Revision as of 18:44, 4 November 2005 editGhirlandajo (talk | contribs)Autopatrolled, Extended confirmed users, Pending changes reviewers89,629 edits →Modern legacy: it is not an anti-Polish holiday, too← Previous edit | Revision as of 20:38, 4 November 2005 edit undoPiotrus (talk | contribs)Autopatrolled, Event coordinators, Extended confirmed users, File movers, Pending changes reviewers, Rollbackers285,696 edits →Modern legacy: right, but it is not as many Polish media potrayed itNext edit → | ||
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== Modern legacy == | == Modern legacy == | ||
The story of Dymitriads and False Dimtiris proved useful to the future generations of rulers and politicians in Poland and Russia, and a distorted version of the real events gained much fame in Muscovy, later Russia, as well as in Poland. In Poland the Dimitriads campaign is remembered as the height of the Polish Golden Age, the time Poles captured Moscow, something even ] could not manage. The Dimitriads were also useful for the Polish nationalistic ] of the ] regime of ]. In Muscovy it was useful to the new dynasty of tsars, the ], who understood that history is a powerful political tool, written by the victors. They tried to erase all references and theories to their role in creating the False Dmitris, self-interested cooperation with Polish and Swedish interventions, or their opposition to the liberal '']''; instead they supported a portayal of Dimitriads as the heroic defence of Russian nation agaisnt the barbaric invasion of Polish-Jesuit alliance, who attempted to destroy the Russian Orthodox culture. This was the history line shown by the famous Russian historian, ], beautifully descirbed by ] in his "Boris Godunov" and by ] in his ] ]. The ] regime of ] also found this war a useful propaganda tool, especially during the times of the ]. In ], the only autumn holiday is the ], first celebrated on ], ]. Its name alludes to the idea that all the classes of the Russian society willingly united to preserve the Russian statehood when its demise seemed inevitable, even though there was neither Tsar nor Patriarch to guide them. | The story of Dymitriads and False Dimtiris proved useful to the future generations of rulers and politicians in Poland and Russia, and a distorted version of the real events gained much fame in Muscovy, later Russia, as well as in Poland. In Poland the Dimitriads campaign is remembered as the height of the Polish Golden Age, the time Poles captured Moscow, something even ] could not manage. The Dimitriads were also useful for the Polish nationalistic ] of the ] regime of ]. In Muscovy it was useful to the new dynasty of tsars, the ], who understood that history is a powerful political tool, written by the victors. They tried to erase all references and theories to their role in creating the False Dmitris, self-interested cooperation with Polish and Swedish interventions, or their opposition to the liberal '']''; instead they supported a portayal of Dimitriads as the heroic defence of Russian nation agaisnt the barbaric invasion of Polish-Jesuit alliance, who attempted to destroy the Russian Orthodox culture. This was the history line shown by the famous Russian historian, ], beautifully descirbed by ] in his "Boris Godunov" and by ] in his ] ]. The ] regime of ] also found this war a useful propaganda tool, especially during the times of the ]. In ], the only autumn holiday is the ], first celebrated on ], ]. Its name alludes to the idea that all the classes of the Russian society willingly united to preserve the Russian statehood when its demise seemed inevitable, even though there was neither Tsar nor Patriarch to guide them. However due to the political climate of that time, some observers, especially in Poland, interpreted this festivity as having ] undertones. | ||
== See also == | == See also == |
Revision as of 20:38, 4 November 2005
Dymitriads - Polish-Muscovite War of 1609-1618 | |||||||
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Poland | Muscovy |
Polish-Muscovite War (1605 - 1618) is the name of the series of wars (1605-1618) between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Muscovite Russia (or Muscovy), in the background of the Russian dynastic crisis (known as the Time of Troubles (1598-1613). The sides and their goals changed several times during this conflict; the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was not formally at war with Muscovy until 1609, and various Muscovy factions fought among themselves, allied with the Commonwealth and other countries or fought against them. Further, the participants of this conflict included Sweden, which during the course of the Ingrian War (1610-1617) sometimes allied itself with Muscovy, and at other times, fought against it. The goals of various factions changed as well, from minor border adjustment through influencing the choice of Russian tsar to creating a new state through the union between the Commonwealth and Muscovy.
The war can be divided into four stages. In the first one, known to the Poles as the Dymitriads (Template:Lang-pl), some Commonwealth szlachta magnates (high ranking nobility), encouraged by some Muscovy boyars but without the official consent from the Polish king Sigismund III Vasa (Polish: Zygmunt III Waza), attempted to exploit the Muscovy weakness and intervened in its civil war, supporting tsar pretenders False Dmitri I and later False Dmitri II (hence the Polish name of the war, the Dymitriads) against the cronwed tsar Vasili Shuiski. The first Dymitriad begun in 1605 and ended in 1606 with the death of False Dmitri I, the second begun in 1607 and lasted until 1609, when tsar Shuisky signed an alliance with Sweden. In responce to this alliance Polish king Sigismund III decided to officialy intervene and declared war upon Muscovy, aiming to weaken Sweden's ally and to gain territorial concessions. After the early Commonwealth victories, which culminated in Polish forces entering Moscow in 1610, Sigismund's son, Prince Władysław, was briefly elected tsar, however soon afterwards Sigismund decided to seize the Russian throne for himself. This alienated the pro-Polish supporters amongs the boyars, who could accept moderate Władysław, but not the pro-Catholic and anti-Orthodox Sigismund. Subsequently the pro-Polish Muscovy faction dissapeared and the war resumed in 1611 with Poles losing control of Moscow but capturing the important city of Smolensk (see Siege of Smolensk (1609-11)). However due to internal troubles in both Commonwealth and Muscovy, little military action took place from 1612 until 1617, when Sigismund made one final and failed attempt to conquer Muscovy. The war ended in 1618 with the Treaty of Dywilino, with Commonwealth gaining territorial concessions but not being able to retain control over Muscovy, which defended its independence.
Names of the war
The Polish-Muscovite War (1605-1618) is often referred to with other names, such as the Polish-Russian War of 1605-1618. It is also divided into the First Dymitriad (1605-1606) and Second Dymitriad (1607-1609) and the Polish-Muscovite (Russian) War (1609-1618), which can subsequently be divided into wars of 1609-1611 and 1617-1618. In Polish historiography the wars are usually reffered to as the Dymitriady, and may or may not include the 1617-1618 campaign, which is sometimes reffered to as Chodkiewicz campaign. According to the Russian historiography the period of war falls into the "Time of Troubles" (смутное время) and the conflict with Poles, which was the major part of it, is commonly called "польская интервенция" (Polish intervention or more specifically the Polish intervention of the early-17th century)
Lead up to the war
Main article: Time of TroublesIn the late 16th century and early 17th century Muscovy was in political and economic crisis. After the death of tsar Ivan IV Grozny (Ivan the Terrible) in 1584, and the presumed death of his son Dmitry in 1591, several factions competed for the tsar throne. In 1598 the throne was seized by Boris Godunov, possibly, an orchestrator of Dmitry's assassination. Godunov, however, did not manage to crush all opposition.
In late 1600s a Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth diplomatic mission led by Great Lithuanian Chancellor Lew Sapieha with Eliasz Pielgrzymowski and Stanisław Warszycki arrived in Moscow and proposed an alliance between Commonwealth and Muscovy, including a future personal union. They proposed that after one monarch's death without heirs, the other would become the ruler of both countries. However, tsar Godunov declined the union proposal and settled only on extending the treaty of Jam Zapolski by 22 years (to 1622).
Sigismund and Polish magnates knew well that Commonwealth was not capable of any serious invasion of Muscovy. Polish army was too small, its treasury always empty, and the war lacked popular support. But as the situation in Muscovy deteriorated, Sigismund and many Commonwealth magnates, especially those with estates and forces near Muscovy border, begun to look for a way to profit from the chaos and weakness of its eastern neighbour. This proved easy, as in the meantime, many Muscovy boyars disgruntled by the ongoing civil war tried to entice various Muscovy neighbours, including the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth into intervening. Some of them looked for their own profits, trying to organise support for their own ascension to the Russian throne (as Boris Godunov did and Mikhail Feodorovich Romanov would in the near future). Others looked to their western neighbour, the Commonwealth, and its attractive Golden Freedoms, and together with some Polish visionaries planned for some kind of union between those two states. Yet others tried to tie their fates with that of Sweden in what became known as The De la Gardie Campaign and the Ingrian War.
The advocates of Polish-Lithuanian-Muscovy Commonwealth (sometimes reffered to as unia troista) proposed the union involving common foreign policy and military, the right of all citiens to chose the place they want to live and buy landed estates, to marry each other, to remove barriers for trade and transit, to introduce a single currency, to increase religious tolernace in Muscovy (especially the right to build Churchers of non-Orthodox faith, as in Poland Orthodox churches were already allowed to be build for many years), and to send boyars children for an education in more developed Polish academies (like the Jagiellonian University. However, this project never gained much support. Many boyars feared that Poland-Lithuania would dominate Muscovy and opposed to anything that threatened Muscovy culture, especially the policies of religous tolerance, intermarriage and education in Polish schools.
The First Dymitriad (1605-1606)
Main article: False Dmitri IFor most of the 1600s, Commonwealth king Sigismund III was occupied with the internal problems like civil war of his own in the Commonwealth (the rokosz of Zebrzydowski), and wars with Sweden and in Moldavia. However, when the pretender False Dmitiri I appreared in Poland in 1603, he soon found enough support among the powerful magnates like Michal Wiśniowiecki, Lew and Jan Sapieha to get funds for a campaign against Godunov. Commonwealth magnates looked forward to material gains from the campaign and control over Dmitri, In addition, both some Polish magnates and Muscovy boyars advanced plans for the union between Commonwealth and Muscovy, similar to the ones Lew Sapieha discussed in 1600 and that were eventually dismissed by tsar Godunov. Finally, the Holy See saw in him a tool to spread Catholicism eastwards, and after promises of Polish-Muscovy Catholic union waging a war on the Ottoman Empire jesuits provided him with some funds and education. Sigismund, always happy to support pro-Catholic initatives, although declined to support him officialy with full might of the Commonwealth provided him with a sum of 4,000 zloties - enough for few hundred soldiers. Nonetheless, some of Dimitri's supporters, especially among those involved in the rokosz, actively worked to have Dimitri replace Sigismund. In echange, in June 1604 Dmitri promised Commonwealth 'half of Smolensk territory'. However, many people were sceptic about the future of this endavour. Jan Zamoyski, opponent of most of Sigismund policies, later refferd to the entire False Dmitri I affair as a comedy worth of Plautus or Terentius.
When Boris Godunov heard about the pretender, he claimed that the man was just a runaway monk called Grigory Otrepyev (born Yury Otrepyev; Grigory was the name given at the monastery), although on what information he based this claim is unclear. Regardless, his support began to wane, especially when he tried to spread counter-rumours. Some of the Russian boyars also claimed to accept Dmitry's claim. Such a support gave them legitimate reasons not to pay taxes to Godunov.
Dmitry attracted a number of followers, formed a small army and supported by approximately 3500 soldiers of Commonwealth magnate's private armies and mercenaries bought by Dmitir's own cash rode to Russia on June 1604. Enemies of Godunov, including the southern Cossacks (approximately 2,000) joined his forces on his way to Moscow. Dmitry's forces fought two engagements with reluctant Russian soldiers; they won the first at Novgorod-Seversky (Nowogród Siewierski, modern Novhorod-Siverskyi) soon capturing Chernigov (Czernihów, Chernihiv), Putivl (Putyvl), Sevsk, and Kursk but badly lost the second and nearly disintegrated. Dimitri's cause was only saved by the news of the death of Tsar Boris.
The sudden death of Tsar Boris Godunov (April 13, 1605) removed the main barrier to the further progress of the pretender. Russian troops begun to defect to Dmitry's side and on June 1 boyars in Moscow imprisoned the newly-crowned tsar, son of Boris, Feodor II, and his mother and later brutally murdered them. On the 20 June the impostor made his triumphal entry into Moscow, and on the 21st of July he was crowned tsar by a new patriarch of his own choosing, the Greek Isidore. The alliance with Poland was furthered by the marriage (per procura in Cracow) between daughter of Jerzy Mniszech, Marina Mniszech, Polish noblewoman, with whom False Dmitri I fell in love while in Poland. Commonwealth king Sigismund was a prominent guest at this wedding. Marina soon left to join her husband in Moscow, where she was crowned a tsarina in May.
However, False Dmitri position was weak. Many boyards felt they could gain more influence, even the throne, for themselves, and many were still wary of Polish cultural influence. The very Golden Freedoms, declaring all nobility equal, that were supported by lesser nobility, threatned the most powerful of boyars. Thus the boyars, headed by Prince Vasily Shuisky, began to plot against Dmitri and his pro-Polish faction, accusing him of homosexuality, spreading Roman Catholicism and Polish customs, and selling Muscovy to jesuits and the Pope. They gained popular support, especially as Dmitrii was visibly supported by few hundred of irregular Commonwealth forces, who still garrisoned Moscow, and often engaging in various criminal acts and angering the local population.
At the morning of May 17 1606, about two weeks after the marriage, conspirators stormed the Kremlin. Dmitry tried to flee through a window but broke his leg in the fall. One of the plotters shot him dead on the spot. At first the body was put on display, then cremated and the ashes were shot from a cannon towards Poland. Dmitry's reign had lasted a mere ten months. Vasili Shuisky took his place as Tsar. About five hundred of Dimitri's Commonwealth supporters were either killed, imprisoned or forced to leave Muscovy.
The Second Dymitriad (1607-1609)
Main article: False Dmitri IIVasili reign would be far from stable. Tsar Vasili Shuiski was unpopular and weak in Russia. He was perceived as anti-Poland; he had led the coup against the first False Dmitry, killing over 500 Polish soldiers in Moscow and imprisoning a Polish envoy. The civil war raged on, as in 1607 the False Dmitrii II appeared, again supported by some Polish magnates and 'recognized' by Marina Mniszech as her first husband. This brought him the support of the magnates of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth who had supported False Dmitry I. Adam Wiśniowiecki, Samuel Tyszkiewicz, Roman Różyński, Jan Sapieha and Aleksander Lisowski decided to support the second pretender as well, supplying him with some early funds and 7500 soldiers. The ravages of his army, especially, of infamous Lisowczycy mercenaries, contributed to the infamous placard in Sergiyev Posad (Zarajsk): three plagues: typhus, Tatars, Poles. In 1608 together with Aleksander Kleczkowski, Lisowski leading few hundred of Don Cossacks (kozacy dońscy) and rag tag szlachta and mercenaries defeated the army of tsar Vasili Shuisky led by Zakhary Lyapunov and Ivan Khovansky near Zaraysk and captured Mikhailov and Kolomna. Then Lisowczycy advanced towards Moscow but was defeated at Niedźwiedzi Bród, loosing most of his loot. Then when Jan Piotr Sapieha failed the siege of Troitse-Sergiyeva Lavra, Lisowczycy retreated near Rachmancewo. Soon however came successes (pillages) at Kostroma, Soligalich and some other cities.
Dmitri speedily captured Karachev, Bryansk and other towns; was reinforced by the Poles; and in the spring of 1608 advanced upon Moscow, routing the army of Tsar Vasily Shuisky at Bolkhov. Promises of the wholesale confiscation of the estates of the boyars drew many common people to his side. The village of Tushino, twelve versts from the capital, was converted into an armed camp, where Dmitry gathered his army. His force initially included 7000 Polish soldiers, 10,000 Cossacks and 10,000 other rag-tag soldiers, including former members of the failed rokosz of Zebrzydowski. His forces soon exceeded 100,000 men. He raised to the rank of patriarch another illustrious captive, Feodor Romanov (enthroned as Patriarch Filaret), and won the allegiance of the cities of Yaroslavl, Kostroma, Vologda, Kashin and several others. However, his fortunes were soon to reverse, as the Commonwealth decided to take more active stance in the Muscovy civil wars.
Polish-Muscovy War (1609-1618)
Polish victories (1609-1610)
In 1609 the rokosz of Zebrzydowski in the Commonwealth ended. When tsar Vasili signed a military alliance with Charles IX of Sweden that year (on 28 February 1609), the Commonwealth king Sigismund III, whose primary goal was to regain the Swedish throne, got permission from the Sejm to declare war on Muscovy. He viewed it as an excellent opportunity to expand Commonwealth territories and sphere of influence and with hopes that the eventual outcome of the war would Catholicize the Orthodox Russia (in this he was strongly supported by the Pope) and allow him to defeat Sweden. This plan also allowed him to give a purpose to the numerous restless former supporters of Zebrzydowski, luring them with promises of wealth and fame awaiting members of the campaign beyond the Commonwealth's eastern border. A book published that year by Paweł Palczwski, Kolęda moskiewska, compared Muscovy to the Indian empires of the New World, full of golden cities and easy to conquer. Further, some Muscovy boyars assured him of their support by offering the throne to Prince Władysław, son of Sigismund III. Previously, Sigismund III had been unwilling to commit majority of Polish forces and his time to the internal conflict in Muscovy, but in 1609 all those factors made him reevaluate and drastiacally change his policy.
Although many Polish nobles and soldiers were at that time fighting for the second False Dmitry, Sigismund III and the troops under his command were not supporting his claim on the throne - Sigismund III wanted Russia himself. The entry of King Sigismund III into Muscovy caused the majority of False Dmitri II's Polish supporters to desert him and contributed to his defeat. A series of subsequent disasters induced False Dmitrii II to flee his camp disguised as a peasant and go to Kostroma together with Marina. He also made another unsuccessful attack on Moscow, and, supported by the Don Cossacks, recovered a hold over all south-eastern Russia. However, he was killed, while half drunk, on the 11th of December 1610 by a Tatar princeling whom he had flogged.
A Commonwealth army under command of hetman Stanisław Żółkiewski (who was generally opposed to this conflict but could not disobey king's orders) crossed the border and on 29 September 1609 and laid siege to Smolensk, an important city that Russia had captured from Lithuania in 1514. Smolensk was manned by less than 1,000 Russian men commanded by the voivod Mikhail Shein, while Żółkiewski commanded 12,000 troops. However, Smolensk had one major advantage: the previous tsar, Boris Godunov, had sponsored the fortification of the city with a massive fortress completed just in 1602. The Poles found it impenetrable; they settled into a long siege, firing artillery into the city, attempting to tunnel under the moat, and building earthen ramparts, remnants of which can still be seen today. The siege would last 20 months before Poles succeeded in taking the fortress.
Not all Commonwealth attacks were successful. An early attack, led by hetman Jan Karol Chodkiewicz with 2,000 men, ended in defeat when the unpaid Commonwealth army mutinied and compelled their leader to retreat through the heart of Russia back to Smolensk. Not till the crown prince, Władysław, arrived with tardy reinforcements did the war assume a different character. In the meantime, Lisowczycy took Psków in 1610 and clashed with Swedes operating in Muscovy during the Ingrian War.
All the time, several different visions of the campaign and political goals clashed in the Polish camp. Some of the former members of the rokosz of Zebrzydowski, opponents of Sigismund, actually advanced proposals to have Sigismund dethroned and Dimitrii, or even Shuisky, elected the king. Żółkiewski, who from the begining opposed the invasion of Muscovy, came into conflict with King Sigismund III over the scope, methods and goal of the campaign. Żółkiewski represented the traditional views of Polish nobility, the szlachta, which did not support waging aggressive and dangerous wars against a strong enemy like Muscovy. Thus Żółkiewski favoured the plans peaceful and voluntary union, much like that with Lithuania; offering Russian boyars protected rights and religious freedom, envisioning an association resulting in the creation of the Polish-Lithuanian-Muscovy Commonwealth. To that end, Moscow cooperation should be gained via diplomacy, not force. Sigismund III, however, did not want to make political dealings and compromises, especially when they had to include concessions to Orthodox Church. Sigismund was a vocal, almost fanatical supporter of the Catholic Church and counter-reformation and believed he can win everything and take Moscow by force, establish his and Catholic Church rule with might.
Poles in Moscow (1610)
On 31 January 1610 Sigismund received a delegation of boyars opposed to Shuisky, who asked Władysław to became the tsar. On 24 February Sigismund send them a letter in which he agreed but only when Moscow was at peace.
Hetman Żółkiewski, whose only other choice was muntiny, decided to follow king's orders and left Smolensk in 1610, leaving only a smaller force necessary to continue the siege. With Cossack reinforcements, he marched on Moscow. However, as he feared and predicted, as the Poles-Lithuanians forces pressed eastwards, ravaging Muscovy lands, and as Sigismund lack of willingness to compromise became more and more apparent, many supporters of Poles and of the second False Dmitry left the pro-Polish camp and turned to Shuiski's anti-Polish faction.
Russian forces under Gregory Voluyev were coming to relieve Smolensk and fortified the fort at Tsarovo (Carowo, Cariewo, Tsarovo-Zajmiszcze) to bar the Poles advance on Moscow. Siege of Tsarovo begun on June 24. However, the Russians were not prepared for a long siege and had little food and water inside the fort with them. Voluyev sent word for Dmitry Shuisky (Tsar Shuiski's brother, also known as Demetrius) to come to their aid and lift the siege. Shuiski's troops marched for Tsaravo, not by the direct route, but around through Klushino, hoping to come to Tsaravo by the back route. Shuyski received aid from Swedish forces under the command of Jacob Pontusson De la Gardie.
Żółkiewski learned of Shuiski's relieve force and divided his forces to meet Muscovy forces before they came to Tsarove and lift the siege. He left at night so Voluyev would not notice his absence. Combined Muscovy and Swedish forces were defeated in on July 4 1610 at the battle of Kluszyn, where 5,000 Polish elite cavalry, the hussars under hetman Stanisław Żółkiewski, defeated the numerically superior Russian army of about 35,000-40,000 soldiers. This giant and suprising defeat of Muscovy forces shocked everyone and would open a new phase in the current conflict.
After the news of Kluszyn spread, support for tsar Shuyski, never too high, almost complety dissapeared. Żółkiewski soon convinced Muscovy forces at Tsarovo, much stronger then the ones at Kłuszyn, to capitulate and swear an oath of loyality to Władysław. Then he incorporated them into his forces and moved towards Moscow. In August 1610 many Muscovite boyars accepted that Sigismund III was victorious and Władysław could become the next tsar if he converted to Eastern Orthodoxy. The Russian Duma voted for Tsar Shuiski to be removed from the throne. Shuyski's family including the tsars were captured and Shuiski was reportedly taken to a monastery and forcibly shaved as a monk, where he remained under guard. He was later sent to Warsaw, as a kind of war trophy, and eventually died in Gostyn.
Shortly after Shuiski was removed, both Żółkiewski and the second False Dmitry arrived at Moscow with their separate armies. It was a tense moment, filled with the confusion of the conflict. Various pro- and anti-Polish, Swedish and domestic boyars factions vied for the temporary control of the situation. The Muscovy army and people themselves were unsure if this was an invasion and they should close and defend the city, or if it was a liberating force that they should allow in and welcome as allies. After a few skirmishes, pro-Polish faction gained dominance and the Poles were allowed into Moscow. Boyars opened Moscow's gates to the Polish troops, boyars asked Żółkiewski to protect them from anarchy and the Moscow Kremlin was garrisoned by Polish troops commanded by Aleksander Gosiewski. On 27 July a treaty was signed beteen boyars and Żółkiewski promising Muscovy boyars the same vast priviligies Polish szlachta had, in exchange for them recognising Władysław, son of Sigismund III, as a new tsar. However, Żółkiewski could not know that Sigismund, who remained at Smolensk, already had other some plans.
In the meantime, former reluctant allies, Żółkiewski and the second False Dmitry, begun to part their ways. Second False Dmitry had lost much influence on the Polish court and Żółkiewski would eventually try to drive Dmitry from the capital. Żółkiewski soon began maneuvering for a tsar of Polish origin, particularly the 15-year old Prince Władysław. Previously during the Time of Troubles the boyars had offered the throne to Władysław at least twice, in the hopes of having the liberal Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth end the despotic rule of their current tsars. Through Żółkiewski's work, the pro-Polish factions among the boyars (composed of khniazes Fyodor Mstislavsky (Fedor Mścisławski), Vasily Galitzine (Wasyl Golicyn), Fyodor Sheremetev (Fedor Szeremietiev), Daniil Mezetsky (Daniło Mezecki) and diaks Vasily Telepnyov (Wasyl Telepniew) and Tomiło Łagowski) gained dominance and once again majority of the boyars said they would support Władysław for the throne, if he converted to Orthodox and if Poland-Lithuania returned the fortresses they had captured thus far in the war.
However, Sigismund, supported by some of the more devout szlachta, was completly opposed to the conversion of the prince. At that moment, the plan for the Polish-Lithuanian-Muscovy union begun to unravel. Offended and angered by Sigismund, the boyars drug their feet on supporting Władysław - they were divided between electing Vasily Galitzine, Michael Romanov (also 15 years old), or the second False Dmitry. Żółkiewski acted quickly making promises without the consent of the still-absent king, and the boyars elected Władysław as the new tsar. Żółkiewski had the most prominent of the opponents, Fyodor Romanov, Michael's father and patriarch of Moscow, exiled from Russia, in order to secure the Polish support. After the election of Władysław as tsar, the second False Dmitry fled Tushino near Moscow to his base at Kaluga. However, his position was precarious even there and he was killed on December 20 by one of his own men. Marina Mniszech, though, was pregnant, with the new "heir" to the Russian throne, Ivan Dmitriyevich, and she would still be a factor of Muscovy politics until her eventual death in 1614.
However, Władysław faced further opposition from the seemingly most unlikely party - his father. When Żółkiewski returned to meet Sigismund at Smoleńsk in November that year, Sigismund III changed his mind and decided that he himself could gain the Russian throne for himself. This move was opposed by a majority of the Russians, especially as Sigismund didn't hide his intent to Catholicize Muscovy. Żółkiewski found himself in an awkward position - he had promised the boyars Prince Władysław to keep the Russian throne for Poland and he knew they would not accept King Sigismund III, who was unpopular throughout Russia; however, he also had to explain this to his king, who was convinced, from his conquests in the west, of his popularity in Russia. Eventually, Żółkiewski, dissapointed with Sigismund, returned to Poland. King Sigismund III eventualy compromised; he decided he would allow his son to take the throne and he would get to rule as his regent until Władysław came of age. Thus, he required that the boyars who submitted and swore allegiance to Prince Władysław would also have to swear an oath to him. The boyars were more resistant to this request, and support for Poles eroded fast. Władysław was never able to take real power and the war would soon resume. Sigismund and Władysław left the city for safer ground as tensions grew, and the small Polish garrison at Kremlin soon became isolated and subject to increased hostility, as more and more formerly pro-Polish boyars begun to change factions. Polish forces outside Moscow under the command of Jan Piotr Sapieha clashed with growing anti-Polish Muscovy forces of the so called First Volunteer Army, led by Prokopy Lyapunov.
In the meantime, siege of Smolensk continued, even as Władysław as named tsar of Russia, cities and forts throughout the area swore allegiance to the Poles. However Sigismund III required Smolensk not just swear allegiance but open its gates to the Poles, which Russians refused to do. Żółkiewski left Moscow fortified with his army, to return to King Sigismund III, who had remained at Smolensk while Żółkiewski negotiated in Moscow. The largest tunneling project at Smolensk came in December 1610; however, the Poles only managed to destroy more of the outer wall - the inner wall remained intact. The siege continued. At one point, the Polish guns breached the outer wall and the voivode of Braclaw (Bracław) ordered his soldiers to rush in; however, the Russians could see where the breach would come and had fortified that part of the wall with more men. Both sides were slaughtered, and the Poles were eventually beat back.
The war resumes (1611)
In 1611 an uprising in Moscow against the Polish garrison marked the end of Russian tolerance for Commonwealth intervention. The citizens of Moscow had participated freely in the coup in 1606, killing 500 Polish soldiers. Now, being ruled by them, they once again revolted. The townspeople took over the munitions store but Polish troops defeated the first wave of attacks, and the fighting resulted in a large fire consuming part of Moscow. From July the situation of the Commonwealth forces became grave, as the uprising turned into a a siege of the Polish-held Kremlin. Reportedly, the Poles had imprisoned the leader of the Orthodox church, Patriarch Germogen. When the Russians attacked Moscow, the Poles ordered him, as the man with the most authority with the Russians at the time, to sign a statement to call off the attack. Germogen refused, and was starved to death. Polish Kremlin garrison found itself besieged.
In the meantime, in late 1611, prince Dmitry Pozharsky (Dymitr Pożarski) was asked to lead an eager public opposition to Poles, organized by the merchant's guild of Nizhny Novgorod with the respected town's butcher (literally, a meat-trader) Kuzma Minin overseeing the handling of merchant's donated funds (Second Volunteer Army, Второе народное ополчение). When in January 1612 part of Polish soldiers mutined due to upayed wages and retreated from Muscovy towards the Commonwealth, the forces of Second Volunteer Army strenghted the other anti-Polish Muscovy forces at Moscow. Polish army (9,000 strong) under hetman Jan Karol Chodkiewicz attempted to lift the siege and clashed with Muscovy forces, attempting to break through to Polish forces in Kremlin on 1st September. Polish forces, used to cavalry attacks in the open field, tried a new tactic: to escort a mobile tabor fortress through the city. After early Polish successes, due to Cossack reinforcing Muscovites, Chodkiewicz forces had been forced to retreat from Moscow.
Russian reinforcements under prince Pozharski eventually starved the Commonwealth garrison (there were reports of cannibalism) and forced its surrender on the 1 November after the siege of 19 months. A historian writes vividly of the Polish soldiers: "First they ate grass and offal, then they ate each other, and the survivors finally surrendered. The Moscow Kremlin fell on 6 November 1612." On November 7, the Polish soldiers withdrew from Moscow. Although the Commonwealth negotiated a safe passage, the Russian forces massacred half of the former Kremlin garrison forces as they left the fortress. Thus the Russian army recaptured Moscow.
On June 2 1611 Smolensk has finally fallen to the Poles. After enduring 20 months of siege, two harsh winters and dwindling food supplies, the Russians in Smolensk finally reached their limit as the Polish-Lithuanian troops broke through the city gates. Polish army advised by the runaway traitor Andrei Dedishin, discovered a weakness in the fortess defence and on 13 June 1611 Cavalier of Malta Bartłomiej Nowodworski inserted a mine into sewer canal and the succeding explosion created a large breach in the fortress walls. Jakub Potocki was the first on the walls. The fortress fell on the same day. The remaining Russian soldiers took refuge in a cathedral and blew themselves up with stores of gunpowder to avoid death at the hands of the invaders. Although it was a blow to loose Smolensk, it freed up Russian troops to fight the Commonwealth in Moscow, and the Russian commander at Smolensk, Mikhail Borisovich Shein, was considered a hero for holding out as long as he had. He was captured at Smolensk and would remain a prisoner of Poland-Lithuania for the next 9 years.
===A new respite (1612-1617)===
After the fall of Smolensk, Polish-Muscovy border remained realtively quited for the next few years, however, no official treaty was yet signed. Sigismund, critised by Sejm (Polish parliament of szlachta, who was always reluctant to levvy taxes upon themselves to pay for any military force) for his failure to keep Moscow, received little funds for the army. This led to a mutiny of Polish regular army (wojsko kwarciane), or rather to the specific semi-legal form of mutiny practiced in the Commonwealth: a konfederacja (confederatio). The resulting konfederacja rohaczewska was considered the largest and most vicious of soldier's konfederacja's in the history of the Commonwealth, and pillaged Commonwealth territories from 1612 until the most rebellious of the konfederate's were defated on 17 May 1614 at the battle of Rohatyn, and the rest received their wages (leader of the konfedracja, Jan Karwacki, was sent in chains by the future hetman Stanisław Koniecpolski to his mentor, hetman Żółkiewski, and later executed in Lwów). Further criticism of Sigismund came from the Ottoman Empire, because the Cossacks in the Ukraine once again had begun to make unsanctified raids into Turkish territory. Thus Poles-Lithuanians got no support from the Ottoman Empire in their war.
In the meantime, Russian Time of Troubles was far from over, and Muscovy had no strengh to take opportunity of Commonwealth weakness. On February 21 1613 the Zemsky Sobor ("assembly of the land") named Michael Romanov, now the 17-year old son of Fyodor Romanov, the new tsar. Fyodor, now installed as Patriarch Filaret, was a popular boyar and patriarch of Moscow, one of several boyars who vied to gain control of the Muscovy throne during the Time of Troubles. The Romanovs were a powerful boyar family; Michael's great-aunt (the sister of his grandfather) was Anastasia Romanovna, the wife of Ivan the Terrible. However, the new tsar has many opponents. Marina Mniszech tried to place her child as Tsar of Russia until her death in 1614, various boyar factions still vied for power, trying to unseat the young Tsar Michael, and Sweden intervend in force, trying to gain the throne for Duke Charles Philip, and succeeding for a few months. Philip had even less support then Władysław and Swedes were soon forced to retreat from Muscovy.
While both countries were shaken by internal strife, many smaller factions thirved. Polish Lisowczycy mercenaries, who were essential in the defence of Smoleńsk in 1612, when most of regulars (wojsko kwarciane) mutined and joined the konfederacja rohatynska, for the next three years were content with the guarding of the Polish-Muscovy border against Muscovy incursions. However in 1615 Aleksander Józef Lisowski gathered many outlaws and invaded Muscovy with 6 'chorągiew' of calvalry. He lied siege to Bryansk (Briańsk) and defeated the relief force of few thousadns soldiers under kniazh Jurij Szachowski near Karaczewo. Then Lisowski defeated the front guard of a much larger force (several times larger then himself) under the command of khniaz Dymitr Pożrski, who decided to defend instead of attack and fortified his forces in a camp. Lisowczycy broke contact with his forces, burned Bielów and Lichwin, took Pieremyszl, turned north, defeated Muscovy army at Rzew, turned to Kara Sea, then to Kaszyn, burned Torzek and heavy with loot returned to Poland without any further opposition from Muscovy forces. Until autumn 1616 Lisowski and his forces remained at the Polish-Muscovy border, when Lisowski suddenly fell ill and died on 11 October. Since then the formation became known as Lisowczycy. Despite the death of Lisowski, his forces remained a singnifiant threat: in 1616 they captured Kursk and defeated Russian forces at Bolchów.
The final stage (1617-1618)
Eventually the Commonwealth Sejm voted to raise funds to resume and end the war. Sigismund's and Władysław's final attempt to gain the throne was a new campaign launched on 6th April 1617. Władsław was the nominal commander, however it was hetman Chodkiewicz who had actuall control over the army. In October, the towns of Dorogobuzh (Drohobuż, Drohobycz) and Vyazma (Wiaźma) surrendered quickly, reconginized Władysław as the tsar. However, Commonwealth forces suffred defeats between Vyazma and Mozhaisk, and Chodkiewicz plans for counterattack and advance to Moscow failed. Władysław didn't have enough forces to advance to Moscow again, especially as support for Poles was all but gone by that time. In response to his invasion, the townspeople of Smolensk revolted in opposition of Polish rule, and the Polish troops had to fight their way back as they retreated from the city. However in 1617 Polish forces, besieged in Smoleńsk by Russian forces were relived by Lisowczycy, when Muscovy forces retreated to Biała soon after receiving news that Lisowczycy, then commanded by Stnaisław Czapiński were in the neighbourhood. Those were the last spasms of the war. Negotiations begun and a peace treaty was signed in 1618.
Aftermath
In the end, Sigismund did not succeed in becoming tsar or securing it for Władysław, but was able to expand the Commonwealth territories. On 11th December 1618 the Truce of Deulino (also known as Treaty of Dywilino), which concluded the Dymitriad's war, gave the Commonwealth control over some conquered territories, including territories of Chernigov and Severia (Siewiersk) and the city of Smolensk, and proclaimed a 15-year truce. Władysław refused to relinquish his claim to the Russian throne, even though Sigismund had already done so. While Commonwealth gained some territories, in terms of money and lives it was a very costly victory.
In 1632 the Truce of Deulino expired, and hostilities were immediately resumed in the course of a conflict known as the Smolensk War. This time the war was started by the Russians, trying to exploit the Commonwealth's suspected weakness after Sigismund III's death. However they failed to regain Smolensk and accepted the Treaty of Polanowo in 1634. The Russians had to pay 20,000 roubles to the Poles, but Władysław relinquished his claim to the Muscovy throne and recognized Michael as the legitimate tsar of Russia, returning Russian royal insignia as well.
Modern legacy
The story of Dymitriads and False Dimtiris proved useful to the future generations of rulers and politicians in Poland and Russia, and a distorted version of the real events gained much fame in Muscovy, later Russia, as well as in Poland. In Poland the Dimitriads campaign is remembered as the height of the Polish Golden Age, the time Poles captured Moscow, something even Hitler could not manage. The Dimitriads were also useful for the Polish nationalistic propaganda of the authoritarian regime of Józef Piłsudski. In Muscovy it was useful to the new dynasty of tsars, the Romanovs, who understood that history is a powerful political tool, written by the victors. They tried to erase all references and theories to their role in creating the False Dmitris, self-interested cooperation with Polish and Swedish interventions, or their opposition to the liberal unia troista; instead they supported a portayal of Dimitriads as the heroic defence of Russian nation agaisnt the barbaric invasion of Polish-Jesuit alliance, who attempted to destroy the Russian Orthodox culture. This was the history line shown by the famous Russian historian, Nikolai Mikhailovich Karamzin, beautifully descirbed by Aleksandr Pushkin in his "Boris Godunov" and by Modest Mussorgsky in his opera "Boris Godunov". The communist regime of Soviet Union also found this war a useful propaganda tool, especially during the times of the Polish-Soviet War. In post-Soviet Russia, the only autumn holiday is the National Unity Day, first celebrated on November 4, 2005. Its name alludes to the idea that all the classes of the Russian society willingly united to preserve the Russian statehood when its demise seemed inevitable, even though there was neither Tsar nor Patriarch to guide them. However due to the political climate of that time, some observers, especially in Poland, interpreted this festivity as having anti-Polish undertones.
See also
- Related wars:
- Livonian War (1577-1582)
- Moldavian Magnate Wars (1593-1621)
- Time of Troubles (1598-1615)
- Rokosz of Zebrzydowski (1606-1608)
- The De la Gardie Campaign (1609-1610)
- Ingrian War (1610-1617)
- Treaty of Stolbovo (1617)
- Polish-Swedish Wars (1600-1611, 1617-1629)
- Smolensk War (1632-1634)
- Treaty of Polanów (1634)
Reference
- Norman Davies, God's Playground, ISBN 0231053533 and ISBN 0231053517 (two volumes).
- Andrzej Nowak, Polacy na Kremlu, Tygodnik "Wprost", Nr 1182 (31 lipca 2005), Polish language, accessed on 29th July 2005
- Paweł Jasienica, Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów, ISBN 8306010930.
- Jerzy Malec, Szkice z dziejów federalizmu i myśli federalistycznej w czasach nowożytnych, Wydawnictwo UJ, 1999, ISBN 8323312788