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⚫ | {{Falun Gong}} | ||
{{POV|date=July 2009}} | {{POV|date=July 2009}} | ||
⚫ | '''Falun Gong''' ({{lang-zh|法輪功}}) is a spiritual practice<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2008/04/06/MN44VVKA8.DTL| title=Falun Gong: Popular spiritual practice| publisher=San Francisco Chronicle |date=2008-04-06| accessdate=2009-07-21}}</ref> founded in ] by ] ({{lang|zh|李洪志}}) in 1992. Falun Gong has five sets of ] exercises; its teachings are focused on the principles "truthfulness, compassion and forbearance" as set out in the main books ''Falun Gong''<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.falundafa.org/book/eng/flg_2006.htm |title=Falun Gong |publisher=www.falundafa.org |date=2006-07-01 |accessdate=2007-08-16}}</ref> and '']''.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.falundafa.org/book/eng/zflus.html |title=Zhuan Falun |publisher=www.falundafa.org |date=2000-03-01 |accessdate=2007-08-16}}</ref> The books, lectures and exercise materials have been translated into multiple languages and are freely available on the Internet.<ref name="CW FAQ">, Falun Dafa Clearwisdom.net, retrieved June 10, 2006</ref><ref name="114countries"></ref> | ||
{{dablink|This article is a basic introduction to the beliefs, history, and reception of the group. For an in-depth coverage of these and related topics,<br>please use the navigation box or follow the main article-links.}} | |||
⚫ | Falun Gong emerged at the end of China's "] boom" as a traditional '']'' cultivation practice |
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⚫ | Because Falun Gong practitioners have no membership system numbers are unknown. In 1998, the Chinese government published a figure of 70 million practitioners in China.<ref name="70million">{{cite news |work=New York Times |url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9507E7D9173DF934A15757C0A96F958260 |title=Notoriety Now for Movement's Leader |author=Joseph Kahn |date=April 27, 1999}}</ref> Clearwisdom.net, a Falun Gong website, claims 100 million practitioners of Falun Dafa in "114 countries and regions around the world".<ref name="114countries"/> Falun Gong's spread and sustained activism against persecution may be the greatest challenge to Chinese state power in recent history.<ref name="zhao">Zhao, Yuezhi, "Falun Gong, Identity, and the Struggle over Meaning Inside and Outside China", pp209-223 in Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World, ed. Nick Couldry and James Curran, Rowman & Littlefield publishers, inc.: 2003. Quote: "the most dramatic episode in the contestation over media power in the Chinese language symbolic universe."</ref> | ||
⚫ | In April 1999 over ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners gathered at ] headquarters, ], in a silent protest against beatings and arrests in ].<ref>Controversial New Religions, The Falun Gong: A New Religious Movement in Post-Mao China, David Ownby P.195 ISBN 0195156838</ref><ref name="ReidG">Reid, Graham (Apr 29-May 5, 2006) , ''New Zealand Listener'', retrieved July 6, 2006</ref><ref name="Schechter">Danny Schechter, ''Falun Gong's Challenge to China: Spiritual Practice or Evil Cult?'', Akashic books: New York, 2001, p. 66</ref> Two months later the ] government, led by ], banned the practice, began a crackdown, and started what ] described as a "massive propaganda campaign."<!--literal quote from Amnesty International source--><ref name="heretical"> (23 March 2000) , Amnesty International</ref><ref>{{cite web | url = http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/67820.pdf | title = CRS Report for Congress: China and Falun Gong | publisher = ] | author = Thomas Lum | date = 2006-05-25|format=PDF}}</ref><ref name="wildgrass">Johnson, Ian, ''Wild Grass: three portraits of change in modern china'', Vintage (March 8, 2005)</ref> Since 1999, reports of torture,<ref name="UN.org-2004"/> illegal imprisonment,<ref name="Leung"> Leung, Beatrice (2002) 'China and Falun Gong: Party and society relations in the modern era', Journal of Contemporary China, 11:33, 761 – 784</ref> beatings, forced labor, and psychiatric abuses have been widespread.<ref name=sunnygalli/><ref name=munro2002/> |
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⚫ | ==Beliefs and teachings== | ||
{{Chinese|title=Falun Gong|t=法輪功|s=法轮功 | {{Chinese|title=Falun Gong|t=法輪功|s=法轮功 | ||
|l='''Practice of the Wheel of Law''', the symbol has no relation<ref name="theFalunEmblem"> </ref> with the ] ] | |l='''Practice of the Wheel of Law''', the symbol has no relation<ref name="theFalunEmblem"> </ref> with the ] ] | ||
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pic=Falun8.svg|picsize=150px|Image size=150px | pic=Falun8.svg|picsize=150px|Image size=150px | ||
piccap2=Falun, the emblem of Falun Dafa}} | piccap2=Falun, the emblem of Falun Dafa}} | ||
⚫ | {{Falun Gong}} | ||
⚫ | '''Falun Gong''' ({{lang-zh|法輪功}}) is a spiritual practice<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2008/04/06/MN44VVKA8.DTL| title=Falun Gong: Popular spiritual practice| publisher=San Francisco Chronicle |date=2008-04-06| accessdate=2009-07-21}}</ref> founded in ] by ] ({{lang|zh|李洪志}}) in 1992. Falun Gong has five sets of ] exercises; its teachings are focused on the principles of "truthfulness, compassion and forbearance" as set out in the main books ''Falun Gong''<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.falundafa.org/book/eng/flg_2006.htm |title=Falun Gong |publisher=www.falundafa.org |date=2006-07-01 |accessdate=2007-08-16}}</ref> and '']''.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.falundafa.org/book/eng/zflus.html |title=Zhuan Falun |publisher=www.falundafa.org |date=2000-03-01 |accessdate=2007-08-16}}</ref> The books, lectures, and exercise materials have been translated into multiple languages and are freely available on the Internet.<ref name="CW FAQ">, Falun Dafa Clearwisdom.net, retrieved June 10, 2006</ref><ref name="114countries"></ref> | ||
⚫ | {{Main|Teachings of Falun Gong}} | ||
⚫ | This controversial movement<ref></ref> emerged at the end of China's "] boom" as a traditional '']'' cultivation practice and has been regarded as one of the most important phenomena to emerge in China in the 1990s.<ref name="pennyharrold">Benjamin Penny, , 2001, accessed 16/3/08, Quote: "''The best way to describe Falun Gong is as a cultivation system. Cultivation systems have been a feature of Chinese life for at least 2 500 years'' //"</ref><ref name="isreligion">, ''Unofficial Religions in China: Beyond the Party's Rules'', 2005. Quote: "''The history of Falun Gong, and of the larger qigong movement from which Falun Gong emerged (...) The Falun Gong emerged in 1992, toward the end of the boom, and was in fact one of the least flamboyant of the schools of qigong''" </ref><ref name=Ownbyming>Ownby, David, "A History for Falun Gong: Popular Religion and the Chinese State Since the Ming Dynasty", Nova Religio, Vol. ,pp. 223-243</ref> The differences to traditional groups include the absence of rituals of daily worship, a self-consciousness about outside critics,<ref name="Haar">Haar, Barend ter, , quote: "''One difference between the Falun Gong and traditional groups is the absence of rituals of daily worship or rites of passage (...) Striking differences are also the degree of self-consciousness about outside critics already preceding the persecutions from April 1999 onwards''".</ref> greater emphasis on morality and the apparently theological nature of its teachings, which make it appear to be a religion.<ref name="radio">'''', ABC Radio National, April 22, 2001. Quote: "''That the teacher, the leader, is regarded as being greater and more powerful than normal human beings; that the things that that teacher says are taken as truer and more real and more powerful than anything else, anybody else says, and that there is a well developed, I would call theology, but possibly doctrine, that includes morality, practice and a whole complete world view. So it looks like a religion to me.''"</ref><ref name=smith>{{cite news | title=THE WORLD: Rooting Out Falun Gong; China Makes War on Mysticism | author=Craig S. Smith | work=] | date=2000-04-30 | url=http://www.nytimes.com/2000/04/30/weekinreview/the-world-rooting-out-falun-gong-china-makes-war-on-mysticism.html?sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all }}</ref> | ||
⚫ | Falun Gong was introduced to the public by ] |
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⚫ | Because Falun Gong practitioners have no membership system, numbers are unknown. In 1998, the Chinese government published a figure of 70 million practitioners in China.<ref name="70million">{{cite news |work=New York Times |url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9507E7D9173DF934A15757C0A96F958260 |title=Notoriety Now for Movement's Leader |author=Joseph Kahn |date=April 27, 1999}}</ref> Clearwisdom.net, a Falun Gong website, claims 100 million practitioners of Falun Dafa in "114 countries and regions around the world".<ref name="114countries"/> Falun Gong's spread and sustained activism against persecution may be the greatest challenge to Chinese state power in recent history.<ref name="zhao">Zhao, Yuezhi, "Falun Gong, Identity, and the Struggle over Meaning Inside and Outside China", pp209-223 in Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World, ed. Nick Couldry and James Curran, Rowman & Littlefield publishers, inc.: 2003. Quote: "the most dramatic episode in the contestation over media power in the Chinese language symbolic universe."</ref> | ||
⚫ | The main body of teachings is articulated in the core book ''Zhuan Falun'' ({{lang|zh|轉法輪}})<ref name=ZF>Zhuan Falun, , accessed 31/12/07</ref> |
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⚫ | In April 1999 over ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners gathered at ] headquarters, ], in a silent protest against beatings and arrests in ].<ref>Controversial New Religions, The Falun Gong: A New Religious Movement in Post-Mao China, David Ownby P.195 ISBN 0195156838</ref><ref name="ReidG">Reid, Graham (Apr 29-May 5, 2006) , ''New Zealand Listener'', retrieved July 6, 2006</ref><ref name="Schechter">Danny Schechter, ''Falun Gong's Challenge to China: Spiritual Practice or Evil Cult?'', Akashic books: New York, 2001, p. 66</ref> Two months later the ] government, led by ], banned the practice, began a crackdown, and started what ] described as a "massive propaganda campaign."<!--literal quote from Amnesty International source--><ref name="heretical"> (23 March 2000) , Amnesty International</ref><ref>{{cite web | url = http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/67820.pdf | title = CRS Report for Congress: China and Falun Gong | publisher = ] | author = Thomas Lum | date = 2006-05-25|format=PDF}}</ref><ref name="wildgrass">Johnson, Ian, ''Wild Grass: three portraits of change in modern china'', Vintage (March 8, 2005)</ref> Since 1999, reports of torture,<ref name = "UN.org-2004">United Nations (February 4, 2004) , retrieved September 12, 2006</ref> illegal imprisonment,<ref name="Leung"> Leung, Beatrice (2002) 'China and Falun Gong: Party and society relations in the modern era', Journal of Contemporary China, 11:33, 761 – 784</ref> beatings, forced labor, and psychiatric abuses have been widespread.<ref name=sunnygalli>Sunny Y. Lu, MD, PhD, and Viviana B. Galli, MD, “Psychiatric Abuse of Falun Gong Practitioners in China”, ''J Am Acad Psychiatry Law'', 30:126–30, 2002</ref><ref name=munro2002> Robin J. Munro, "Judicial Psychiatry in China and its Political Abuses", ''Columbia Journal of Asian Law'', ], Volume 14, Number 1, Fall 2000, p 114</ref> Two thirds of all reported torture cases in China concern Falun Gong practitioners, who are also estimated to comprise at least half of China's labor camp population according to the ] on torture, ], and the ] respectively.<ref name="USRep">{{cite web |url=http://usinfo.org/wf-archive/2002/020725/epf405.htm |title=House Measure Calls on China to Stop Persecuting Falun Gong |publisher=] |date=2002-07-24 |accessdate=2008-07-16}}</ref><ref name="nowak66">, Manfred Nowak, United Nations, Table 1: Victims of alleged torture, p. 13, 2006, accessed October 12 2007</ref><ref name="USstate"> , ], Sept 14, 2007, accessed 16th July 2008</ref> In 2006, human rights lawyer ] and former Canadian secretary of state ] published an investigative report concluding that a large number of Falun Gong practitioners have become victims of ] in China and that the practice is still ongoing.<ref name="km">Matas, David & Kilgour, David (2007). </ref> In November 2008, The United Nations Committee on Torture called on the Chinese State party to commission an independent investigation of the reports and to "ensure that those responsible for such abuses are prosecuted and punished."<ref name="UNCAT">United Nations Committee Against Torture, , Forty-first session, Geneva, 3-21 November 2008</ref> | ||
The content of Li Hongzhi's books includes commentaries on questions discussed in China's qigong community for ages. According to David Ownby, Li saw the qigong movement as "rife with false teachings and greedy and fraudulent 'masters'" and set out to rectify it. Li understood himself and Falun Gong as part of a "centuries-old tradition of cultivation," and in his texts would often attack those who taught "incorrect, deviant, or ] ways."<ref name=Ownbyming>Ownby, David, "A History for Falun Gong: Popular Religion and the Chinese State Since the Ming Dynasty", Nova Religio, Vol. ,pp. 223-243</ref> Qigong scholar David Palmer says Li "redefined his method as having entirely different objectives from qigong: the purpose of practice should neither be physical health nor the development of ] Powers, but to purify one's heart and attain spiritual salvation... Falun Gong no longer presented itself as a qigong method but as the Great Law or Dharma (''Fa'') of the universe."<ref name=Palmer>David Palmer, Qigong Fever: Body, Science, and Utopia in China (2007), Columbia University Press</ref> | |||
⚫ | ==Beliefs and teachings== | ||
⚫ | Falun Gong draws on oriental mysticism and traditional Chinese medicine, criticizes self-imposed limits of modern science, and views traditional Chinese science as an entirely different, yet equally valid knowledge system, according to Yuezhi Zhao, professor in the University of California. Concomitantly, it borrows the language of modern science in representing its cosmic laws |
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⚫ | {{Main|Teachings of Falun Gong}} | ||
⚫ | Falun Gong was introduced to the public by ]({{lang|zh|李洪志}}) in ], ], in 1992. Its teachings cover spiritual, religious, mystical, and metaphysical topics. ''Falun Gong'' is an introductory book that discusses ], which introduces the principles and provides illustrations and explanations of the exercises involved in ''Falun Gong'' practice. | ||
In a seminar paper presented at the 2003 annual meeting of ], Kai-Ti Chou stated: "Li does not deny the existence of mystery, which just exists in another realm, he claims. He does not want his followers to think about this limitedly with scientific thinking and thus close any possibility to view other possibilities. On the contrary, he encourages a radical rational and open way of thinking; namely, beyond the common scientific logic, which can not only help them to know the scientific world but also a world beyond science. Therefore, for Li or most cultivators, the most important thing does not lie in whether or not one can see or experience something mysterious but how one can let it be and will not be influenced by it."<ref name=chou>. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Atlanta Hilton Hotel, Atlanta, GA, Aug 16, 2003</ref> | |||
⚫ | The main body of teachings is articulated in the core book ''Zhuan Falun'' ({{lang|zh|轉法輪}}),<ref name=ZF>Zhuan Falun, , accessed 31/12/07</ref> published in late 1994. According to the texts, Falun Gong (or Falun Dafa) is a complete system of mind-body "cultivation practice" ({{lang|zh|修煉}}).<ref name=C1>Characteristics of Falun Dafa, , accessed 31/12/07</ref> '''Truthfulness''' ({{lang|zh|眞}} ''Zhen''), '''Compassion''' ({{lang|zh|善}} ''Shan''), and '''Forbearance''' ({{lang|zh|忍}} ''Ren'') are regarded as the fundamental characteristics of the cosmos—an omnipresent nature that permeates and encompasses everything. In the process of cultivation, the practitioner is supposed to assimilate himself or herself to these qualities by letting go of "attachments and notions," thus returning to the "original, true self." In ''Zhuan Falun'', Li Hongzhi said that "As a practitioner, if you assimilate yourself to this characteristic, you are one that has attained the ]—it's just such a simple principle." | ||
Leading Falun Gong scholar David Ownby sees Falun Gong as first and foremost "concerned with moral purpose and the ultimate meaning of life and death."<ref name=Ownbyfuture>David Ownby, Falun Gong and the Future of China (2008) Oxford University Press</ref><!-- ownby 2008 p5/ --> Falun Gong practitioners consider their practice "profoundly moral," according to Ownby, where "the very structure of the universe, according to Li Hongzhi, is made up of the moral qualities cultivators are enjoined to practice in their own lives: truth, compassion and forbearance. The goal of cultivation, and hence of life itself, is spiritual elevation, achieved by eliminating karma—the built-up sins of past and present lives which often manifest themselves in individuals as illness—and accumulating virtue."<ref name="Ownbyming"/> Through cultivation, Falun Gong promises "personal harmony with the very substance of the universe." Ownby says that Li's teachings do not focus on "lists of dos and don'ts or 'sophisticated ethical discussions.'" Falun Gong teaches instead that followers should "rid themselves of unnecessary ‘attachments’, to do what they know is right and hence to return to ‘the origin’, to their ‘original self,’" he says.<ref name="Ownbyming" /> | |||
⚫ | Falun Gong draws on oriental mysticism and traditional Chinese medicine, criticizes self-imposed limits of modern science, and views traditional Chinese science as an entirely different, yet equally valid knowledge system, according to Yuezhi Zhao, professor in the University of California. Concomitantly, it borrows the language of modern science in representing its cosmic laws; she says: "Falun gong is not conceptualized as a religious faith; on the contrary, its practitioners, which include doctorate holders from prestigious American universities, see it as 'a new form of science.'"<ref name="zhao"/> | ||
Falun Gong echoes traditional Chinese beliefs that humans are connected to the universe through mind and body, according to Danny Schechter.<ref name=schechter>Danny Schechter, Falun Gong's Challenge to China: Spiritual Practice or Evil Cult?, Akashic books: New York, 2001</ref><!-- pp. 47-50--> Li challenges "conventional mentalities", and sets out to unveil myths of the universe, time-space, and the human body. The opening statement of ''Zhuan Falun'' includes the phrase "If human beings are able to take a fresh look at themselves as well as the universe and change their rigid mentalities, humankind will make a leap forward." | |||
Li says that raising one's ''xinxing'' (mind or heart nature, moral character)<ref name="xinxing">'''xinxing (shin-shing)''' Mind or heart nature; moral character. See http://www.falundafa.org/book/eng/lec_glo.html</ref> is fundamental to Falun Gong cultivation. Improving xinxing means relinquishing human attachments, which are supposed to prevent people from awakening. Li says the term "attachments" refer to: jealousy, competitiveness, fame, showing off, pursuit of material gain, anger, lust, etc.. In ''Zhuan Falun'', he states "You must eliminate all ill thoughts among everyday people—only then can you move up."<ref name=Why> Why Doesn’t Your Gong Increase With Your Practice?, , accessed 31/12/07</ref> | |||
⚫ | ==Theoretical background== | ||
], Sweden)]] | |||
⚫ | === Theoretical background=== | ||
] (or ''ch'i kung'') refers to a wide variety of traditional "cultivation" practices that involve movement and/or regulated breathing designed to be therapeutic. Qigong is practiced for health maintenance purposes, as a therapeutic intervention, as a medical profession, a spiritual path, or a component of Chinese martial arts. | ] (or ''ch'i kung'') refers to a wide variety of traditional "cultivation" practices that involve movement and/or regulated breathing designed to be therapeutic. Qigong is practiced for health maintenance purposes, as a therapeutic intervention, as a medical profession, a spiritual path, or a component of Chinese martial arts. | ||
According to Xu Jian, writing for the ], the discourses on qigong theory broadly divide into "naturalist" and "supernaturalist" schools. The "naturalist" discourse involves scientific research on qigong and seeks to understand it within a modern, empirical, paradigmatic framework, while the "supernaturalist" discourse is situated within a revival of nationalistic traditional beliefs and values |
According to Xu Jian, writing for the ], the discourses on qigong theory broadly divide into "naturalist" and "supernaturalist" schools. The "naturalist" discourse involves scientific research on qigong and seeks to understand it within a modern, empirical, paradigmatic framework, while the "supernaturalist" discourse is situated within a revival of nationalistic traditional beliefs and values and conceives qigong as psychosomatic and metaphysical. Xu says, "this discursive struggle has articulated itself as an intellectual debate and enlisted on both sides a host of well-known writers and scientists — so much so that a veritable corpus of literature on qigong resulted. Each strives to establish its own order of power and knowledge, its own 'truth' about the 'reality' of qigong, although they differ drastically in their explanation of many of its phenomena."<ref name=xujian>Xu Jian, "Body, Discourse and the Cultural Politics of Contemporary Chinese Qigong", The ] 58 (4 November 1999)</ref> | ||
At the center of the debate is whether and how qigong can bring forth "supernormal abilities" ({{lang|zh|特異功能}}, ''teyi gongneng''). "The psychosomatic discourse emphasizes the inexplicable power of qigong and relishes its occult workings, whereas the rational discourse strives to demystify many of its phenomena and to situate it strictly in the knowledge of modern science."<ref name=xujian/> | At the center of the debate is whether and how qigong can bring forth "supernormal abilities" ({{lang|zh|特異功能}}, ''teyi gongneng''). "The psychosomatic discourse emphasizes the inexplicable power of qigong and relishes its occult workings, whereas the rational discourse strives to demystify many of its phenomena and to situate it strictly in the knowledge of modern science."<ref name=xujian/> | ||
The Chinese government has generally tried to encourage qigong as a science and |
The Chinese government has generally tried to encourage qigong as a science and discourages religious or supernatural elements. However, the category of science in China tends to include things that are generally not considered scientific in the West, including qigong and traditional Chinese medicine.<ref name=xujian/> | ||
] says that unlike in America, where many may believe that qigong is a socially neutral, subjective, New Age-style concept incapable of scientific proof, much of China's scientific establishment believes in the existence of ]. He contends that controlled experiments by the Chinese Academy of Sciences in the late 1970s and early 1980s concluded that qi, when emitted by a qigong expert, "actually constitutes measurable infrared electromagnetic waves and causes chemical changes in static water through mental concentration."<ref>David Aikman, American Spectator, March 2000, Vol. 33, Issue 2</ref> | ] says that unlike in America, where many may believe that qigong is a socially neutral, subjective, New Age-style concept incapable of scientific proof, much of China's scientific establishment believes in the existence of ]. He contends that controlled experiments by the Chinese Academy of Sciences in the late 1970s and early 1980s concluded that qi, when emitted by a qigong expert, "actually constitutes measurable infrared electromagnetic waves and causes chemical changes in static water through mental concentration."<ref>David Aikman, American Spectator, March 2000, Vol. 33, Issue 2</ref> | ||
Theories about the cultivation of elixir (''dan''), "placement of the mysterious pass" (''xuanguan shewei''), among others, are also found in ancient Chinese texts such as The Book of Elixir (''Dan Jing''), Daoist Canon (''Tao Zang'') and Guide to Nature and Longevity (''Xingming Guizhi''). Falun Gong's teachings tap into a wide array of phenomena and cultural heritage that has been debated for ages. However, the definitions of many of the terms used differ somewhat from Buddhist and Daoist traditions. Francesco Sisci says that Falun Gong "re-elaborated old, well-known Taoist and Buddhist routines, used the old vocabulary that people found familiar, and revamped them in a simple, persuasive way."<ref>, Francesco Sisci, Asia Times, January 27, 2001</ref> | Theories about the cultivation of elixir (''dan''), "placement of the mysterious pass" (''xuanguan shewei''), among others, are also found in ancient Chinese texts such as The Book of Elixir (''Dan Jing''), Daoist Canon (''Tao Zang'') and Guide to Nature and Longevity (''Xingming Guizhi''). Falun Gong's teachings tap into a wide array of phenomena and cultural heritage that has been debated for ages. However, the definitions of many of the terms used differ somewhat from Buddhist and Daoist traditions. Francesco Sisci says that Falun Gong "re-elaborated old, well-known Taoist and Buddhist routines, used the old vocabulary that people found familiar, and revamped them in a simple, persuasive way."<ref>, Francesco Sisci, Asia Times, January 27, 2001</ref> | ||
===Qigong and beyond=== | |||
Falun Gong originally surfaced in the institutional field of alternative Chinese science, a field "insulated from the spaces formally acknowledged as institutionalized science in Western countries."<ref name="Porter">Noah Porter (Master's Thesis for the University of South Florida). , 2003. p 38-39</ref> ] described how "Falun Gong positions itself as a kind of Über-science, something that is modern but even better than modern."<ref name="wildgrass">p. 212</ref> | |||
Johnson suggests that while initially Falun Gong laid emphasis on health benefits, over time "the philosophical teachings of Truth, Goodness and Forbearance began to take on more importance." He writes that in the context of Falun Gong, these principles require people to live "upright lives." A traditional morality—what Ownby calls "popular fundamentalism," a supposed return to moral values that numerous Chinese "feel have been lost in the rush to modernisation." | |||
Li sought to develop a greater history, theory and meaning behind cultivation. Ownby delineates the following discourses: ''the suffering body'' which holds the possibility of freedom from illness and physical suffering; ''limitless human potential'' where physical transformation is chiefly effected by moral practice; and ''exile and return'' concerning world creation, degeneration, and salvation/renewal.<ref name = Ownbyming /> Johnson describes Falun Gong as “the next logical step in qigong's development”, writing that “while firmly stating that Falun Gong was not a religion, Master Li drew on traditional religions for terminology and symbols.” The term “Falun” means Dharma Wheel, or Wheel of Law, a traditional Buddhist concept. The imagery used includes Buddhist swastikas and Taoist t'ai chi (yin-yang) symbols. | |||
Andrew P. Kipnis said that ''qigong'' may seem to be religious to laymen in the West because it deals with spiritual matters. As many Falun Gong concepts can be traced to Buddhism and Taoism, it may seem even more like a religion to the outsider. | |||
Richard Madsen, a professor of sociology at the ], says "among the Falun Dafa practitioners I have met are Chinese scientists with doctorates from prestigious American universities who claim that modern physics (for example, ] theory) and biology (specifically the ]'s functioning) provide a scientific basis for their beliefs. From their point of view, Falun Dafa is knowledge rather than religion, a new form of science rather than faith." <ref name=madsen>Richard Madsen, Understanding Falun Gong, Current History, Sept 200; 99, 638; Academic Research Library, pg. 243</ref> | |||
==History== | ==History== | ||
===Beginnings=== | ===Beginnings=== | ||
<!-- ] --> | <!-- ] --> | ||
{{See also|Li Hongzhi}} | |||
], ], 1998]] | ], ], 1998]] | ||
According to |
Falon Gong was founded by Li Hongzhi. According to a biography which appeared as an appendix to ''Zhuan Falun'', Li Hongzhi was taught ways of "cultivation practice" (''xiulian'') by several masters of the ] and ] schools of thought starting at a very young age. The biography indicates that he was trained by Quan Jue, the 10th Heir to the Great Law of the Buddha School, at age four. He was then trained by a Taoist master at age eight. This master left him at age twelve, and from then on, he was trained by a master of the Great Way School with the Taoist alias of ''True Taoist'', who came from the ].<ref>, Chinese Law and Government v. 32 no. 6 (Nov./Dec. 1999) p. 14-23 ISSN: 0009-4609</ref> | ||
Li Hongzhi introduced Falun Gong to the public |
Li Hongzhi introduced Falun Gong to the public on May 13, 1992, in ], ].<ref></ref> Invited by ''qigong'' organizations from each area, Li traveled to almost all major cities in China from 1992 to 1994 to teach the practice. For the first few years of spreading Falun Gong, Li was granted several awards by Chinese governmental organizations to encourage him to continue promoting what was then considered to be a wholesome practice.<ref>{{cite news| url = http://www.clearwisdom.net/emh/special_column/recognition.html | title = Governmental Awards and Recognition of Falun Dafa |accessdate = 2006-08-01 | publisher = Falun Dafa ClearWisdom.net}}</ref> ] scholar David Ownby noted that neither Li nor Falun Gong were particularly controversial in the beginning.<ref name="Ownbyworld">David Ownby, "The Falun Gong in the New World," European Journal of East Asian Studies, Sep2003, Vol. 2 Issue 2, p 306</ref> Li became an "instant star of the qigong movement," with his practice method celebrated at the Beijing Oriental Health Expos of both 1992 and 1993. Falun Gong was welcomed into the Scientific Qigong Research Association, which sponsored and helped organise many of Li's activities between 1992 and 1994, including the 54 large-scale lectures given throughout China in most major cities to a total audience of 20,000. The scale of the activities was unprecedented at that time. | ||
⚫ | After teaching publicly in Changchun, Li began to make his ideas more widely accessible and affordable, charging less than other qigong systems for lectures, tapes, and books.<ref name="Schechter">p. 66</ref> On 4 January 1995, '']'', the main book on Falun Gong, was published and became a best-seller in China.<ref name="Schechter">p. 62</ref> Before 1999, people learned Falun Gong by word of mouth, and it was usually practiced in the morning in parks like many other forms of exercise in China.<ref name="Schechter" /> It attracted many retired persons, factory workers, farmers, state enterprise managers, entrepreneurs, intellectuals, and students.<ref name=lum>Thomas Lum, , Congressional Research Service, August 11 2006</ref> | ||
] scholar David Ownby noted that neither Li nor Falun Gong were particularly controversial in the beginning.<ref name="Ownbyworld">David Ownby, "The Falun Gong in the New World," European Journal of East Asian Studies, Sep2003, Vol. 2 Issue 2, p 306</ref> Li became an "instant star of the qigong movement," with his practice method celebrated at the Beijing Oriental Health Expos of both 1992 and 1993. Falun Gong was welcomed into the Scientific Qigong Research Association, which sponsored and helped organise many of Li's activities between 1992 and 1994, including the 54 large-scale lectures given throughout China in most major cities to a total audience of 20,000. The scale of the activities was unprecedented at that time. | |||
⚫ | In 1994, Falun Gong was taught at the Chinese consulate in New York as part of the Party's "cultural propaganda to the West", alongside Chinese silk craft and cooking.<ref name=rn>Philip Adams, , Late Night Live, Radio National Australia</ref> The consulate at that time also set up Falun Gong clubs at ] and ] which are active to this day. Starting in 1995, Li himself taught the practice outside of China, chairing a series of conferences at the Chinese embassy in Paris, upon invitation by China's ambassador to France, according to David Ownby.<ref name=Ownbyfuture>David Ownby, Falun Gong and the Future of China (2008) Oxford University Press</ref><ref name=rn/> According to Professor Scott Lowe, Chair of Philosophy and Religious Studies at the ], Falun Gong enjoyed "excellent public credibility" in China until 1999: "Practitioners talked enthusiastically of the benefits Falun Gong had brought to their lives, and this functioned as a powerful recruiting tool, especially within families and circles of friends."<ref name=Lowe/> | ||
⚫ | After teaching publicly in Changchun, Li began to make his ideas more widely accessible and affordable, charging less than other qigong systems for lectures, tapes, and books.<ref name="Schechter">p. 66</ref> On 4 January 1995 '']'', the main book on Falun Gong, was published and became a best-seller in China.<ref name="Schechter">p. 62</ref> Before 1999, people learned Falun Gong by word of mouth, and it was usually practiced in the morning in parks like many other forms of exercise in China.<ref name="Schechter" /> It attracted many retired persons, factory workers, farmers, state enterprise managers, entrepreneurs, intellectuals, and students.<ref name=lum>Thomas Lum, , Congressional Research Service, August 11 2006</ref> | ||
⚫ | In 1994, Falun Gong was taught at the Chinese consulate in New York as part of the Party's "cultural propaganda to the West", alongside Chinese silk craft and cooking.<ref name=rn>Philip Adams, , Late Night Live, Radio National Australia</ref> The consulate at that time also set up Falun Gong clubs at ] and ] which are active to this day. Starting in 1995, Li himself taught the practice outside of China, chairing a series of conferences at the Chinese embassy in Paris, upon invitation by China's ambassador to France, according to David Ownby.<ref name=Ownbyfuture/><ref name=rn/> | ||
According to Professor Scott Lowe, Chair of Philosophy and Religious Studies at the ], Falun Gong enjoyd "excellent public credibility" in China until 1999. "Practitioners talked enthusiastically of the benefits Falun Gong had brought to their lives, and this functioned as a powerful recruiting tool, especially within families and circles of friends."<ref name=Lowe/> | |||
====Ideological and social context==== | ====Ideological and social context==== | ||
] | ] | ||
Yuezhi Zhao opines that Falun Gong's spread in China in the 1990s "reflected the profound contradictions of the Communist Party's technocratic-oriented modernization drive."<ref name="zhao" /> Falun Gong's rise, she says, was responding to the deep and widespread ideological and identity crises that followed the 1989 suppression of mass pro-democracy movement. In the early 1990s, Deng Xiaoping called for an end to debates about the political and social meaning of the economic reforms, urging the populace to participate in commercialism and the pursuit of material wealth. Falun Gong, in contrast, writes Zhao, "insisted on the search for meaning and called for a radical transcendence of materialism in both the mundane and philosophical senses."<ref name="zhao" /> | Yuezhi Zhao opines that Falun Gong's spread in China in the 1990s "reflected the profound contradictions of the Communist Party's technocratic-oriented modernization drive."<ref name="zhao" /> Falun Gong's rise, she says, was responding to the deep and widespread ideological and identity crises that followed the 1989 suppression of mass pro-democracy movement. In the early 1990s, Deng Xiaoping called for an end to debates about the political and social meaning of the economic reforms, urging the populace to participate in commercialism and the pursuit of material wealth. Falun Gong, in contrast, writes Zhao, "insisted on the search for meaning and called for a radical transcendence of materialism in both the mundane and philosophical senses."<ref name="zhao" /> | ||
Falun Gong taken in this context is a Chinese manifestation of "a worldwide backlash against capitalist modernity |
Falun Gong taken in this context is a Chinese manifestation of "a worldwide backlash against capitalist modernity"<ref name="zhao" /> Though it is grounded in Chinese cultural traditions and responds to unique post-1989 Chinese realities, Zhao says Falun Gong also addresses universal concerns, "asking humanity to take a 'fresh look' at itself and re-examine its dominant value system. It is partly for this reason that Falun Gong appeals to some non-Chinese people in the West." | ||
Zhao |
Zhao opines that, while Chinese authorities condemn Falun Gong as having "fallen prey to premodern superstitions," the practice "articulates a mixture of premodern, modern, and postmodern sensibilities."<ref name="zhao" /> In Zhao's view, Falun Gong has established a 'resistance identity', resisting prevailing pursuits of wealth, power, scientific rationality and "the entire value system associated with the project of modernization". | ||
{{cquote|Li Hongzhi addresses precisely the actors and aspects of subjectivity bruised by the ruthless march of Chinese modernity... and provides an alternative meaning system within which individuals can come to terms with their experience. The multiple unfolding struggles over this resistance identity match, both in speed and intensity, the wider social transformation in China.<ref name="zhao" />}} | |||
In a reversal from the 1989 outpouring of desire for political participation, many Chinese turned to Falun Gong precisely because they saw it as "an apolitical response to their individual and social concerns. By focusing on self-cultivation and individual moral salvation, and by urging its members to take lightly or give up 'attachments' to the desires, ambitions, and sentimentality that ordinarily rule modern human life, Falun Gong is reactive, defensive, and politically conservative."<ref name="zhao" /> Zhao regards the discipline as a form of religious fundamentalism, and is subsequently not "a purveyor of 'a social project'". Yet, she says, it has turned out to be "the most politicized and highly mobilized form of social contestation in post-1989 China." No other disenfranchised social group has staged a mass protest near Zhongnanhai, she says. And while the post-Mao Chinese state attempted to avert ideological struggles, " ended up having to wage a Maoist-style ideological campaign against the movement. Such is the dialectic of China's 'economic' reforms."<ref name="zhao" /> | In a reversal from the 1989 outpouring of desire for political participation, many Chinese turned to Falun Gong precisely because they saw it as "an apolitical response to their individual and social concerns. By focusing on self-cultivation and individual moral salvation, and by urging its members to take lightly or give up 'attachments' to the desires, ambitions, and sentimentality that ordinarily rule modern human life, Falun Gong is reactive, defensive, and politically conservative."<ref name="zhao" /> Zhao regards the required discipline as a form of religious fundamentalism, and is subsequently not "a purveyor of 'a social project'". Yet, she says, it has turned out to be "the most politicized and highly mobilized form of social contestation in post-1989 China." No other disenfranchised social group has staged a mass protest near Zhongnanhai, she says. And while the post-Mao Chinese state attempted to avert ideological struggles, " ended up having to wage a Maoist-style ideological campaign against the movement. Such is the dialectic of China's 'economic' reforms."<ref name="zhao" /> | ||
Scott Lowe reports in a study of an internet survey he conducted, published in '']'', that practitioners understood the reason for Falun Gong's rapid growth within China to be related to "family ties and community relationships," which, he says, still retain great power.<ref name=Lowe>Scott Lowe, Chinese and International Contexts for the Rise of Falun Gong, Nova Religio April 2003, Vol. 6, No. 2</ref> In this context, "whenever someone discovers something good, they automatically wish to pass it on to their family and friends." He says the "tremendously positive" word-of-mouth generated by practitioners naturally led to the rapid spread of the teachings within close-knit Chinese communities.<ref name=Lowe/> | Scott Lowe reports in a study of an internet survey he conducted, published in '']'', that practitioners understood the reason for Falun Gong's rapid growth within China to be related to "family ties and community relationships," which, he says, still retain great power.<ref name=Lowe>Scott Lowe, Chinese and International Contexts for the Rise of Falun Gong, Nova Religio April 2003, Vol. 6, No. 2</ref> In this context, "whenever someone discovers something good, they automatically wish to pass it on to their family and friends." He says the "tremendously positive" word-of-mouth generated by practitioners naturally led to the rapid spread of the teachings within close-knit Chinese communities.<ref name=Lowe/> | ||
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'']'' asserts that much of Falun Gong's success in the 1990s was due to claims that it could heal without costly medicine, as many citizens had lost medical benefits and services due to changing economic conditions.<ref> , ], Feb 1, 2007</ref> Some in China maintained that Falun Gong was the most popular ''qigong'' practice in the country, and that many professors from Beijing University practiced the exercises every day on the campus grounds until the crackdown in 1999.<ref name = "Ching-Gong">Julia Ching, "The Falun Gong: Religious and Political Implications," American Asian Review, Vol. XIX, no. 4, Winter 2001, p 2</ref><!-- Commented out because this matter is treated in the intro: The exact number of Falun Gong practitioners is not known. Falun Gong consistently states that there are no practitioner registers or membership. According to a '']'' article published in 1999, the PRC government estimated there were 70 million practitioners.<ref>Faison, Seth (April 27, 1999) ''New York Times'', retrieved June 10, 2006</ref><ref>Kahn, Joseph (April 27, 1999) ''New York Times'', retrieved June 14, 2006</ref> --> | '']'' asserts that much of Falun Gong's success in the 1990s was due to claims that it could heal without costly medicine, as many citizens had lost medical benefits and services due to changing economic conditions.<ref> , ], Feb 1, 2007</ref> Some in China maintained that Falun Gong was the most popular ''qigong'' practice in the country, and that many professors from Beijing University practiced the exercises every day on the campus grounds until the crackdown in 1999.<ref name = "Ching-Gong">Julia Ching, "The Falun Gong: Religious and Political Implications," American Asian Review, Vol. XIX, no. 4, Winter 2001, p 2</ref><!-- Commented out because this matter is treated in the intro: The exact number of Falun Gong practitioners is not known. Falun Gong consistently states that there are no practitioner registers or membership. According to a '']'' article published in 1999, the PRC government estimated there were 70 million practitioners.<ref>Faison, Seth (April 27, 1999) ''New York Times'', retrieved June 10, 2006</ref><ref>Kahn, Joseph (April 27, 1999) ''New York Times'', retrieved June 14, 2006</ref> --> | ||
While Lowe acknowledges sociological "macro-issues," such as economic insecurity, free time, the collapse of moral standards, worries about health and medical care, the desire for existential certitude, and other factors as explanations for Falun Gong's rise, he suggests these were secondary, if not completely irrelevant, to the thinking of the individuals who took up Falun Gong practice.<ref name=Lowe/> Falun Gong appeals to individuals on several levels of understanding, he says |
While Lowe acknowledges sociological "macro-issues," such as economic insecurity, free time, the collapse of moral standards, worries about health and medical care, the desire for existential certitude, and other factors as explanations for Falun Gong's rise, he suggests these were secondary, if not completely irrelevant, to the thinking of the individuals who took up Falun Gong practice.<ref name=Lowe/> Falun Gong appeals to individuals on several levels of understanding, he says: "For beginners, health benefits seem to be a primary concern. Over time, as good health comes to be a given and as their study of Master Li’s books deepens, the metaphysical system of Falun Gong seems to take precedence as cultivators work to shed their attachments and move to higher levels..."<ref name=Lowe/> Over time, followers appear to find in the teachings an "intricate, orderly, and internally consistent understanding of the cosmos," he writes. Other ''qigong'' practices were unable to provide "clear, unambiguous explanations of life’s deepest mysteries" and such a "complete and intellectually satisfying picture of the universe," as practitioners see it, he says.<ref name=Lowe/> | ||
=== |
===Situation in mainland China=== | ||
{{Main| Persecution of Falun Gong}} | {{Main| Persecution of Falun Gong}} | ||
{{See also|Tiananmen Square self-immolation incident}} | {{See also|Tiananmen Square self-immolation incident}} | ||
] | ] | ||
In April 1999, physicist ] published an article in the Tianjin College of Education’s ''Youth Reader'' magazine, entitled “I Do Not Agree with Youth Practicing ''qigong'',” and criticized Falun Gong.<ref></ref> Practitioners found his treatment of Falun Gong unfair, and believed it to be part of a wider campaign to discredit the practice; they subsequently gathered to protest the article. Police were allegedly called, who then beat and arrested a number of them.<ref name="Schechter"/> They were directed to take their appeal to the capital. On April 25, around ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners lined the streets near ] in silence, seeking legal recognition and protection of the practice in light of the alleged beatings and arrests in Tianjin. A few months later, on |
In April 1999, physicist ] published an article in the Tianjin College of Education’s ''Youth Reader'' magazine, entitled “I Do Not Agree with Youth Practicing ''qigong'',” and criticized Falun Gong.<ref></ref> Practitioners found his treatment of Falun Gong unfair, and believed it to be part of a wider campaign to discredit the practice; they subsequently gathered to protest the article. Police were allegedly called, who then beat and arrested a number of them.<ref name="Schechter"/> They were directed to take their appeal to the capital. On April 25, around ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners lined the streets near ] in silence, seeking legal recognition and protection of the practice in light of the alleged beatings and arrests in Tianjin. A few months later, on 20 July 1999, thousands of practitioners were arrested in the middle of the night, the media campaign to vilify the practice began, and the persecution was officially underway. | ||
Julia Ching from the ] suggested that it was the Zhongnanhai incident which led to "fear, animosity and suppression."<ref name=XIX>American Asian Review, Vol. XIX, no. 4, Winter 2001, p. 12</ref> A ''World Journal'' article suggested that certain high-level Party officials had wanted to crack down on the practice for several years, but lacked sufficient pretext until the protest at Zhongnanhai—which |
Julia Ching from the ] suggested that it was the Zhongnanhai incident which led to "fear, animosity and suppression."<ref name=XIX>American Asian Review, Vol. XIX, no. 4, Winter 2001, p. 12</ref> A ''World Journal'' article suggested that certain high-level Party officials had wanted to crack down on the practice for several years, but lacked sufficient pretext until the protest at Zhongnanhai—which it claims may have been partly orchestrated by ], a long-time opponent of Falun Gong.<ref name = "Ching-Gong"/> ] is held by Falun Gong to be largely personally responsible for the final decision.<ref name=peerman>Dean Peerman, , Christian Century, August 10, 2004</ref><ref name=Saich>Tony Saich, ''Governance and Politics in China,'' Palgrave Macmillan; 2nd Ed edition (27 Feb 2004)</ref> Cited motives include suspected personal jealousy of Li Hongzhi,<ref name=peerman/> anger at Falun Gong's widespread appeal, and ideological struggle.<ref name=Saich/> The nature of Communist Party rule and a perceived challenge to it is also a commonly understood reason for the persecution.<ref name=lestz>Michael Lestz, , Religion in the News, Fall 1999, Vol. 2, No. 3, Trinity College, Massachusetts</ref> | ||
====The |
====The ban==== | ||
On 20 July 1999, following seven years of rapid growth of the practice within mainland China,<ref name="Ownbyworld" /> |
On 20 July 1999, following seven years of rapid growth of the practice within mainland China,<ref name="Ownbyworld" /> ''Xinhua'' issued a statement saying the government was banning Falun Gong: {{cquote| | ||
China today banned the Research Society of Falun Dafa and the Falun Gong organization under its control after deeming them to be illegal. | China today banned the Research Society of Falun Dafa and the Falun Gong organization under its control after deeming them to be illegal. | ||
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We are calling for all governments, international organizations, and people of goodwill worldwide to extend their support and assistance to us in order to resolve the present crisis that is taking place in China.<ref name=briefstate> Li Hongzhi, , July 22 1999, accessed 31/12/07</ref>}} | We are calling for all governments, international organizations, and people of goodwill worldwide to extend their support and assistance to us in order to resolve the present crisis that is taking place in China.<ref name=briefstate> Li Hongzhi, , July 22 1999, accessed 31/12/07</ref>}} | ||
According to Scott Lowe, Falun Gong practitioners' explanation of the persecution is because the Chinese Communist Party wants "total control of society and is threatened by any group that is capable of independent action." Respondents thought that the Party was especially threatened by the moral example set by Falun Gong practitioners, "since party members look like grubby careerists in comparison." Practitioners also suspected that the authorities were afraid of the respect practitioners accorded to Master Li. Overall, "Falun Gong simply too big... and the government cannot understand how that many people can join in common cause and not be a threat to the state."<ref name=Lowe/> | |||
A nationwide crackdown ensued with the exception of the special administrative regions of ] and ]. In October 1999, four months after the ban, legislation was created to outlaw "heterodox religions" and applied to Falun Gong retroactively.<ref name="Leung" /> The Chinese authorities branded Falun Gong, along with some other practices, movements or organizations, as 邪教 or "xiejiao",<ref name="amnesty1999" /> which was translated into English with the somewhat inaccurate term "cult" or "evil cult."<ref name="amnesty1999">{{cite web | url=http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA17/011/2000/en/dom-ASA170112000en.html | title = The crackdown on Falun Gong and other so-called ''heretical organizations'' | publisher = ] | date = 2000-03-23 | accessdate = 2008-07-17}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url = http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/ce/ceat/det/zt/jpflg/t105141.htm | title = Chinese Ambassador Defends Government Banning of Falun Gong | date = 2004-05-13 | accessdate = 2008-07-17}}</ref> | A nationwide crackdown ensued with the exception of the special administrative regions of ] and ]. In October 1999, four months after the ban, legislation was created to outlaw "heterodox religions" and applied to Falun Gong retroactively.<ref name="Leung" /> The Chinese authorities branded Falun Gong, along with some other practices, movements or organizations, as 邪教 or "xiejiao",<ref name="amnesty1999" /> which was translated into English with the somewhat inaccurate term "cult" or "evil cult."<ref name="amnesty1999">{{cite web | url=http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA17/011/2000/en/dom-ASA170112000en.html | title = The crackdown on Falun Gong and other so-called ''heretical organizations'' | publisher = ] | date = 2000-03-23 | accessdate = 2008-07-17}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url = http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/ce/ceat/det/zt/jpflg/t105141.htm | title = Chinese Ambassador Defends Government Banning of Falun Gong | date = 2004-05-13 | accessdate = 2008-07-17}}</ref> | ||
====Methods of persecution==== | |||
According to some reports, every aspect of society was mobilized against Falun Gong, including the media apparatus, police force, army, education system, families, and workplaces.<ref name="wildgrass" /> An extra-constitutional body, the "]" was created to "oversee the terror campaign,"<ref name=morais>Morais, Richard C., ''Forbes'', February 9, 2006, retrieved July 7, 2006</ref> which was allegedly driven by large-scale propaganda through television, newspapers, radio and internet.<ref name="Leung" /> Families and workplaces were urged to cooperate with the government's position on Falun Gong, while practitioners themselves were subject to severe coercive measures to have them recant.<ref name=dangerous>Mickey Spiegel, , Human Rights Watch, 2002, accessed Sept 28, 2007</ref> Amnesty International declares the persecution to be politically motivated and a restriction of fundamental freedoms. | |||
According to the Ministry of Public Security, "]" is an administrative measure imposed on those guilty of committing minor offences, but who are not legally considered criminals.<ref name=dangerous /> In late 2000, the Party began to use this method of punishment widely against Falun Gong practitioners in the hope of permanently "transforming recidivists," who would often be immediately sentenced to re-education for up to three years.<ref name=dangerous /> Terms could also be arbitrarily extended by police. Practitioners may have ambiguous charges levied against them, according to Robert Bejesky, writing in the Columbia Journal of Asian Law, such as "disrupting social order," "endangering national security," or "subverting the socialist system."<ref name=bejesky>Robert Bejesky, “Falun Gong & reeducation through labour”, ''Columbia Journal of Asian Law'', 17:2, Spring 2004, pp. 147-189</ref> Up to 99% of long term Falun Gong detainees are processed administratively through this system, and do not enter the formal criminal justice system.<ref name=bejesky>p. 178</ref> Outside access is not given to the camps, prisoners are forced to do heavy work in mines, brick factories, and agriculture, and physical torture, beatings, interrogations, inadequate food rations, and other human rights abuses take place, according to Human Rights Watch.<ref name=dangerous /> According to the US Department of State's 2007 Country Report on Human Rights Practices, "Some foreign observers estimated that Falun Gong adherents constituted at least half of the 250,000 officially recorded inmates in reeducation-through-labor camps, while Falun Gong sources overseas placed the number even higher."<ref name=usdos2007>US Department of State, , accessed 25/6/09</ref> | |||
There are estimates of at least 10,000 Falun Gong practitioners having been officially sentenced to reeducation from the beginning of the crackdown,<ref name=dangerous /> and that at least half of the 250,000 total recorded inmates in China's reeducation camps are Falun Gong practitioners, according to the US State Department.<ref name=USstate /> Upon completion of their reeducation sentences, practitioners are sometimes then incarcerated in "legal education centers," another form of punishment set up by provincial authorities to "transform the minds" of practitioners, according to Human Rights Watch, which delivered a comprehensive report on the persecution, including extensive references to state-media and official statements.<ref name=USstate /><ref name=dangerous /> While Beijing officials initially portrayed the process as "benign," a harder line was later adopted; "teams of education assistants and workers, leading cadres, and people from all walks of life" were drafted into the campaign. In early 2001 quotas were given for how many practitioners needed to be "transformed." Official records do not mention the methods employed to achieve this, though Falun Gong and third party accounts indicate that the mental and physical abuses could be "extraordinarily severe."<ref name=dangerous /> | |||
Soon after the onset of the persecution, Falun Gong and human rights observers began reporting widespread psychiatric abuse of mentally-healthy practitioners. Falun Gong says that thousands have been forcefully detained in mental hospitals and subject to psychiatric abuses such as injection of sedatives or anti-psychotic drugs, torture by electrocution, force-feeding, beatings and starvation.<ref>{{Citation | title = Falun Gong Practitioners Tortured in Mental Hospitals Throughout China | publisher = Falun Dafa Information Center | url = http://www.faluninfo.net/hrreports/PsychAbuse.pdf |format=PDF| year = | accessdate = 2007-03-10}}</ref> Schechter states that as the persecution progressed, the "authorities came up with a new tactic, throwing those arrested into mental hospitals."<ref name=schechter/> | |||
There are particular concerns over reports of torture,<ref name="Amnesty2000">. ]. Amnesty International index ASA 17/048/2000 - News Service Nr. 239.</ref><ref>. ]. Amnesty International index ASA 17/014/2007</ref> illegal imprisonment including forced labour,<ref name=usdos2007/> and psychiatric abuses.<ref name = "UN.org-2004">United Nations (February 4, 2004) , retrieved September 12, 2006</ref><ref name=sunnygalli>Sunny Y. Lu, MD, PhD, and Viviana B. Galli, MD, “Psychiatric Abuse of Falun Gong Practitioners in China”, ''J Am Acad Psychiatry Law'', 30:126–30, 2002</ref><ref name=munro2002> Robin J. Munro, "Judicial Psychiatry in China and its Political Abuses", ''Columbia Journal of Asian Law'', ], Volume 14, Number 1, Fall 2000, p 114</ref> Falun Gong related cases comprise 66% of all reported torture cases in China,<ref name=nowak66>, Manfred Nowak, United Nations, Table 1: Victims of alleged torture, p. 13, 2006, accessed October 12 2007</ref> and at least half of the labour camp population.<ref name=USstate> , ], Sept 14, 2007, accessed 28th Sept 2007</ref> | |||
On July 30, 2008, the Chinese Communist Party foreign ministry spokesman confirmed that during the ] Falun Gong websites would be blocked, censoring ]' access to the internet.<ref>, BBC News, July 30 2008, accessed 31/07/08</ref> | |||
====Live organ harvesting allegations==== | |||
{{See also|Reports of organ harvesting from live Falun Gong practitioners in China}} | |||
]]] | |||
Falun Gong has alleged systematic organ harvesting from living practitioners and an investigation in 2006 led by Canadians ] and parliamentarian ], lent support to these claims.<ref name=km/> Kilgour commented "It is simply inescapable that this is going on"; Matas states their evidence "has not been refuted."<ref name=theage>Reuters, AP (July 8, 2006),''The Age'', retrieved July 7, 2006</ref><ref name=matasleg>, accessed October 12, 2007</ref> European Parliament Vice President Edward McMillan-Scott,<ref>McMillan-Scott, Edward (June 13, 2006) , ''Yorkshire Post'', June 13, 2006, retrieved March 30, 2008</ref> corroborates the claim that organ harvesting from Falun Gong practicioners is taking place. Dr. Kirk Allison, associate director of the program in human rights and medicine at the University of Minnesota believes that the current level of evidence calls for an independent investigation.<ref>Allison, Dr. Kirk C. (2006) </ref><ref></ref> | |||
The United States ] regarded these three sources as inconsistent with the findings of other investigations.<ref></ref> The ''Christian Science Monitor'' states that the report's evidence, although circumstantial, is persuasive, and criticises China for a lack of openness in investigating the claims.<ref name=monitorsview>The Monitor's View, , ''The ]'', August 3, 2006, retrieved 2006-08-06</ref> | |||
U.N. special rapporteur Manfred Nowak, in December 2007 said "The chain of evidence are documenting shows a coherent picture that causes concern."<ref></ref> In November 2008, the United Nations Committee Against Torture made a strong statement on the matter, citing Nowak's note that an increase in organ transplant operations coincides with “the beginning of the persecution of ” and who asked for "a full explanation of the source of organ transplants." The Committee is concerned with the information that Falun Gong practitioners "have been extensively subjected to torture and ill-treatment in prisons and that some of them have been used for organ transplants." They called for the state to immediately "conduct or commission an independent | |||
investigation of the claims" of torture and organ harvesting and take measures to ensure that those responsible for such abuses are prosecuted and punished.<ref name="UNCAT"/> | |||
====Protests inside mainland China==== | ====Protests inside mainland China==== | ||
Protests in Beijing were frequent for the first few years following the 1999 edict, though they have largely been silenced since.<ref name="wildgrass" /> Practitioners' presence in mainland China has become more low-profile, as they opt for alternative methods of informing the citizenry, such as through overnight letterbox drops of CD-ROMs. They have occasionally hacked into state television channels to broadcast their material, with harsh repercussions. Practitioners are also globally active in appealing to governments, media and the people of their respective countries about the situation in China. | Protests in Beijing were frequent for the first few years following the 1999 edict, though they have largely been silenced since.<ref name="wildgrass" /> Practitioners' presence in mainland China has become more low-profile, as they opt for alternative methods of informing the citizenry, such as through overnight letterbox drops of CD-ROMs. They have occasionally hacked into state television channels to broadcast their material, with harsh repercussions. Practitioners are also globally active in appealing to governments, media, and the people of their respective countries about the situation in China. | ||
===Outside mainland China=== | ====Outside mainland China==== | ||
{{Main|Falun Gong outside mainland China}} | {{Main|Falun Gong outside mainland China}} | ||
], ].]] | ], ].]] | ||
<!-- Deleted image removed: ] --> | <!-- Deleted image removed: ] --> | ||
Since the 1999 persecution, Falun Gong practitioners abroad have held activities directing attention to the ]. Practitioners' lobbying has raised the profile of the practice around the world, |
Since the 1999 persecution, Falun Gong practitioners abroad have held activities directing attention to the ]. Practitioners' lobbying has raised the profile of the practice around the world, particularly in the United States. | ||
The situation of Falun Gong and its practitioners has been regarded by the United States congress as a major ] issue.<ref>U.S. Congress, , accessed 25/6/09</ref> The PRC government is accused by Falun Gong ] (UNCAT), also ratified by the ].<ref>Amnesty International, , 3-21 November 2008</ref> In July 2002, the ] accused China of unlawful harassment of United States citizens and residents who practice Falun Gong, and passed a resolution, unanimously by 420:0, calling on China to "cease its persecution and harassment of Falun Gong practitioners in the United States".<ref name="USRep" /> | |||
On November 23, 2008 ] released their first studio recording since 1993, ]. The title track contains a reference to Falun Gong and speaks about persecution endured by Chinese citizens. | |||
Falun Gong practitioners have been assaulted in the U.S. by members of Chinese associations accused of having ties to China's communist government.<ref>http://en.epochtimes.com/n2/united-states/chinese-consulates-associations-flushing-ccp-7083.html</ref> The ] accused China of unlawful harassment of United States citizens and residents who practice Falun Gong, and passed a resolution unanimously calling on the Chinese government to "cease its persecution and harassment of Falun Gong practitioners in the United States." Practitioners also draw attention to their plight by demonstrating the meditation exercises, distributing flyers, displaying banners, initiating lawsuits, demonstrating outside Chinese consulates around the world, and organising other public events such as lavish travelling Chinese New Year shows.<ref name="NY Times 2008">, NY Times, retrieved March 12, 2008</ref> | |||
==Reception== | ==Reception== | ||
{{Main| Academic views on Falun Gong}} | {{Main| Academic views on Falun Gong}} | ||
The scholar Benjamin Penny of the ] has given a detailed treatment of Chinese Buddhist publications and has written on Falun Gong.<ref name="Penny2005">Penny, Benjamin, “The Falun Gong, Buddhism and ‘Buddhist qigong’”, ''Asian Studies Review'' (March 2005) Vol 29, pp.35-46.</ref> Scholars Susan Palmer, David Ownby and anthropologist Noah Porter, have made ] studies of Falun Gong as it is currently transmitted and practiced in the United States.<ref name="Porter"/> James Tong has written about the development of the campaign to repress the practice in Mainland China |
The scholar Benjamin Penny of the ] has given a detailed treatment of Chinese Buddhist publications and has written on Falun Gong.<ref name="Penny2005">Penny, Benjamin, “The Falun Gong, Buddhism and ‘Buddhist qigong’”, ''Asian Studies Review'' (March 2005) Vol 29, pp.35-46.</ref> Scholars Susan Palmer, David Ownby, and anthropologist Noah Porter, have made ] studies of Falun Gong as it is currently transmitted and practiced in the United States.<ref name="Porter">Noah Porter (Master's Thesis for the University of South Florida). , 2003. p 38-39</ref> James Tong has written about the development of the campaign to repress the practice in Mainland China<ref>James Tong, "Anatomy of Regime Repression in China: Timing, Enforcement Institutions, and Target Selection in Banning the Falungong, July 1999," Asian Survey, Vol. 42, No. 6. (Nov. - Dec., 2002), pp. 795-820.</ref> and discussed the use of the Communist states' media outlets in its portrayal of Falun Gong as a well-financed organisation.<ref> James Tong, "An Organizational Analysis of the Falun Gong: Structure, Communications, Financing", The China Quarterly, 2002, 636-660: p 636</ref> | ||
David Ownby, director of the Centre of East Asian studies at the University of Montreal, has analysed Falun Gong from a historical Chinese perspective as well as commented on his personal experience of meeting modern Falun Gong practitioners. Ownby has also speculated on Falun Gong as a cultural renewal of ancient Chinese cultivation forms starting in the Ming dynasty.<ref name = "Ownbyming"/> Stephen Chan has written about Falun Gong's relationship to Buddhism and other qigong, as well as commenting on deeper reasons behind the ban in Mainland China.<ref name="Chan2003">Chan, Stephen, "A New Triptych for International Relations in the 21st Century: Beyond Waltz and Beyond Lacan's Antigone, with a Note on the Falun Gong of China," ''Global Society'', 2003, 17:2, 187 - 208</ref> Barend ter Haar argues that Falun Gong "and the state's response to it cannot be understood without reference to the recent history of the People's Republic of China" . <ref>Haar, Barend ter. </ref> | David Ownby, director of the Centre of East Asian studies at the University of Montreal, has analysed Falun Gong from a historical Chinese perspective as well as commented on his personal experience of meeting modern Falun Gong practitioners. Ownby has also speculated on Falun Gong as a cultural renewal of ancient Chinese cultivation forms starting in the Ming dynasty.<ref name = "Ownbyming"/> Stephen Chan has written about Falun Gong's relationship to Buddhism and other qigong, as well as commenting on deeper reasons behind the ban in Mainland China.<ref name="Chan2003">Chan, Stephen, "A New Triptych for International Relations in the 21st Century: Beyond Waltz and Beyond Lacan's Antigone, with a Note on the Falun Gong of China," ''Global Society'', 2003, 17:2, 187 - 208</ref> Barend ter Haar argues that Falun Gong "and the state's response to it cannot be understood without reference to the recent history of the People's Republic of China" . <ref>Haar, Barend ter. </ref> |
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Falun Gong | |||||||||||
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Traditional Chinese | 法輪功 | ||||||||||
Simplified Chinese | 法轮功 | ||||||||||
Literal meaning | Practice of the Wheel of Law, the symbol has no relation with the Nazi swastika | ||||||||||
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Falun Dafa | |||||||||||
Traditional Chinese | 法輪大法 | ||||||||||
Simplified Chinese | 法轮大法 | ||||||||||
Literal meaning | Great Law of the Wheel of Law | ||||||||||
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Falun Gong (Chinese: 法輪功) is a spiritual practice founded in China by Li Hongzhi (李洪志) in 1992. Falun Gong has five sets of qigong exercises; its teachings are focused on the principles of "truthfulness, compassion and forbearance" as set out in the main books Falun Gong and Zhuan Falun. The books, lectures, and exercise materials have been translated into multiple languages and are freely available on the Internet.
This controversial movement emerged at the end of China's "qigong boom" as a traditional qigong cultivation practice and has been regarded as one of the most important phenomena to emerge in China in the 1990s. The differences to traditional groups include the absence of rituals of daily worship, a self-consciousness about outside critics, greater emphasis on morality and the apparently theological nature of its teachings, which make it appear to be a religion.
Because Falun Gong practitioners have no membership system, numbers are unknown. In 1998, the Chinese government published a figure of 70 million practitioners in China. Clearwisdom.net, a Falun Gong website, claims 100 million practitioners of Falun Dafa in "114 countries and regions around the world". Falun Gong's spread and sustained activism against persecution may be the greatest challenge to Chinese state power in recent history.
In April 1999 over ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners gathered at Communist Party of China headquarters, Zhongnanhai, in a silent protest against beatings and arrests in Tianjin. Two months later the People's Republic of China government, led by Jiang Zemin, banned the practice, began a crackdown, and started what Amnesty International described as a "massive propaganda campaign." Since 1999, reports of torture, illegal imprisonment, beatings, forced labor, and psychiatric abuses have been widespread. Two thirds of all reported torture cases in China concern Falun Gong practitioners, who are also estimated to comprise at least half of China's labor camp population according to the UN Special Rapporteur on torture, Manfred Nowak, and the US Department of State respectively. In 2006, human rights lawyer David Matas and former Canadian secretary of state David Kilgour published an investigative report concluding that a large number of Falun Gong practitioners have become victims of systematic organ harvesting in China and that the practice is still ongoing. In November 2008, The United Nations Committee on Torture called on the Chinese State party to commission an independent investigation of the reports and to "ensure that those responsible for such abuses are prosecuted and punished."
Beliefs and teachings
Main article: Teachings of Falun GongFalun Gong was introduced to the public by Li Hongzhi(李洪志) in Changchun, China, in 1992. Its teachings cover spiritual, religious, mystical, and metaphysical topics. Falun Gong is an introductory book that discusses qigong, which introduces the principles and provides illustrations and explanations of the exercises involved in Falun Gong practice.
The main body of teachings is articulated in the core book Zhuan Falun (轉法輪), published in late 1994. According to the texts, Falun Gong (or Falun Dafa) is a complete system of mind-body "cultivation practice" (修煉). Truthfulness (眞 Zhen), Compassion (善 Shan), and Forbearance (忍 Ren) are regarded as the fundamental characteristics of the cosmos—an omnipresent nature that permeates and encompasses everything. In the process of cultivation, the practitioner is supposed to assimilate himself or herself to these qualities by letting go of "attachments and notions," thus returning to the "original, true self." In Zhuan Falun, Li Hongzhi said that "As a practitioner, if you assimilate yourself to this characteristic, you are one that has attained the Tao—it's just such a simple principle."
Falun Gong draws on oriental mysticism and traditional Chinese medicine, criticizes self-imposed limits of modern science, and views traditional Chinese science as an entirely different, yet equally valid knowledge system, according to Yuezhi Zhao, professor in the University of California. Concomitantly, it borrows the language of modern science in representing its cosmic laws; she says: "Falun gong is not conceptualized as a religious faith; on the contrary, its practitioners, which include doctorate holders from prestigious American universities, see it as 'a new form of science.'"
Theoretical background
Qigong (or ch'i kung) refers to a wide variety of traditional "cultivation" practices that involve movement and/or regulated breathing designed to be therapeutic. Qigong is practiced for health maintenance purposes, as a therapeutic intervention, as a medical profession, a spiritual path, or a component of Chinese martial arts.
According to Xu Jian, writing for the Journal of Asian Studies, the discourses on qigong theory broadly divide into "naturalist" and "supernaturalist" schools. The "naturalist" discourse involves scientific research on qigong and seeks to understand it within a modern, empirical, paradigmatic framework, while the "supernaturalist" discourse is situated within a revival of nationalistic traditional beliefs and values and conceives qigong as psychosomatic and metaphysical. Xu says, "this discursive struggle has articulated itself as an intellectual debate and enlisted on both sides a host of well-known writers and scientists — so much so that a veritable corpus of literature on qigong resulted. Each strives to establish its own order of power and knowledge, its own 'truth' about the 'reality' of qigong, although they differ drastically in their explanation of many of its phenomena."
At the center of the debate is whether and how qigong can bring forth "supernormal abilities" (特異功能, teyi gongneng). "The psychosomatic discourse emphasizes the inexplicable power of qigong and relishes its occult workings, whereas the rational discourse strives to demystify many of its phenomena and to situate it strictly in the knowledge of modern science."
The Chinese government has generally tried to encourage qigong as a science and discourages religious or supernatural elements. However, the category of science in China tends to include things that are generally not considered scientific in the West, including qigong and traditional Chinese medicine.
David Aikman says that unlike in America, where many may believe that qigong is a socially neutral, subjective, New Age-style concept incapable of scientific proof, much of China's scientific establishment believes in the existence of qi. He contends that controlled experiments by the Chinese Academy of Sciences in the late 1970s and early 1980s concluded that qi, when emitted by a qigong expert, "actually constitutes measurable infrared electromagnetic waves and causes chemical changes in static water through mental concentration."
Theories about the cultivation of elixir (dan), "placement of the mysterious pass" (xuanguan shewei), among others, are also found in ancient Chinese texts such as The Book of Elixir (Dan Jing), Daoist Canon (Tao Zang) and Guide to Nature and Longevity (Xingming Guizhi). Falun Gong's teachings tap into a wide array of phenomena and cultural heritage that has been debated for ages. However, the definitions of many of the terms used differ somewhat from Buddhist and Daoist traditions. Francesco Sisci says that Falun Gong "re-elaborated old, well-known Taoist and Buddhist routines, used the old vocabulary that people found familiar, and revamped them in a simple, persuasive way."
History
Beginnings
See also: Li HongzhiFalon Gong was founded by Li Hongzhi. According to a biography which appeared as an appendix to Zhuan Falun, Li Hongzhi was taught ways of "cultivation practice" (xiulian) by several masters of the Dao and Buddhist schools of thought starting at a very young age. The biography indicates that he was trained by Quan Jue, the 10th Heir to the Great Law of the Buddha School, at age four. He was then trained by a Taoist master at age eight. This master left him at age twelve, and from then on, he was trained by a master of the Great Way School with the Taoist alias of True Taoist, who came from the Changbai Mountains.
Li Hongzhi introduced Falun Gong to the public on May 13, 1992, in Changchun, Jilin. Invited by qigong organizations from each area, Li traveled to almost all major cities in China from 1992 to 1994 to teach the practice. For the first few years of spreading Falun Gong, Li was granted several awards by Chinese governmental organizations to encourage him to continue promoting what was then considered to be a wholesome practice. University of Montreal scholar David Ownby noted that neither Li nor Falun Gong were particularly controversial in the beginning. Li became an "instant star of the qigong movement," with his practice method celebrated at the Beijing Oriental Health Expos of both 1992 and 1993. Falun Gong was welcomed into the Scientific Qigong Research Association, which sponsored and helped organise many of Li's activities between 1992 and 1994, including the 54 large-scale lectures given throughout China in most major cities to a total audience of 20,000. The scale of the activities was unprecedented at that time.
After teaching publicly in Changchun, Li began to make his ideas more widely accessible and affordable, charging less than other qigong systems for lectures, tapes, and books. On 4 January 1995, Zhuan Falun, the main book on Falun Gong, was published and became a best-seller in China. Before 1999, people learned Falun Gong by word of mouth, and it was usually practiced in the morning in parks like many other forms of exercise in China. It attracted many retired persons, factory workers, farmers, state enterprise managers, entrepreneurs, intellectuals, and students.
In 1994, Falun Gong was taught at the Chinese consulate in New York as part of the Party's "cultural propaganda to the West", alongside Chinese silk craft and cooking. The consulate at that time also set up Falun Gong clubs at MIT and Columbia University which are active to this day. Starting in 1995, Li himself taught the practice outside of China, chairing a series of conferences at the Chinese embassy in Paris, upon invitation by China's ambassador to France, according to David Ownby. According to Professor Scott Lowe, Chair of Philosophy and Religious Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire, Falun Gong enjoyed "excellent public credibility" in China until 1999: "Practitioners talked enthusiastically of the benefits Falun Gong had brought to their lives, and this functioned as a powerful recruiting tool, especially within families and circles of friends."
Ideological and social context
Yuezhi Zhao opines that Falun Gong's spread in China in the 1990s "reflected the profound contradictions of the Communist Party's technocratic-oriented modernization drive." Falun Gong's rise, she says, was responding to the deep and widespread ideological and identity crises that followed the 1989 suppression of mass pro-democracy movement. In the early 1990s, Deng Xiaoping called for an end to debates about the political and social meaning of the economic reforms, urging the populace to participate in commercialism and the pursuit of material wealth. Falun Gong, in contrast, writes Zhao, "insisted on the search for meaning and called for a radical transcendence of materialism in both the mundane and philosophical senses."
Falun Gong taken in this context is a Chinese manifestation of "a worldwide backlash against capitalist modernity" Though it is grounded in Chinese cultural traditions and responds to unique post-1989 Chinese realities, Zhao says Falun Gong also addresses universal concerns, "asking humanity to take a 'fresh look' at itself and re-examine its dominant value system. It is partly for this reason that Falun Gong appeals to some non-Chinese people in the West."
Zhao opines that, while Chinese authorities condemn Falun Gong as having "fallen prey to premodern superstitions," the practice "articulates a mixture of premodern, modern, and postmodern sensibilities." In Zhao's view, Falun Gong has established a 'resistance identity', resisting prevailing pursuits of wealth, power, scientific rationality and "the entire value system associated with the project of modernization".
Li Hongzhi addresses precisely the actors and aspects of subjectivity bruised by the ruthless march of Chinese modernity... and provides an alternative meaning system within which individuals can come to terms with their experience. The multiple unfolding struggles over this resistance identity match, both in speed and intensity, the wider social transformation in China.
In a reversal from the 1989 outpouring of desire for political participation, many Chinese turned to Falun Gong precisely because they saw it as "an apolitical response to their individual and social concerns. By focusing on self-cultivation and individual moral salvation, and by urging its members to take lightly or give up 'attachments' to the desires, ambitions, and sentimentality that ordinarily rule modern human life, Falun Gong is reactive, defensive, and politically conservative." Zhao regards the required discipline as a form of religious fundamentalism, and is subsequently not "a purveyor of 'a social project'". Yet, she says, it has turned out to be "the most politicized and highly mobilized form of social contestation in post-1989 China." No other disenfranchised social group has staged a mass protest near Zhongnanhai, she says. And while the post-Mao Chinese state attempted to avert ideological struggles, " ended up having to wage a Maoist-style ideological campaign against the movement. Such is the dialectic of China's 'economic' reforms."
Scott Lowe reports in a study of an internet survey he conducted, published in Nova Religio, that practitioners understood the reason for Falun Gong's rapid growth within China to be related to "family ties and community relationships," which, he says, still retain great power. In this context, "whenever someone discovers something good, they automatically wish to pass it on to their family and friends." He says the "tremendously positive" word-of-mouth generated by practitioners naturally led to the rapid spread of the teachings within close-knit Chinese communities.
The Economist asserts that much of Falun Gong's success in the 1990s was due to claims that it could heal without costly medicine, as many citizens had lost medical benefits and services due to changing economic conditions. Some in China maintained that Falun Gong was the most popular qigong practice in the country, and that many professors from Beijing University practiced the exercises every day on the campus grounds until the crackdown in 1999.
While Lowe acknowledges sociological "macro-issues," such as economic insecurity, free time, the collapse of moral standards, worries about health and medical care, the desire for existential certitude, and other factors as explanations for Falun Gong's rise, he suggests these were secondary, if not completely irrelevant, to the thinking of the individuals who took up Falun Gong practice. Falun Gong appeals to individuals on several levels of understanding, he says: "For beginners, health benefits seem to be a primary concern. Over time, as good health comes to be a given and as their study of Master Li’s books deepens, the metaphysical system of Falun Gong seems to take precedence as cultivators work to shed their attachments and move to higher levels..." Over time, followers appear to find in the teachings an "intricate, orderly, and internally consistent understanding of the cosmos," he writes. Other qigong practices were unable to provide "clear, unambiguous explanations of life’s deepest mysteries" and such a "complete and intellectually satisfying picture of the universe," as practitioners see it, he says.
Situation in mainland China
Main article: Persecution of Falun Gong See also: Tiananmen Square self-immolation incidentIn April 1999, physicist He Zuoxiu published an article in the Tianjin College of Education’s Youth Reader magazine, entitled “I Do Not Agree with Youth Practicing qigong,” and criticized Falun Gong. Practitioners found his treatment of Falun Gong unfair, and believed it to be part of a wider campaign to discredit the practice; they subsequently gathered to protest the article. Police were allegedly called, who then beat and arrested a number of them. They were directed to take their appeal to the capital. On April 25, around ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners lined the streets near Zhongnanhai in silence, seeking legal recognition and protection of the practice in light of the alleged beatings and arrests in Tianjin. A few months later, on 20 July 1999, thousands of practitioners were arrested in the middle of the night, the media campaign to vilify the practice began, and the persecution was officially underway.
Julia Ching from the University of Toronto suggested that it was the Zhongnanhai incident which led to "fear, animosity and suppression." A World Journal article suggested that certain high-level Party officials had wanted to crack down on the practice for several years, but lacked sufficient pretext until the protest at Zhongnanhai—which it claims may have been partly orchestrated by Luo Gan, a long-time opponent of Falun Gong. Jiang Zemin is held by Falun Gong to be largely personally responsible for the final decision. Cited motives include suspected personal jealousy of Li Hongzhi, anger at Falun Gong's widespread appeal, and ideological struggle. The nature of Communist Party rule and a perceived challenge to it is also a commonly understood reason for the persecution.
The ban
On 20 July 1999, following seven years of rapid growth of the practice within mainland China, Xinhua issued a statement saying the government was banning Falun Gong:
China today banned the Research Society of Falun Dafa and the Falun Gong organization under its control after deeming them to be illegal.
In its decision on this matter issued today, the Ministry of Civil Affairs said that according to investigations, the Research Society of Falun Dafa had not been registered according to law and had been engaged in illegal activities, advocating superstition and spreading fallacies, hoodwinking people, inciting and creating disturbances, and jeopardizing social stability.
The decision said that therefore, in accordance with the Regulations on the Registration and Management of Mass Organizations, the Research Society of Falun Dafa and the Falun Gong organization under its control are held to be illegal and are therefore banned.
Xinhua further declared that Falun Gong was a highly organised political group "opposed to the Communist Party of China and the central government, preaches idealism, theism and feudal superstition." It sought to make a distinction between "ordinary core members" and the leaders, which it referred to as "a small number of behind-the-scenes plotters and organizers who harbor political intentions." It struck a warning-bell against some important Party and government officials who were practitioners. Xinhua also affirmed that "the so-called 'truth, kindness and forbearance' principle preached by Li has nothing in common with the socialist ethical and cultural progress we are striving to achieve."
Li Hongzhi responded with a "Brief Statement of Mine" on July 22:
Falun Gong is simply a popular qigong activity. It does not have any particular organization, let alone any political objectives. We have never been involved in any anti-government activities. I am a cultivator myself, and I have never been destined to be involved in political power. I am just teaching people how to practice cultivation. If one wants to practice qigong well, he/she must be a person of high moral standards...
We are not against the government now, nor will we be in the future. Other people may treat us badly, but we do not treat others badly, nor do we treat people as enemies.
We are calling for all governments, international organizations, and people of goodwill worldwide to extend their support and assistance to us in order to resolve the present crisis that is taking place in China.
A nationwide crackdown ensued with the exception of the special administrative regions of Hong Kong and Macau. In October 1999, four months after the ban, legislation was created to outlaw "heterodox religions" and applied to Falun Gong retroactively. The Chinese authorities branded Falun Gong, along with some other practices, movements or organizations, as 邪教 or "xiejiao", which was translated into English with the somewhat inaccurate term "cult" or "evil cult."
Protests inside mainland China
Protests in Beijing were frequent for the first few years following the 1999 edict, though they have largely been silenced since. Practitioners' presence in mainland China has become more low-profile, as they opt for alternative methods of informing the citizenry, such as through overnight letterbox drops of CD-ROMs. They have occasionally hacked into state television channels to broadcast their material, with harsh repercussions. Practitioners are also globally active in appealing to governments, media, and the people of their respective countries about the situation in China.
Outside mainland China
Main article: Falun Gong outside mainland ChinaSince the 1999 persecution, Falun Gong practitioners abroad have held activities directing attention to the human rights situation in China. Practitioners' lobbying has raised the profile of the practice around the world, particularly in the United States.
Reception
Main article: Academic views on Falun GongThe scholar Benjamin Penny of the Australian National University has given a detailed treatment of Chinese Buddhist publications and has written on Falun Gong. Scholars Susan Palmer, David Ownby, and anthropologist Noah Porter, have made ethnographic studies of Falun Gong as it is currently transmitted and practiced in the United States. James Tong has written about the development of the campaign to repress the practice in Mainland China and discussed the use of the Communist states' media outlets in its portrayal of Falun Gong as a well-financed organisation.
David Ownby, director of the Centre of East Asian studies at the University of Montreal, has analysed Falun Gong from a historical Chinese perspective as well as commented on his personal experience of meeting modern Falun Gong practitioners. Ownby has also speculated on Falun Gong as a cultural renewal of ancient Chinese cultivation forms starting in the Ming dynasty. Stephen Chan has written about Falun Gong's relationship to Buddhism and other qigong, as well as commenting on deeper reasons behind the ban in Mainland China. Barend ter Haar argues that Falun Gong "and the state's response to it cannot be understood without reference to the recent history of the People's Republic of China" .
Ownby states that Falun Gong is "by no means a cult" that the People's Republic of China asserts it to be. Livia Kohn, Professor of Religion and East Asian Studies at Boston University and a scholar in Daoism, claims Falun Gong has "a high success rate in creating friendlier people, more harmonious social environments, and greater health and vitality." Benjamin Penny considers many aspects of Falun Gong "deeply traditional", at the same time, the system, "completely modern." According to him, "The best way to describe Falun Gong is as a cultivation system. Cultivation systems have been a feature of Chinese life for at least 2,500 years."
Psychologist Margaret Singer called the practice a "cult" at a Seattle conference, claiming that practitioners' relatives had approached her with concerns about the practice. Singer's credentials regarding this matter have been questioned. At the same conference, Patsy Rahn argued that "the crackdown on Falun Gong in China has helped the movement's reputation in the United States, because most of the news accounts here focus on the issue of human rights violations by the Communist government in Beijing." Rahn has also said that she believes the true story lies somewhere between the Communist Party's description of Falun Gong as an "evil cult" and the American news media's portrayal of Communist China as an "evil empire". Political scientist Patricia M. Thornton at the University of Oxford refers to Falun Gong as a cybersect, due to the group's reliance on the internet "for text distribution, recruitment and information-sharing among adherents".
According to Brian Edelman and James T. Richardson writing in the peer-reviewed Journal of Church and State, China has incorporated many theories of the "anti-cult movement" into its campaign against the Falun Gong. "However, most of the claims put forth by the ACM lack empirical verification or general acceptance within the scientific community." Moreover, Edelman and Richardson argue that "the definition allows the government to employ the restrictive anti-cult legislation to target a wide array of religious and spiritual organizations. The evidence suggests that this is precisely what has happened." As for the anti-Falun Gong legislation in China, "such infringements are not within the bounds of state discretion. As a result, they are in violation of international customary law. Furthermore, although China's discretion in relation to its restrictions on religious practice is greater, its actions also seem to overstep the bounds of the margin of appreciation. State edicts and legislation appear to be discriminatory in nature." The researchers conclude that "the anti-cult movement and its ideology have served as useful tools, helping efforts by the party to try to maintain a delicate balance and create the illusion that the rule-of-law has been upheld, even as actions in violation of international customary law are being taken against the Falun Gong."
References
- About the Falun Emblem
- "Falun Gong: Popular spiritual practice". San Francisco Chronicle. 2008-04-06. Retrieved 2009-07-21.
- "Falun Gong". www.falundafa.org. 2006-07-01. Retrieved 2007-08-16.
- "Zhuan Falun". www.falundafa.org. 2000-03-01. Retrieved 2007-08-16.
- "Answers to Commonly Asked Questions about Falun Gong", Falun Dafa Clearwisdom.net, retrieved June 10, 2006
- ^ Falun Dafa Has Been Spread to 114 Countries and Regions (Photos)
- Encyclopedia Britannica entry on Falun Gong, retrieved August 7, 2009
- ^ Benjamin Penny, The Past, Present, and Future of Falun Gong, 2001, accessed 16/3/08, Quote: "The best way to describe Falun Gong is as a cultivation system. Cultivation systems have been a feature of Chinese life for at least 2 500 years //"
- Statement of Professor David Ownby, Unofficial Religions in China: Beyond the Party's Rules, 2005. Quote: "The history of Falun Gong, and of the larger qigong movement from which Falun Gong emerged (...) The Falun Gong emerged in 1992, toward the end of the boom, and was in fact one of the least flamboyant of the schools of qigong"
- ^ Ownby, David, "A History for Falun Gong: Popular Religion and the Chinese State Since the Ming Dynasty", Nova Religio, Vol. ,pp. 223-243
- Haar, Barend ter, Evaluation and Further References, quote: "One difference between the Falun Gong and traditional groups is the absence of rituals of daily worship or rites of passage (...) Striking differences are also the degree of self-consciousness about outside critics already preceding the persecutions from April 1999 onwards".
- Falun Gong: Cult or Culture?, ABC Radio National, April 22, 2001. Quote: "That the teacher, the leader, is regarded as being greater and more powerful than normal human beings; that the things that that teacher says are taken as truer and more real and more powerful than anything else, anybody else says, and that there is a well developed, I would call theology, but possibly doctrine, that includes morality, practice and a whole complete world view. So it looks like a religion to me."
- Craig S. Smith (2000-04-30). "THE WORLD: Rooting Out Falun Gong; China Makes War on Mysticism". New York Times.
- Joseph Kahn (April 27, 1999). "Notoriety Now for Movement's Leader". New York Times.
- ^ Zhao, Yuezhi, "Falun Gong, Identity, and the Struggle over Meaning Inside and Outside China", pp209-223 in Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World, ed. Nick Couldry and James Curran, Rowman & Littlefield publishers, inc.: 2003. Quote: "the most dramatic episode in the contestation over media power in the Chinese language symbolic universe."
- Controversial New Religions, The Falun Gong: A New Religious Movement in Post-Mao China, David Ownby P.195 ISBN 0195156838
- Reid, Graham (Apr 29-May 5, 2006) "Nothing left to lose", New Zealand Listener, retrieved July 6, 2006
- ^ Danny Schechter, Falun Gong's Challenge to China: Spiritual Practice or Evil Cult?, Akashic books: New York, 2001, p. 66 Cite error: The named reference "Schechter" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- (23 March 2000) The crackdown on Falun Gong and other so-called heretical organizations, Amnesty International
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Further reading
- David Ownby, Falun Gong and the Future of China (Oxford University Press, 2008) ISBN 978-0-19-532905-6
- Maria Hsia Chang, Falun Gong: The End of Days (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 2004) ISBN 0-300-10227-5
- Li Hongzhi, Falun Gong (Law Wheel qigong) (1993)
- Li Hongzhi, Zhuan Falun (English translation 2000)
- Danny Schechter, Falun Gong's Challenge to China (Akashic Books, 2000) hardback ISBN 1-888451-13-0, paperback ISBN 1-888451-27-0
External links
Sites run by Falun Gong practitioners
Critical sites
- Condemn Falun Gong Cult — a series of anti-Falun Gong articles of the state-run Xinhua news agency
- Falungong Part 1: From Sport to Suicide, Francesco Sisci, Asia Times, January 27, 2001
Other sites
- Articles on the Falun Gong, (Pulitzer Prize winner) Ian Johnson, Wall Street Journal, 2001
- Falun Gong: Cult or Culture?, Produced by Chris Bullock, Radio National, 22 April 2001
- Center for Studies on New Religions press archives
- Carrying a Torch for China, Ethan Gutmann, The Weekly Standard, 21 April 2008
- Spiritual Society or Evil Cult?