls, the men had fallen asleep and were killed before they could give an alert.

The silence was soon broken by shouts of "Viva Santa Anna!" Buglers sounded "Attention", then "Charge", then El Degüello, which signified that no quarter would be offered the defenders. The Texians awakened and rushed to their posts. As Travis ran to his post, he shouted, "Come on boys, the Mexicans are upon us and we'll give them hell!" and, as he passed a group of Tejanos, "!No rendirse, muchachos!" ("No surrender, boys"). Most of the noncombatants gathered in the church sacristy for safety; according to Susana Dickinson, before running to his post, Crockett stopped briefly in the chapel to pray. By this point, the Mexican army was already within musket range.

In the initial moments of the assault Mexican troops were at a disadvantage. Their column formation allowed only the front rows of soldiers to safely fire. The untrained recruits in the ranks did not realize this, and "blindly fir their guns", injuring or killing the troops in front of them. The tight concentration of troops also offered an excellent target for the Texian artillery. Lacking canister shot, Texians filled their cannon with any metal they could find, including door hinges, nails, and chopped-up horseshoes, essentially turning the cannon into giant shotguns. According to the diary of José Enrique de la Peña, "a single cannon volley did away with half the company of chasseurs from Toluca". Duque fell from his horse after suffering a wound in his thigh and was almost trampled by his own men. General Manuel Castrillon quickly assumed command of Duque's column.

Although some in the front of the Mexican ranks wavered, soldiers in the rear pushed them on. Soldiers of the first two columns gathered against the west and north walls, protected from Texian artillery and rifle fire. As the troops massed against the walls, Texians were forced to lean over the walls to shoot, leaving them exposed to Mexican fire. Travis was struck in the head with a musket ball as he discharged both barrels of his shotgun into the soldiers below and became one of the first defenders to die. Few of the Mexican ladders reached the walls; those that arrived were poorly made. The few soldiers who were able to climb the ladders were quickly killed or beaten back. As the Texians discharged their previously loaded rifles, they found it increasingly difficult to reload while attempting to keep Mexican soldiers from scaling the walls.

At the north end of the Alamo, the Mexican columns withdrew. Morales's column at the south retreated into huts near the southwest corner of the mission. After regrouping, the Mexican soldiers attacked again and were again repulsed. Fifteen minutes into the battle, they attacked a third time. During the third strike, Romero's column, aiming for the east wall, were exposed to cannon fire and shifted to the north, mingling with the second column. Cos's column, under fire from Texians on the west wall, also veered north. When Santa Anna saw that the bulk of his army was massed against the north wall, he thought the army was being routed; "panicked", he sent the reserves into the same area. The Mexican soldiers closest to the north wall realized that the makeshift wall contained many gaps and toeholds. One of the first to scale the 12 feet (3.7 m) wall was General Juan Amador; at his challenge, his men began swarming up the wall. Amador opened the postern in the north wall, allowing Mexican soldiers to pour into the complex. Men in Cos's column began climbing through gun ports in the west wall, which had few defenders. As the Texian defenders abandoned the north wall and the northern end of the west wall, Texian gunners at the south end of the mission turned their cannon toward the north and began firing into the incoming Mexican soldiers. This left the south end of the mission unprotected, and Morales's men left the huts where they had taken refuge and raced to the mission. Within minutes they had climbed the walls and killed the gunners, gaining control of the Alamo's 18 lb (8.2 kg) cannon. By this time Romero's men had taken the east wall of the compound and were pouring in through the cattle pen.

Interior fighting

As previously planned, most of the Texians fell back to the barracks and the chapel. During the siege, Texians had carved holes in many of the walls of these rooms so that they would be able to fire. The defenders in the cattle pen retreated into the horse corral. Those carrying weapons fired into Romero's column. The small band of Texians then scrambled over the low wall, circled behind the church and raced on foot for the east prairie, where no Mexican soldiers could be seen. Sesma's waiting cavalry attacked. Almeron Dickinson and his artillery crew turned a cannon around and fired into the cavalry, probably inflicting some casualties. Nevertheless, the cavalry killed all of these escaping Texians.

Unable to reach the barracks, another group of Texians, stationed along the west wall, charged west for the San Antonio River. When the cavalry charged, the Texians took cover and began firing from a ditch. Sesma was forced to send reinforcements, and the Texians were eventually killed. Sesma reported that this skirmish involved 50 Texians, but Edmondson believes that number was inflated.

Crockett and his men, defending the low wall in front of the church, were the last remaining Texian group in the open. Unable to reload, they used their rifles as clubs and fought with knives. After a volley of fire from Mexican soldiers and a wave of Mexican soldiers with bayonets, the few remaining Texians in this group fell back toward the church. The Mexican army now controlled all of the outer walls and the interior of the Alamo compound except for the church and rooms along the east and west walls. Mexican soldiers turned their attention to a Texian flag waving from the roof of one building. Four soldiers died trying to replace the flag, but Lieutenant Jose Maria Torres managed to raise the flag of Mexico before being mortally wounded.

It took an hour for the Mexican army to secure complete control of the Alamo. Many of the remaining defenders were ensconced in the barracks rooms, whose doors had been "buttressed by semicircular parapets of dirt secured with cowhides". Trenches had been dug in the floor of some of the rooms to provide some cover for the defenders. In the confusion, the Texians had neglected to spike their cannons before retreating. Mexican soldiers turned the cannons toward the barracks. As each door was blown off, Mexican soldiers would fire a volley of muskets into the dark room, then charge in for hand-to-hand combat. De la Pena's diary remarked that some Texians hung white flags through the doorways of their barracks rooms, but that they had no intentions of surrendering; a Mexican soldier who entered the room without firing would find himself attacked.

Too sick to participate in the battle, Bowie remained in his sickbed in one of the rooms. Eyewitnesses to the battle gave conflicting accounts of Bowie's death. Some witnesses maintained that they saw several Mexican soldiers enter Bowie's room, bayonet him, and carry him, alive, from the room. Other witnesses claimed that Bowie shot himself or was killed by soldiers while too weak to lift his head. Alcade Francisco Ruiz said that Bowie was found "dead in his bed." According to historian Wallace Chariton, the "most popular, and probably the most accurate" version is that Bowie died on his cot, "back braced against the wall, and using his pistols and his famous knife."

The last of the Texians to die were the eleven men manning the two 12 lb (5.4 kg) cannon in the chapel. The entrance to the church had been barricaded with sandbags, which the Texians were able to fire over. A shot from the 18 lb (8.2 kg) cannon destroyed the barricades, and Mexican soldiers entered the building after firing an initial musket volley. Dickinson's crew fired their cannon from the apse into the Mexican soldiers at the door. With no time to reload, the Texians, including Dickinson, Gregorio Esparza, and Bonham, grabbed rifles and fired before being bayoneted to death. Texian Robert Evans, the master of ordnance, had been tasked with keeping the gunpowder from falling into Mexican hands. Wounded, he crawled towards the powder magazine but was killed by a musket ball with his torch only inches from the powder. If he had succeeded, the blast would have destroyed the church, killing the women and children hiding in the sacristy as well.

As soldiers approached the sacristy, one of the sons of defender Anthony Wolf stood to pull a blanket over his shoulders. In the dark, Mexican soldiers mistook him for an adult and killed him. According to Edmondson, Wolf then ran into the room, grabbed his remaining son, and leaped with the child from the cannon ramp at the rear of the church; both were killed by musket shots before hitting the ground. Possibly the last Texian to die in battle was Jacob Walker, who attempted to hide behind Susannah Dickinson and the other women; four Mexican soldiers killed him in front of them. Another Texian, Brigido Guerrero, also sought refuge in the sacristy. Guerrero, who had deserted from the Mexican Army in December 1835, was spared after convincing the soldiers he was a prisoner of the Texians.

By 6:30 a.m. the battle for the Alamo was over. Mexican soldiers inspected each corpse, bayoneting any body that moved. Even with all of the Texians dead, Mexican soldiers continued to shoot, some killing each other in the confusion. Mexican generals were unable to stop the bloodlust and appealed to Santa Anna for help. Although he showed himself, the violence continued, and the buglers were finally ordered to sound a retreat. For 15 minutes after that, soldiers continued to fire into dead bodies.

Aftermath

Casualties

According to many accounts of the battle, between five and seven Texians surrendered. Edmondson speculates that these men might have been sick or wounded and were therefore unable to fight. Incensed that his orders had been ignored, Santa Anna demanded the immediate execution of the survivors. Although several officers refused the order, others drew their swords and killed the unarmed Texians. Weeks after the battle, stories began to circulate that Crockett was among those who surrendered. However, Ben, a former American slave who served one of Santa Anna's officers, maintained that Crockett's body was found surrounded by "no less than sixteen Mexican corpses", with Crockett's knife buried in one of them. Historians disagree on which version of Crockett's death is accurate.

Santa Anna ordered that the face of every corpse be wiped clean so that they could positively identify which soldiers were Mexican and which were Texian. According to Francisco Ruiz, possibly the alcade of Bexar, he was ordered by Santa Anna to identify the bodies of Travis, Bowie, and Crockett. Joe was also asked to point out Travis's body. With the identifications complete, Santa Anna ordered that the Texian bodies be stacked and burned. The only exception was the body of Gregorio Esparza, whose brother Francisco served in Santa Anna's army and received permission to give Gregorio a proper burial.

In his initial report Santa Anna claimed that 600 Texians had been killed, with only 70 Mexican soldiers killed and 300 wounded. His secretary, Ramon Martinez Caro, later remarked that he had not wished to make a false report but had done so under Santa Anna's orders. Other eyewitnesses counted between 182–257 Texians killed. Francisco Ruiz counted 182 Texian bodies burned on the funeral pyre. A number of bodies were found in the fields north of the Alamo, likely those of men who had tried to escape but were killed by the cavalry. Some historians believe that at least one Texian, Henry Warnell, successfully escaped from the battle. Warnell died several months later of wounds incurred either during the final battle or during his escape as a courier.

The ashes were left where they fell until February 1837, when Juan Seguin and many members of his cavalry returned to Bexar to examine the remains. At Seguin's behest, the bells at the San Fernando Cathedral pealed all day. A local carpenter created a simple coffin inscribed with the names Travis, Crockett, and Bowie. According to a March 28, 1937 article in the Telegraph and Texas Register, Seguin buried the coffin with other ashes from the largest funeral pyre. The burial location was thought to be under a peach tree grove, but the spot was not marked and cannot now be identified. However, in 1899 Seguin claimed that he had placed the coffin in front of the altar at the San Fernando Cathedral. In July 1936 a coffin was discovered buried in that location, but according to historian Wallace Chariton it is unlikely to actually contain the remains of the Alamo defenders. Fragments of uniforms were found in the coffin, and it is known that the Alamo defenders did not wear uniforms.

Estimates of the number of Mexican soldiers who died ranged from 60–2000, with an additional 250–300 wounded. Most Alamo historians agree that 400–600 Mexicans were killed or wounded. This would represent about one-third of the Mexican soldiers involved in the final assault, which Todish remarks is "a tremendous casualty rate by any standards".

Santa Anna reportedly told Captain Fernando Urizza that the battle "was but a small affair". Lieutenant Colonel José Juan Sanchez Navarro, however, realized the outcome was a Pyrrhic victory and remarked that "with another such victory as this, we'll go to the devil". Santa Anna ordered Ruiz to supervise the burial of the Mexican soldiers in the local cemetery, Campo Santo. Ruiz claimed that the graveyard was near full and that he instead threw some of the corpses in the river. However, in a report that Sam Houston filed on March 13, he said that all Mexicans were buried.

Texian survivors

Santa Anna spared several of the Texians found at the Alamo. He freed both Travis's slave, Joe, and Bowie's freedman, Sam, because they were or had been slaves, and he hoped the act of mercy would convince other slaves in Texas to support the Mexican government over the Texian rebellion. The surviving noncombatants were interviewed individually by Santa Anna on March 7. Impressed with Susanna Dickinson, Santa Anna offered to adopt her infant daughter Angelina and have the child educated in Mexico City. Susanna Dickinson refused the offer, which was not extended to Juana Navarro Alsbury for her son who was of similar age. Each woman was given a blanket and two silver pesos. The Tejano women were allowed to return to their homes in Bexar; Dickinson, her daughter, and Joe were sent to Gonzales, escorted by Ben. Before they were allowed to leave, Santa Anna ordered that the surviving members of the Mexican army parade in a grand review, in the hopes that Joe and Dickinson would deliver a warning to the remainder of the Texian forces that his army was unbeatable.

Impact on revolution

Travis's March 3 dispatch to the Texas provisional government arrived on the morning of March 6. Unaware that the fort had fallen, delegate Robert Potter called for the convention to adjourn and march immediately to relieve the Alamo. Sam Houston convinced the delegates to remain in Washington-on-the-Brazos to develop a constitution and then left to take command of the volunteers that had been gathering in Gonzales. Houston arrived in Gonalez on March 11 to find 400 Texian volunteers waiting. Later that day Andres Barcenas and Anselmo Bergaras arrived in Gonzales from Bexar to report that the Alamo had fallen with all men slain. Houston arrested the men as enemy spies in the hopes of halting a panic, and then sent scouts to find out the truth. The scouts soon found Susannah Dickinson and Joe. On hearing their news, Houston advised all civilians in the area to evacuate and ordered the army to retreat. This sparked a mass exodus of Texians from the Anglo settlements, including the government, which also fled east.

Despite their losses at the Alamo the Mexican army in Texas outnumbered the Texian army by almost 6 to 1. Santa Anna assumed that all Texian resistance would crumble, and that Texian soldiers would quickly leave the province. He was, therefore, in no hurry to leave Bexar. However, the news of the Alamo's fall had the opposite effect, and men flocked to Houston's army. The New York Post editorialized that "had treated the vanquished with moderation and generosity, it would have been difficult if not impossible to awaken that general sympathy for the people of Texas which now impels so many adventurous and ardent spirits to throng to the aid of their brethren". Despite a strong wish among the Texian army to avenge their loss at the Alamo, for several weeks Houston led his army on a retreat into East Texas. On the afternoon of April 21 the Texian army attacked Santa Anna's camp near Lynchburg Ferry. The Mexican army was taken by surprise, and the Battle of San Jacinto was essentially over after 18 minutes. During the fighting, many of the Texian soldiers repeatedly cried "Remember the Alamo!" Santa Anna was captured the following day, and reportedly told Houston: "That man may consider himself born to no common destiny who has conquered the Napoleon of the West. And now it remains for him to be generous to the vanquished." Houston replied, "You should have remembered that at the Alamo". Santa Anna was forced to order his troops out of Texas, ending Mexican control of the province, and giving some legitimacy to the new Republic of Texas.

Legacy

Within Mexico, perceptions of the battle have often mirrored the country's view of Santa Anna. Many of the Mexican officers who participated in the battle left memoirs, although some were not written until decades after the battle. Santa Anna had been disgraced following his capture at the Battle of San Jacinto, and many of the memoirs or other accounts of the battle were written by men who had been, or became, outspoken critics. Petite, and many other historians, believe that many of the stories, such as the execution of Crockett, may have been invented to further discredit Santa Anna. In Mexican history, the Texas campaign, including the Battle of the Alamo, was soon overshadowed by the Mexican-American War of the 1840s.

In San Antonio de Bexar, the largely Tejano population viewed the Alamo complex as more than just a battlesite; it represented decades of assistance, as a mission, a hospital, or a military post. As the English-speaking population began to outnumber the Spanish-speaking population in San Antonio de Bexar, the Alamo buildings began to be viewed as primarily a battlesite. Focus has become centered primarily on the Texian defenders, with little emphasis given to the role of the Tejano soldiers who served in the Texian army or the actions of the Mexican army. The Texas Legislature eventually purchased the property and appointed the Daughters of the Republic of Texas (DRT) as permanent caretakers of what is now an official state shrine to the Texian defenders. In front of the church, in the center of Alamo Plaza, stands a cenotaph, designed by Pompeo Coppini and erected in 1939, which commemorates the Texians and Tejanos who died during the battle. According to Bill Groneman's Battlefields of Texas, the Alamo has become "the most popular tourist site in Texas".

The first histories of the battle were written and published by Texas Ranger and amateur historian John Henry Brown. The next major treatment of the battle was Reuben Potter's The Fall of the Alamo, published in The Magazine of American History in 1878. Potter based his work on interviews with many of the Mexican survivors of the Battle of the Alamo. One of the most used secondary sources about the Alamo is Amelia W. Williams's doctoral dissertation, "Critical Study of the Siege of the Alamo and of the Personnel of Its Defenders". Completed in 1931, it attempted to positively identify all of the Texians who died during the battle. The first full-length, non-fiction book covering the battle was not published until 1948, when John Myers Myers's The Alamo was released.

According to Todish et al, "there can be little doubt that most Americans have probably formed many of their opinions on what occurred at the Alamo not from books, but from the various movies made about the battle." The first film version of the battle appeared in 1911, when Gaston Melies directed The Immortal Alamo. The battle gained a larger popularity after it was featured in the 1955 miniseries Walt Disney's Davy Crockett: King of the Wild Frontier, which was largely based on myth. Within several years, John Wayne directed and starred in one of the best-known, but least accurate, film version, 1960's The Alamo. In 2004 another film, also called The Alamo, was released. CNN described it as possibly "the most character-driven of all the movies made on the subject".

A number of songwriters have also been inspired by the Battle of the Alamo. Tennessee Ernie Ford's "The Ballad of Davy Crockett" spent 16 weeks on the country music charts, peaking at number 4 in 1955. Marty Robbins recorded a version of the song "The Ballad of the Alamo" in 1960 which spent 13 weeks on the pop charts, peaking at number 34.

See also

• List of Alamo defenders
• List of Texan survivors of the Battle of the Alamo
• List of Texas Revolution battles
• Famous Last stands

Notes

1. The Sabine River marked the eastern border of Mexican Texas.
2. Volunteers in the Texian Army asserted the right to choose their own leaders; most were unwilling to serve under officers in the regular army.
3. Colonel Juan Almonte's journal did not mention any skirmishes that evening. In 1837, Santa Anna's secretary Roman Martinez Caro did report "two small reinforcements from Gonzales that succeeded in breaking through our lines and entering the fort. The first consisted of four men who gained the fort one night, and the second was a party of twenty-five". (Lindley (2003), p. 131.)
4. Susannah Dickinson mentioned this party in an interview in 1876.
5. According to Petite (1998), p. 124, "Every account of the Crockett surrender-execution story comes from an avowed antagonist (either on political or military grounds) of Santa Anna's. It is believed that many stories, such as the surrender and execution of Crockett, were created and spread in order to discredit Santa Anna and add to his role as villain."
6. Lindley believes that Ruiz was not in Bexar at the time. Lindley (2003), p. 278.
7. Cremating bodies was anathema at the time, as most people believed that a body could not be resurrected unless it were whole. (Petite (1998), p. 139.)
8. Edmondson (2000), p. 374 claims that this remark was made by Colonel Juan Almonte, and overheard by Almonte's cook, Ben.
9. Historians J. Frank Dobie and Lon Tinkle demanded that they not be listed as historical advisors in the credits of The Alamo because of its disjunction from reality. See Todish et al, p. 188.

References

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2. ^ Barr (1990), p. 56.
3. Hardin (1994), p. 98.
4. Hardin (1994), p. 99.
5. Todish et al (1998), p. 20.
6. Barr (1990), p. 63.
7. Scott (2000), p. 71.
8. Scott (2000), pp. 74–5.
9. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 129.
10. Edmondson (2000), p. 128.
11. Lord (1961), p. 59.
12. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 131.
13. ^ Myers (1948), p. 180.
14. ^ Myers (1948), p. 181.
15. Todish et al (1998), p. 10.
16. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 364.
17. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 31.
18. Myers (1948), p. 182.
19. Hardin (1994), p. 111.
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28. Hardin (1994), p. 120.
29. Meyers (1948), p. 131.
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31. Lord (1961), p. 67.
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33. Hardin (1994), p. 103.
34. Hardin (1994), p. 105.
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36. Hardin (1994), p. 121.
37. Lord (1961), p. 89.
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42. Lord (1961), p. 95.
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54. Edmondson (2000), p. 349.
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60. Tinkle (1985), p. 122.
61. Petite (1999), p. 34.
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63. Nofi (1992), p. 83.
64. Todish et al (1998), p. 44.
65. Edmondson (2000), p. 325.
66. Walter Lord (1978). A Time to Stand: The Epic of the Alamo U of Nebraska Press, ISBN 0803279027, 9780803279025. p. 14
67. Lindley (2003), p. 89.
68. Lord (1961), p. 105.
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70. Petite (1998), p. 88.
71. Petite (1998), p. 90.
72. Myers (1948), p. 200.
73. Tinkle (1985), p. 162.
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75. Lindley (2003), p. 131.
76. Edmondson (2000), p. 340.
77. Edmondson (2000), p. 324.
78. Nofi (1992), p. 95.
79. Scott (2000), p. 100.
80. Scott (2000), p. 101.
81. Lindley (2003), p. 137.
82. Lindley (2003), p. 138.
83. Lindley (2003), p. 140.
84. Lindley (2003), p. 142.
85. Lindley (2003), p. 143.
86. Todish et al (1998), p. 48.
87. Edmondson (2000), p. 355.
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89. Edmondson (2000), p. 360.
90. Hopewell (1994), p. 126.
91. Chariton (1992), p. 195.
92. Groneman (1996), pp. 122, 150, 184.
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96. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 362.
97. Todish et al (1998), p. 50.
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99. Hardin (1994), p. 138.
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102. Edmondson (2000), p. 363.
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104. Petite (1998), p. 113.
105. Hardin (1994), p. 146.
106. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 147.
107. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 53.
108. Petite (1998), p. 112.
109. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 366.
110. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 367.
111. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 368.
112. Edmondson (2000), p. 369.
113. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 54.
114. ^ Petite (1998), p. 114.
115. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 370.
116. Groneman (1996), p. 214.
117. ^ Hopewell (1994), p. 127.
118. Chariton (1992), p. 74.
119. Petite (1998), p. 115.
120. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 371.
121. Tinkle (1985), p. 216.
122. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 372.
123. Tinkle (1985), p. 218.
124. ^ Lord (1961), p. 166.
125. Groneman (1990), p. 55–56.
126. ^ Tinkle (1985), p. 220.
127. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 373.
128. ^ Petite (1998), p. 123.
129. Hardin (1994), p. 148.
130. Tinkle (1985), p. 214.
131. ^ Petite (1998), p. 124.
132. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 374.
133. Hardin (1994), p. 156.
134. Nofi (1992), p. 133.
135. Nofi (1992), p. 126.
136. Edmondson (2000), p. 407.
137. Groneman (1990), p. 119.
138. Petite (1998), p. 131.
139. ^ Chariton (1990), p. 78.
140. Petite (1998), p. 132.
141. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 55.
142. Hardin (1961), p. 155.
143. Nofi (1992), p. 136.
144. Lord (1961), p. 167.
145. Lindley (2003), p. 277.
146. Petite (1998), p. 128.
147. Petite (1998), p. 127.
148. Edmondson (2000), p. 377.
149. Edmondson (2000), p. 375.
150. Nofi (1992), p. 138.
151. Edmondson (2000), p. 376.
152. Todish et al (1998), p. 67.
153. Todish et al (1998), p. 68.
154. Lord (1961), p. 190.
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169. Cox, Mike (March 6, 1998), "Last of the Alamo big books rests with 'A Time to Stand'", The Austin-American Statesman
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Bibliography

• Barr, Alwyn (1996), Black Texans: A history of African Americans in Texas, 1528–1995 (2nd ed.), Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, ISBN 080612878X
• Chariton, Wallace O. (1990), Exploring the Alamo Legends, Dallas, TX: Republic of Texas Press, ISBN 9781556222559
• Edmondson, J.R. (2000), The Alamo Story-From History to Current Conflicts, Plano, TX: Republic of Texas Press, ISBN 1-55622-678-0
• Glaser, Tom W. (1985), Schoelwer, Susan Prendergast (ed.), Alamo Images: Changing Perceptions of a Texas Experience, Dallas, TX: The DeGlolyer Library and Southern Methodist University Press, ISBN 0870742132
• Groneman, Bill (1990), Alamo Defenders, A Genealogy: The People and Their Words, Austin, TX: Eakin Press, ISBN 089015757X
• Groneman, Bill (1996), Eyewitness to the Alamo, Plano, TX: Republic of Texas Press, ISBN 1556225024
• Groneman, Bill (1998), Battlefields of Texas, Plano, TX: Republic of Texas Press, ISBN 9781556225710
• Hardin, Stephen L. (1994), Texian Iliad, Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, ISBN 0-292-73086-1
• Hopewell, Clifford (1994), James Bowie Texas Fighting Man: A Biography, Austin, TX: Eakin Press, ISBN 0890158819
• Lindley, Thomas Ricks (2003), Alamo Traces: New Evidence and New Conclusions, Lanham, MD: Republic of Texas Press, ISBN 1556229836
• Lord, Walter (1961), A Time to Stand, Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, ISBN 0803279027
• Manchaca, Martha (2001), Recovering History, Constructing Race: The Indian, Black, and White Roots of Mexican Americans, The Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long Series in Latin American and Latino Art and Culture, Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, ISBN 0292752539
• Myers, John Myers (1948), The Alamo, Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, ISBN 0803257791
• Nofi, Albert A. (1992), The Alamo and the Texas War of Independence, September 30, 1835 to April 21, 1836: Heroes, Myths, and History, Conshohocken, PA: Combined Books, Inc., ISBN 0938289101
• Petite, Mary Deborah (1999), 1836 Facts about the Alamo and the Texas War for Independence, Mason City, IA: Savas Publishing Company, ISBN 188281035X
• Schoelwer, Susan Prendergast (1985), Alamo Images: Changing Perceptions of a Texas Experience, Dallas, TX: The DeGlolyer Library and Southern Methodist University Press, ISBN 0870742132
• Scott, Robert (2000), After the Alamo, Plano, TX: Republic of Texas Press, ISBN 9781556226915
• Tinkle, Lon (1985), 13 Days to Glory: The Siege of the Alamo, College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, ISBN 0890962383. Reprint. Originally published: New York: McGraw-Hill, 1958
• Todish, Timothy J.; Todish, Terry; Spring, Ted (1998), Alamo Sourcebook, 1836: A Comprehensive Guide to the Battle of the Alamo and the Texas Revolution, Austin, TX: Eakin Press, ISBN 9781571681522

Further reading

• Borroel, Roger (1990), The Texan Revolution of 1836, La Villita Pbns., ISBN 192879209X
• Crisp, James E. (2005), Sleuthing the Alamo, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0195163494
• Davis, William C. (2004), Lone Star Rising: The Revolutionary Birth of the Texas Republic, Free Press, ISBN 0684865106
• Hardin, Stephen L. (2001), The Alamo 1836: Santa Anna's Texas Campaign, Osprey Campaign Series #89, Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1841760900

External links

• Official website for the Alamo
• Alamo Sentry: The Popular Culture of The Alamo
• Alamo Studies

29°25′32″N 98°29′10″W / 29.42556°N 98.48611°W / 29.42556; -98.48611

• Battles of the Texas Revolution
• Conflicts in 1836
• History of San Antonio, Texas
• Sieges