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The following is a summary of the epochal study by Prof. By Karthigesu, Sivathamby titled ‘’’Sri Lankan Tamil Society and Politics’’’.

Sri Lankan Tamil ethnic consciousness

Not all the Tamils living in Sri Lanka referred to as "Sri Lankan Tamils” (SLT) for in all the government records and even at the level of group consciousness there is a distinction made between the “Indian Tamils” (IT) of the tea and rubber plantation areas, and the “Sri Lankan Tamils” (SLT) who are the traditional Tamil inhabitants of Sri Lanka largely confined to the northern and the eastern parts of the island.

It should be borne in mind that the political militancy found among the Tamils that characterises the current ethnic conflict is totally opposed to such a distinction being made, and prefers to call these Tamils the “ Malaiyakattamilar” (1it:Tamils of the Mountain home referring to the Upcountry Tamils). Though it is true that the bulk of the Tamils of Indian descent bought in as plantation labourers by the Britishers are continuing to live in the “ estate” areas in the central regions of Sri Lanka, it cannot be denied that a substantial number of them had to leave the estates and go into the “ traditional” Tamil areas for reasons of safety and security - a process that started in the sixties increased in the seventies when the estates were nationalized and in the eighties when there were ethnic riots. Thus in the Census of 1981 it was officially acknowledged that the following districts which are predominately Tamil had the following percentage of Indian Tamils: Vavuniya 19.4% Mullaitivu: 13.9% Mannar:13.2%

The figures for the recently created district of Kilinochi has not been given (it should at least be about 15% ) and the figures since 1983 must be high. What is important is that, due to economic and socio- political pressures the pace of assimilation of the IT into the SLT is high. Marriages between IT and SLT Tamils are on the increase and there is an increasing sense of oneness politically. However, to understand their “ group” solidarity and cohesiveness, it is important that they are studied separately.

The focus at first therefore should be on the Sri Lankan Tamils. Before we go into the problem of the groupings among these Tamils, their culture and the sub-cultures that are prevalent, we should understand the significance of this group of Tamils in terms of the history of the Tamils as a whole. It is this “ historical” consciousness that has given a wider dimension - Pan - Tamilian solidarity.

The Sri Lankan Tamils are the largest and the oldest of the Tamils living outside “ Tamilakam” (the Tamilian consciousness does not express this history in terms of India; it is always expressed in terms of the “ Land of the Tamils”). The proximity of this country and the group to Tamilians on the South West of India contributes to sense of Tamilian elation over their “ great past”. There has been a persistent tradition of referring to Tamilakam as the mother (place of mother) and Tamil region of Sri Lanka is “ Ceyakam” (place of the child).

Besides this aspect of Tamilian ‘group-psychology’, there is also the fact of a variation in terms of socio- cultural organization which has given a sense of specificity to Sri Lankan Tamil culture, thereby also creating a sense of dedication and commitment to keep that specificity alive. The following, in brief, are some of the significant peculiarities of SLT culture, when compared to the Tamil culture prevalent among Tamilnadu Tamils (TNT).

Distinct differences

a) Brahmins do not exercise social control. Though they are ritually the highest caste, among SLT they do not have the necessary social power and authority. Quite often they are employees at temples with well-defined duties and obligations. Nor do the Brahmins officiate in all temples; there are non- Brahmin priests known as Saivakkurukkals, drawn originally from the Vellala caste.

b) The dominant caste among SLT is the Vellalas, and except in rare cases they have the social control.

c) Unlike in Tamilnadu where the caste system has an observable caste-tribe continuum (Vanniyar, Kallar, Maravar, Irular)among SLT castes are largely occupation based (Vellalar, Karaiyar, Nattuvar, Nalavar, Pallar, Vannar, Ampattar). Social control by the Vellalas except in the littoral towns where the karaiyars (lit. those of the shore, ref. to the fishermen) are dominant, is virtually a complete one.

d) Among the SLT marriages are largely matrilocal; among the TnT it is largely patrilocal. e) Kinship organisation and sometimes even the kinship terms are different (for instances, at the non- brahmin level among the TnT uravinmurai (lineage) tradition is very strong; among the SLT even though they have the “ pakuti” (lineage) tradition, it is not strong; it is not sustainable).

f) In religious practices also there is considerable difference; there are also considerable differences in temple management.

g) Food habits vary much (among the TnT there is not much use of coconut and chillies; among the SLT there is much less use of milk, esp."tayir" and "mor".

h) SLT dialect is very much different from the local dialects of Tamilnadu.

i) The SLT literary culture too has been very different. In creative critical writings, SLT literary culture, responding to local needs and aspirations, has been able to carve out a distinct idiom of expression. The SLT live mostly in the Northern and Eastern provinces.

Population figures

The following are the population figurers of the SLT in the various districts of the North and East, for 1981.

Northern provinces:

Jaffna (including Kilinochi) - 95.3% Mullaitivu - 76.0% Mannar - 50.6% Vavuniya - 56.9% Eastern provinces: Trincomalee - 33.8% Batticaloa - 70.8% Amparai - 20.1% Of the population of 14,850,001, SLT are 1,871,535 (12.6%) and Indians are 825,238 (5.6%). The Tamils in all constitute 17% of the population. SOURCE: CENSUS 1981.

Northern Tamils

Jaffna with a history of a kingdom of its own (taken as an important legitimising factor in the political demands of the SLT) has throughout been an articulating centre in the constitutional demands of the Tamils. The other major SLT regions are Vanni and Mattakkalappu (Baticalo).

In terms of the geography of Sri Lanka, the area referred to as the Vanni districts fall between Mankulam and Anuradhapura in the North covering Vavuniya and Mullaitivu among the Tamil districts, and Anuradhapura, Tammankaduwe, Kekirake of the Sinhala areas going up to the northern reaches of the Triconamalee District. As the term “ Vanni” itself implies the word is derived from “ Vana” (forest) - this is the area that came under the Anuradhapura Kings (c. 2 ond c. B.C to 9th C.A.D) and later because of the drift of the Sinhala capitals to the South-West, became Jungle. These areas with their elephant infested jungles and malaria infested villages were kept aloof from the nuclear areas of post- 11th century Sri Lankan history. The area is divided into the Sinhala vanni and the Tamil Vanni. Thus the distinguishable Tamil areas are Batticaloa, Vanni, and Jaffna.

In an overall grouping up of “ culture areas” within the Tamil speaking region of Sri Lanka, Mannar presents a problem. This region on the North-West of the Northern province, now taken as part of the Vanni electoral district, was till recently a bigger district with Mullaitivu within it. It lies to the north- western border and is the closest point in Sri Lanka to South India. It has a long littoral region thus making it a rich fishing area. It has been rich in pearl fisheries from historical times. In spite of the fact that in the land interior it has as much a tank-based agrarian economy as the Vanni, the littoral character dominates. Manner has a substantial Muslim population (26.6%) and among the Tamils the Roman Catholics are very influentially placed.

It is of interest to note that on the south it is contiguous with Puttalam district which until the first two decades of this century had a substantial Tamil Catholic: population. It is well known fact of Roman Catholic Church 1 history that there was a process of Sinhalisation or assimilation into Sinhalese identity of these fishermen during the time of Bishop Edmund Peiris. The fishermen of the north western coast beginning from Negombo go to the Mannar and Mullaitivu areas for seasonal fishing.

One should not fail to understand the rich Roman Catholic tradition that is prevalent in Mannar. It was the first area to be converted and had therefore come under the influence such illustrious personalities like Francis Xavier.

In the last days of the Jaffna Kingdom (17th C) it had to face a suppression of the Catholics by Sangili, the last king of Jaffna kingdom, the memory of which is preserved to this day in the remembrance of “ the martyrs of Mannar”. The Roman Catholics of Mannar have a rich literary and dramatic tradition. The memory of Matottam, the ancient port of trade, looms large in the traditions of Mannar, in fact one of their theatrical forms is referred to as the “ Matottappanku”.

To the Hindu Tamils, Mannar is hallowed by the presence of Tirukethisvaram the Hindu temple sanctified by the Bhkhti songs tevarams of Campantar and Cuntarar of 7th and 8th centuries A.D.

The Hindu-Catholic relations have not always been friendly (it very often manifests in the identification of and erecting of places of worship) but with increasing Tamil political consciousness Catholic -Hindu hostilities have decreased. The pro-Sinhala position the Sinhala Catholic hierarchy took in and after 1983 had brought about an unprecedented unity among the Tamil Christians and Hindus. It should be mentioned, in passing, that the ideology of the Liberation Theology adopted by many of the younger priests of the Catholic Church had facilitated this Hindu-Christian Tamil unity.

It is equally important to note that the Muslim - Tamil relationship in Mannar has not been a hostile one and that there has been a history of friendly co-existence, especially among the Hindus and the Muslims.

In terms of anthropology the Tamils living in the Batticaloa known as Batticaloa Tamils district exhibit very interesting features indicating a tradition of social organisation and settlement quite different from other Tamil settlements, both in India and Sri Lanka.

Eastern Tamils

Batticaloa is the anglicized form of “ Mattakkalappu” (lit: shallow points in the sea/river) and is now used, as the term Jaffna is to refer to a system of social organization (Batticoloa Tamils, Jaffna Tamils). Batticaloa lies on the central part of the eastern sea border of Sri Lanka, south of Trincomalee. Historically speaking it had come under the Kandyan Kingdom (from about the 16th century to 1815) thereby it has a completely different geographical and historical environment. Jaffna is close to South India and was able to found a Jaffna kingdom of its own. Two factors which have determined the “ politicality” of Jaffna when compared with Batticalo. Batticaloa had been exclusive and has therefore been able to preserve many of traditional institutions which the much “ exposed” Jaffna has lost. Even under British rule, Batticaloa was not “ modernised” as comprehensively as Jaffna was. Modernisation in Batticaloa was confined only to the town of Batticaloa and a very sharp rural-urban discotinuum is a s striking feature of Batticalo district.

Social Organization of Eastern Tamils

The social organization of the Tamils of this district in terms of caste formation is slightly different from the one that obtains in Jaffna and is definitely less rigid. The traditional agrarian organization is characteristically feudal in terms of the extraction of surplus. Within the Sri Lankan Tamil dialect, Batticaloa has a distinctly separate mode.

It is important to note that the differences that one sees on the social and cultural organisation of Jaffna and Batticaloa are not that fundamentally different from each other, because if ore analyses the basics of both the “ systems” one will not fail to see that they emanate from the basic Dravidian kinship system (Trautmann) – South Indian system. Uneven development arising out of years of exclusive existence have sharpened the dis-similarities.

The term “ Mattakkalapputtamilar” refers to the Tamils living in the present Batticaloa and Amparai districts.

The following are the castes found in Batticaloa – the dominant ones –

Vellalar, Cirpatakkaral*, Mukkuvar, Karaiyar

(there has always been wrangling arguments on the order of precedence among these castes; one of them as recently as 1 980/1., when a book on Batticaloa was published.) - other castes:

Tanakkarar, Kaikkulavar Canar, Pallar, Vannar .Ampattar, Vanniyar*, Kollar, Tattar, Taccar, Kataiyar*, and Vetar*. Castes marked with the asteric (*) arc found only in Batticalo.

A special feature of the caste organization of Batticalo is the “ Kuti” system. The Tamil word “ KUTI” means “ a house”, a settlement. In Batticalo Kuti is found among all the major caste groups, and every context it refers to the exogamous matri – clans. The kuti system among the Muslims of Batticalo. The number of Kutis within a caste is always seven and the names vary. The significance of the kuti system lies in that,

a) it is related to matrimonial jilliances (None carry with him the kuti of his birth and one always a joins the wife’s kuti on marriage b) control of the places of worship (temples) is through the kuti system For Instance the following are the kutis among the Vellalar and the Mukkuvar. Vellalar Kantankuti, Carukupillikuti. Kattappattankuti, Kavuttankuti, Attiyayankuti, Ponnaccikuti and Vaittikuti. (the Vellalar consider themselves to be the deseants of Magha of Kalinga who invaded Sri Lanka in the 14th century A.D.)

Mukkuvar Ulakippotikuti, Kalinkakuti, Pataiyantakuti, Pettankuti, Panikkankuti, kaccilakuti, and Pettantapata antakuti.

The kuti system is also found among the Cirpatakkarar, the Cettis, the Karaiyar and the Kammalar. It is of interest to note that the names of kutis are common to some of the castes.

Besides those castes which have an internal kuti system there, are seventeen (17) caste groups which ~ are called “ CIRAIKKUTIS” (lit: prisoned kutis, meaning these are under “ captivity” and they are confined to the work they have got to do). Those are Matular, Koil Pantaram, Pantarappillai, Kucavar, Kollar, Mutalikal, Valipan, Nampikal, Vannar, anipattar, Canar, Pallar, Paraiyar, Koviyar, Tavacikal, and Kataiyar.

In the traditional agrarian system the “ feudal” landlord is known as the “ POTI”, the reverential form being “ potiyar”. The Batticala potiyar is a regular farmer; he is not an absentee landlord. But there is a system of leasing land to “ Kuttakaikkarar” (lessees), who undertake to do the cultivation (vellanmai) by paying a lump sum to the potiyar. There are instances when one potiyar could lease out land from another. Under the potiyar come the “ vayalkarar” (those of the field) who work on the fields. Labour is their main input, and the potiyar ‘looks after’ them, giving them what they need. These vayalkarar of the Batticalo system would correspond to the ‘pannaiyal’ of the ryotwari system in Tamilnadu.

Religious Traditions of Eastern Tamils

The religious tradition of the Batticalo Hindus are very important. Sanskritization, which is a characteristic feature of Jaffna Hinduism is very much absent. Religious practice in Batticalo is mainly non-Agamic (Agamas are the Sanskrit texts dealing with the practices in rituals and religious behaviour. They prescribe how the rituals are conducted). In fact there is only one major Civan temple Kokkatticcolai Tantonri Isvaran Koyil. There are of course a number of Pillaiyar (Ganesa) shrines in Batticalo, most important of which is the Mamankappillaiyar temple. But it should be noted that Pillaiyar is an agrarian deity among the SLT.

Batticalo has a large number of Murukan shrines, at Verukal, Cittanti, Tirupperunturai, Mantur, Tantamalai and Ukantamalai.

The most important popular cult found in Batticalo is the Pattini cult in which Kannaki, the chaste goddess, is worshipped. The important cult centres are Karaitivu, Palukamam, Kulakkattu, Makilativu, Aracatitivu, and Kannakuta. Another important cult is the Draupatai Amman cult. Whereas Kannaki worship is also found among the Jaffna Tamils mostly at the Little Tradition level the Great Tradition), the Draupathai Amman cult is only seen at very rare places in the Jaffna tradition. Fire-walking, though performed at other cult centres also, is the main form of votive offering at these shrines. There is also the worship of Maarianman and Kali.

Some of the major art forms of Batticalo are yet associated with rituals - the Kuravai, Vacantan, and the Kompu-murittal. The Batticalo theatre, consisting of the Vatamoti and Tenmoti plays are even now largely votive offerings performed during the post-harvest season. The entire village joins in the production of a “ kuttu”(play).

It is important to note that when compared to the religious tradition prevalent in Jaffna and in South Tamilnadu, where the non-Brahminic traditions are very strong, one could see that the cults now prevail in Batticalo are really the pre-sanskritizcd lorms or those forms which were widely prevalent among the Tamils before Brahminism gained ascendancy.

Tamil Speaking Muslims of the East

Batticalo has a strong Muslim presence (Batticalo 24.0% and Amparai 41% of the population) and unlike in the case of the Muslims of the western Province and Southern province, who are the richer and political the more articulate, are agrarian and thus land based. They are very strongly steeped in the Tamil tradition (they share the kuti system) and the much published oral poetry of Batticalo is really the folk-songs of the Muslims. But this should not under play the intense suspicians one group has of the other, which is quite manifested in the Tamil-Muslim fights. Regardless of this a lot of sancretism has been taking place, and it is unfortunate that no objective scholarly study of this has yet been made.

Trincomalee (Tirukkonamalai) on the north of the Eastern Province is really a halfway house between the Jaffna and the Batticalo systems. With Mullaitivu on its northern boundary and Batticalo on its south it has had a Tamil population which has been maintaining its relationship with both parts. Triconamalee with its famous Tirukonesvaram, the second of the Hindu shrines hallowed by the Bhakthi songs or Tevarams of Campantar and Cuntarar is vital to the Hindu Tamil traditions of Sri Lanka.

Going northwards form Triconamalee we come to Vavuniya, Mullaitivu districts, known as the Vanni.

Vanni is characterised by the developed village, with a tank-based cultivation a highland settlement and the jungle beyond. The livestock of buffaloes, bulls and cows is related to the agrarian system. Hunting in this area is more than a pastime; it is necessary to keep the cultivation going.

The Tamil Vanni consists of Vavuniya, Mullaitivu and Eastern Mannar. A census taken in 1890 listed 711 tanks in this area.

Historically speaking this area has been in direct contact with South India in the Late Medieval period.

Nedunkerni, Putukkutiiruppu, Mulliyavalai and Tenneerurru are some of the better known Vanni villages and their characteristics and social composition could be taken as representative of the Vanni traditions.

Tamils of the Vanni

Vanni Tamils distinguish themselves from those of Jaffna. But quite often they have marital relations with the Tamils living in the peninsula. For instance the Vellalar of Tanneerurru, Odducuttan and Netunkeni have marriage relations with the Vellalars of Mattuvil and Itaikkatu, Kaikkular of the Vanni with the same group at Kallinankatu, the Karaiyar of the Vanni have marriage relations with those living in Valvettiturai and Karaveddi (and also with the Karaiyars from Tennamaravady and Tampalakamam in the eastern province). Once the marriage is over the couple, generally speaking, settle down in Vanni because of the availability of land.

Vanni being primarily agricultural, farmers dominate, but there has always been a tendency for all these castes to take to agriculture. The Tamil proverb current in vanni, a variation of a well known one indicating the upward mobility of many non Vellala caste groups to Vellala status, depicts the Vanni situation rather pithily, Kallar Maravar Kanatta Akampatiyar mella mellap pallarkalum vellalar anarkal (Not only) the Kallar the Maravar and the weighty Akampatiyar even the Pallar gradually became Vellalar).

J. P. Lewis in his “ THE MANUAL OF THE VANNI DISTRICT” gives a list of 36 castes from Brahmins, Vellalar, Karaiyar to Nalavar. There is also mention of the Vanniya caste, one which is not found in the Jaffna system but is very important in the Tamilnadu system.

The caste system is less rigid in the Vanni, but one could see all the castes found in Jaffna e.g. in Mulliyavalai there are the following castes:- Brahmins, Vellalar, Koviyar, Karaiyar, Kaikkolar, Taccar, Kollar, Vannar, Ampattar, Pallar, Paraiyar, and Turumpar. The service castes, as mentioned earlier besides doing their caste services are also engaged in agriculture.

Because of the peculiar feature of the Vanni where elephant noosing is done there has been a caste-the panikkans doing that particular work.

Vanni has a very rich oral tradition connected with agriculture, a feature not seen much in other areas. The oral poetry of Pantippall kuruviccintu, Kuruviappallu, Murukaiyan cintu and Amman cintu are connected with agriculture. It has also a very rich dramatic tradition kattavarayan Kuttu and Kovalan kannaki Natakam are well known.

Social Organization of Northern Tamils

It is the system of caste and social stratification that prevails Jaffna that is better known, but even here it should emphatically be mentioned that there are not enough studies and whatever that is available cannot be taken as comprehensive and adequate.

The major studies on Jaffna social organization are those of Banks, David, Skjonberg, Pfaffenberger and Holmes.

The studies of David and Pfaffenberger seem to fit the caste mode that exists in Jaffna into some of the “ reigning” theoretical moulds. That is not a thing to be criticized for it is a welcome attempt to understand the society that exists in Jaffna in wider perspectives and in terms of the existing knowledge of the discipline. But the crucial fact is that these studies have been done in such a manner that it would not be possible to generalise on the basis of the findings because each of these has been confined to areas with which it is not possible to make an assessment of the system that exists within Jaffna as a whole. Banks, study was based on Sirupiddy in which there is no Karaiyar caste, and it will not be possible to decide on caste ranking in without understanding the importance of the “ unbound” groups (as very well pointed out by David). Pfaffenberger’s study also suffers from the fact that his area of research-Tenmaradchy also cannot be considered as typical of Jaffna caste system because of the absence of the Karaiyar population. Kenneth David’s study is in this respect more typical, because it deals with Vellala-Karayar interaction. Unfortunately it does not possess an active and representative enough Koviya caste for one to get a picture of how the relationship within the “ bound modes” are under transition. And that is something that would be crucial to the understanding of the system as it operates/functions now. Nor do we have any caste studies which could be related to each other and thus a picture be obtained of the overall situation.

It is only when we look at the problem of caste and inter-relationships and at the possibility of getting at an overall picture, we would realize the need to identify the sub regions within Jaffna where dominances and, therefore, caste relationships vary. A closer look at the social system of Jaffna from this point of view would necessitate the demarcation of the sub-regions. I would on the basis of my observations taking into count the occupational patterns, availability of resources, the build-up of local traditions and positions of economic strength and dependence suggest the following sub-regions:

Vadamaradehy Tenmaradehy The Islands Jaffna Town, with Vannarponnai, Nallur and up to Kopay Manipay Tellippallai, Cunnakam Chulipuram Pannakam The littoral area from Kankesanturai to Palaly Vaddukkottai, Araly

The last 4 sub regions covering the present Valikamam North and East should be worked out in better detail. A thorough going analysis of the systems in each of the subregions followed by a comparative analysis would throw up a picture of the system that is in operation in Jaffna. One should not forget the significance of the social relationships that are emerging in the Kilinochi, Paranthan area, the area opened up for agricultural development in the North. The people who have gone into these areas are from Jaffna, and there (in the new settlements) due to economic needs and social situations not experienced in Jaffna have evaluate mode of social relationships characteristic of or demanded by the mode of agricultural production that exists there is emerging between groups of persons who retain an active contact with their native villages in Jaffna. A contrast of these relationships would enable us to understand the current system better and to see how there is a transformation taking place.

The following are the important caste groups seen in Jaffna today:

Piramanar(Brahmins, Saivakkurukkalmar, Vellalar, Karaiyar, Koviyar, Tattar, Taccar Kollar, Nattuvar, Kaikkular, Chcttikai, Timilar, Mukkuvar, Kucavar, Vannar, Ampattar, Nalavar, Pallar, Paraiyar, Turumpar (the names of the castes are not given in any order of precedence)

It is the hierarchic order that is crucial to the discussion of caste as a system of social organization and action among the Tamils of Jaffna. Kennetth David very rightly spoke of the “ bound” and the “ non-bound mode”, the former refers to the relationships those caste groups which have been considered dependent on the Vellalar for their economic subsistence and thus were bound to the Vellalar through the kutimai-atimai murais. Both the kutimai and the atimai systems are there no more in the manner they are expressed and articulated in traditional terms but the this concept of being “ bound” has a significant role in assigning the hierarchical order. The term “ non-bound” refers to those groups which are not dependent on the Vellalar for their sustenance. This would refer to those non-agrarian pursuits like fishing.

The caste system in Jaffna is very much Vellala based and an ideology of Vellala hegemony has been built up over the centuries through caste myths and “ Histories” which have legitimised the hegemony. Ideologically speaking the most interesting are the sat-sudra concept which takes away from the Vellalar the defilements spoken of in relations to sudras as the lowest in the varna hierarchy and the formation of the pancama castes (lit: the fifth caste consisting of Nalavar, Pallar, Vannar, Ampattar and Paraiyar) so that the Vellalar as sudras are no more the lowest.

The characteristic feature of the caste system is that it prescribes the vocation for a person on the basis of his birth and a system of social network is worked on that basis. Variations were permitted in so far those did not threaten the system. In contemporary Jaffna the caste-vocation cotinuum is seen in the following manner.

a) Those which have a significance in ritual practices. Brahmins (Rituals are done by those Brahmins who are qualified to do it: other Brahmins though are of the caste do not do it) Vannar (the washermen: they have important ritual functions at temples, at domestic level ceremonies child birth, coming of age, marriage, and death). Ampattar (the barbers, they have an important place in death ceremonies and b) Those who are engaged in the field of traditional technology: Taccar (carpenters), Kollar (blacksmiths) Tattar (goldsmiths) Here too it must be remembered that not all who are born into these castes take the caste jobs. Nattuvar (the traditional musicians, name the nadadeswaram, tavil players) will also come in this category. Besides these the main division would be in relation to the two main economic activities

Agriculture and fishing traditions

In the case of fishing the following are the caste groups that are considered as traditional fishermen: Karaiyar, Mukkuvar and Timilar. It is true that occasionally Nalavar and Pallar do some shallow water fishing during rainy season. They use very very primitive forms.

Vellalar are the agriculturists. In the native perception a Vallalan is one who is engaged in vellanmai: They own the lands.

A close analysis of the caste formation in Jaffna would show that many of the intermediate caste groups which were doing vocations which ceased to exist after the socio-historical changes that have been taking place through modernization, like the Matappalliyar, the Akampatiyar, the Tanakkarar and even the local Chetties, have been now absorbed in to the Vellala caste. Thus the proverb “ Kallar, Maravar….” referred to earlier. There used to be a concept of Chinna Vellalar.

The Kutimakkal are no more dependent on the Vellalar and the mode of remuneration is no more the Varucappati (the annual gift in kind) but a monetary payment on the basis daily wages. In the case of Vannar and Ampattar there are yet places where an annual donation of paddy is given, but that is in addition to what is given as cash payment.

An important feature of contemporary caste in Jaffna today is the formation of what I would describe as the “Mega castes”. By this is meant the absorption into one caste all those intermediate castes the specific vocations of which do not exist now, or those which, irrespective of the technologies they use are doing the same vocation and are clustered together now. The mega castes that have arisen thus are the Vellalar, the Karaiyar and the smiths.

It should be noted that the social position assigned to the intermediate castes in the sub regions vary, for instance the social position of the Karaiyar is low in Karaveddi whereas in Valvettiturai they are the dominant caste. Social mobility is now a feature of caste life in Jaffna and it is important to know the manner the change takes place.

Modernization and higher education

With the opening up of Education in the British period and education itself becoming the gateway to white collar jobs in the government service the consciously guarded social power began to disintegrate. At the beginning it was Christianity that provided the breakthrough. One should not altogether dismiss as mere Christian propaganda that the early efforts at the revitalization of traditional religion (Hinduism) were also meant to check the social mobility that had started taking place. When the traditional main groups found that their social pre eminence was at stake they began to collaborate with the rulers.

With modernization and the ensuing mechanization there came up new professions which eroded the caste- vocation continuum. Driving lorries and tractors, being masons, running and working. in motor-repair shops and garages and such other secondary technology led to a number of people from the lower rungs of the society to get out of the tyrannies of the caste system. Also important was the emergence of urban trade, mostly small trade which again eroded the social exclusiveness that the caste system tended to impose.

Politicization, especially the emergence of Tamil nationalism, was another factor which enabled social mobility.

All these led to a process of Sanskritization and many caste groups and subgroups assuming “ respectable” position within the system itself. These led to the absorption of many of the intermediate caste groups onto the higher groups and to many of the lower groups to be independent of the religious isolation that the higher castes tried to impose on them.

The social rigidities of the caste also began to loosen. With the development of the subsidiary food crop production, especially with the boom of the early seventies the traditional tenurial system relating to leasing began to change. Men and women from the lower caste groups began to be employed as agricultural wage labor. They began to demand new work conditions which challenged the traditional caste norms. There began in the fishing industry also the employment of wage labor in fishing.

Equally important, though a later day phenomenon, is the exodus to the Middle East which enabled carpenters and masons to get very high incomes. This newly earned wealth has led to a new wave of Sanskritization by which social position accruing out of management of religious institutions is being shared by the once socially un-privileged, and underprivileged.

The need of the day is not to study caste system as an unchanging one but to study the caste-class relationship. It would yet be tenable to argue that the caste as a system of social behaviour has ceased to be effective. The “ system” exists but in new forms. It is important to identify these new forms and also the efforts taken to counter them.

It is at this point sociology should take over from anthropology.

Social structure

With the new problems as Sri Lankan Tamils are facing as Tamils and because they are Tamils, there is no doubt an increasing emphasis on the Tamil identity than on the “ intra” identities. When one takes into count the fact that many of the youth are out of the country as refugees, and a large number of families have migrated or are migrating, the question is how does the social organization among the Tamils stand today?

At this point the problem has got to be viewed in an all Tamil perspective for we will find that all the Tamils virtually share the same concepts relating to “ family”.

The Tamil word for “ family” is “ KUTUMPAM” and it does not, even today, refer only to the “ nuclear” family. It is the “ extended family” that is always referred to. There may be so many bickerings (and there are many) within “ Kutumpam” but it is the unit of social existence when it comes to matters relating to marriages and deaths. The extended family would definitely include the parents. brothers and sisters and their children. It is at this point a “ Kutumpam” becomes a PAKUTI (making “ a section, division”) a Caste group really consists of such Pakutis. The pedigree of the family, the moral values of a family are all judged in terms of the pakuti’s standing in those matters. This is so because marriage in this situation is largely a question of forging relationships with other situation is largely a question of forging relationships with “ other” families to form not only new solidarities, but also to establish the internal unity of the family that seeks or accepts the marriage proposals.

Marriage in such a situation becomes an important social arrangement which has got to be carefully “ negotiated”. The choices have got to be made very carefully, because on it would depend the future position of that “ sons” or “ daughter” in the family, his/her usefulness to the younger siblings and the maintenance of that family relationship with the other members of the Kutumpam.

It is true that love marriages do pose problems for this type of family-oriented organizations. And the experience so far has been that love marriages ultimately end up with the parents’ families also getting together or the couple being absorbed into one of the families, either that of the husband or that of the wife.

Marriage of a sister therefore becomes the responsibility of a brother. The social norm yet is that the brother helps enable the sister married comfortably so that the standing of that family goes up in relation to the pakuti.

One could say that the individual in among the Sri Lankan Tamil is, if we understand that term in its original meaning – “ that which cannot be divided furthur into substantive figures” - it is the family that is the unit of existence, not the single person.

The traditional property law among the Tamils yet envisages such a social organization in which the “ Kutumpam” is taken as the unit of social existance. This is very much so in the Tecavalamai (lit: the usages of the country) the law relating to the Property rights of the Tamils of Jaffna. 1989

Further reading

• Byran Pfaffenberger - Caste in Tamil culture. Syracuse USA- 1982 Banks, Micheal - Caste in Jaffna: an aspect of caste in South India, Ceylon and North West Pakistan (Ed.) Learn: Cambridge 1960.

David Kenneth - Hierarchy and Equivalences in Jaffna North Ceylon - Normative code as mediators in the New Wind - changing identities in South Asia. (ed.) - K..David - Hague - 1976.

• J.P.Lewis. The manual of Vanni.

DIVINE PRESENCE AND/OR SOCIAL PROMINENCE An inquiry into the Social role of the places of worship in Jaffna Tamil Society

The concept of worship

The concept of worship in the social discourse in Tamil Hindu tradition is expressed by two terms: 1. Kumpitutal like in cami katavul kumpitutal, worship of the lord god and 2. valipatu like in katavulal valipatutal, following the god.

Anyone interested in a study of religiosity among the Tamils should be aware of the distinction between “ worship” and “ prayer”. Whereas “ to pray” means “ to make devout supplication to”, and beseech earnestly, “ worship” (the verb) means “ adore as divine”, “ pay religious homage to”, “ idolize”, and regard with adoration.. The Tamil word kumpitu comes from a combination of kumpu and itu, “ to join hands (in worship)”. This form of establishing a relationship with the deity one worships, arises out of the bhakti concept in which there is an emotional relationship established with the deity in a highly personalized manner.

The literal meaning of the first word is “ worship” (not “ prayer”) and that of the second term is “ proceeding on the way, following”. This attitude towards god in which one adores god and not makes just petitional prayers is implicit in the concept of bhakti. It is well reflected in the Tamil proverb kulantalyum teyvamuin kontatum itattil, “ a child and the god are ‘seen’ best when (or where) you ‘celebrate’ them”. The more you are near Him (or Her) play, with Him (or Her) speak to Him (or Her), the more He (or She) gets attached to you and thus a permanent relationship is established. This would imply that one should have more places of worship, where one could ‘befriend’ Hin (or Her).

This concept of kumpitutal and valipatutal thus takes us on to the concept of cannityam, (Skt sam- nidhya, from sam-nidhi,) “ the being near”, “ nearness”, “ vicinity”, “ presence”, “ attendance”. When one worships, there is the presence of god and when there is a presence of the god one worships. Therefore the place where one worships should be kept in such a manner as to enable His (or Her) presence. Such places of worship could range from the camiarai, the room for keeping the pictures of the deities, to the koyil or kovil (temple) proper, from the personal to the public place of worship. The Tamil word for temple is koyil or kovil. It is a compound of ko, “ king” and il, “ abode, residence”. In Tamil tradition both the palace and the temple are referred to by this term. “ Palace” is always referred to by another word also - aranmanai, “ fortified house”. This concept of palace-temple continuum arises from the concept of the state since the Pallavas (ca 600-900) and gained its popularity during the Cola rule (900-1230) of Tamilnadu.

And given the enduring concepts like kulateiyvarn “ family”, “ clan”, “ caste-deity”, urkkavalteyvam, “ the deity that guards the village”, a common place of worship for the group becomes sine qua non. Besides, a special place is also predicated by the need of kontatutal ‘celebration’ of Him (or Her), to demonstrate to Him (or Her) how we adore Him (or Her). It is only then we would find a full presence of His (or Her) divine qualities.

Thus the need for a place of worship emerges from the very concept of god or deity and of the relationship established with Him (or Her).

Within this psychology lies intertwined the social relevance of not only the worshipped deity but also questions relating to the place where this worshipping is to be done, the sanctified form in which the place has to be kept, the things essential for it (this would range from the design of the building to the things that are to be done to demonstrate our feelings toward Him (or Her)), the persons who would be coming to the place, what are the things one should do to enable them perform those things for which they have come, etc.. An answer to anyone of these questions would find ourselves dealing with some place (locus) of and for worship.

Siting Places of worship first, let us see the places of worship in terms of those who constitute the groups that are expected to worship at a particular place. It could be the family (by this it is the extended family that is always referred to), or the clan lineage (pakuti) or the entire caste group. In terms of the deity concerned, this would be the kulateyvam. Or it could be the place of worship for the entire village itself. The place of worship of one group does not necessarily mean that worship in the former place of worship is specially reserved for that group only. Anybody could go to it and worship at that place, according to the social traditions of worship assigned to Him (or Her) within that community.

There could be three or more important centers of worship for a village. The size of the village, the constituent groups of the village, their relative importance within the village are important factors in this regard. Or, it could even be a temple for the entire region. There are temples, which, because of their sanctity become the centers of worship for a region. The significance may be district level or area level; by the former is meant places like Nallur Murukan temple, Mavittapurani temple etc, and temples like Celvacanniti (Tontamannaru) would be having significance within a region like Vatamaracci. It is important to mention at this stage that a place of worship which had started as a cult centre for a kin group located in their area of residence, could, due to its importance in terms of the manifestation of divine presence, or the significance of its tirttam, ‘(holy) - waterspot’ could become a centre of worship for all.

Siting of a temple is, it is said, based on the concept of murttl, talam, tirttam (Tamilised Sanskrit terms). Murtti refers to the manifestation of that particular deity fully bringing out His (or Her) characteristics; talam refers to the significance of the place of worship (it might be the place where certain divine manifestations had taken place) tirttam refers to the main water source of the temple, pond, well or/river which would have holy power.

Temples - common categories and average structural patterns

The places of worship could vary in terms of the object of worship and how it is housed. At best it could be in the form of an agamic koyil, constructed according to the akamam (Sanskrit agama), which is a set of scriptures regulating the temple cult. By an agamic temple is meant a temple replete with a mulattanam “ rootplace”, (Sanskrit garbhagrha “ womb house”., which is the innermost room. There is also a kotittaampam from koti “ flag” and tanipam “ pillar”, which indicates the god or goddess. You also find the eluntaruli, the room on the eastern end of northern side of the inner pirakaram, “ precincts” (of the temple), in which the icons, which are taken out on the round inside and outside the temple are kept.

There is also a vasantamantapam, (lit. the spring hall) referring to the spacious hall within the temple. Within the inner pirakaram there will also be the various micro-size structures within which the other deities worshipped in that temple are enshrined. There is always an ulviti, “ inner pathway”, within the walled inner temple area used for circumambulating the icon when they are taken on their ritual rounds and the veliviti “ outer path way”. This is really the open space around the four sides of the temple. People congregate here and the icons are also brought out here along this pathway during the festivals.

There is also the keni, “ (square or oblong walled) tank”, which is the built water pond, and the nantavanam, “ flower garden”.

These types of big temples are bound to have an elaborate entrance. It could be a kopuram, “ tower (of a gateway at the entrance of a town or a temple)” or an elevated mukappu, “ frontage”, which is the outer face of the temple. The “ belfry” tower would be an important construction and would have a bell which is rung just prior to and during the time of the pucai hours. In temples of this type there would be six pucais a day (the first one around 5 am, the second one around 7 am, the third one by 9.30-10 am, the fourth one around 5 pm and the last one around 8 pm).

This type of temple is more the exception than the rule. Very often the temples are not that replete, the barest essential would be the ulviti and the veliviti and the important shrines being housed alongside the ulviti. There will be the mulattanam and the eluntaruli. Kopuram (skt. Gopura) is not always there.

Normally there would only be three pucais (one in the morning 7.30 am, one in the noon around 12 or 12.30. and one at nightfall 6.30 or 7 pm). This would be the general pattern in a mahotsava koyil, “ temple for the great festivals”, that is, a temple which has annual festivals. This would be the typical village level temple. The area level, or district level temples would be the ones mentioned earlier, i.e. those which have all the six pucais. Even at some of the area level or regular level temples three pucais a day might be the order on all non-auspicious days.

During the period of ethnic crisis during times of night curfew the pucai hours are shortened, and all the pucais would be over at least an hour before the curfew begins. During times of day curfew no pucais are held. The conducting or not doing so is known by the sound of the kopuram bell or the absence of it.

In both these types of temples there would be a resident kurukkal or aiyar. An aiyar is always a Brahmin; a kurukkal would refer to one from the Caiva-kurukkal tradition also. These are priestly families which have arisen out of the vellalar caste but observe all the ritual purities that are essential for those who officiate at the pucais (Skt. Puja). It is said that a Caiva-kurukkal does not chant the Vedic texts. They chant all the mantrams that are essential for the conduct of the pucais. The word kurukkal consists of kuru (Sanskrit guru) plus kal, which is a Tamil suffix now used to denote the honorific plural. It also refers to a person who has, through a process of atiyayanam, “ education”, achieved the status of a kurukkal. It is those who have attained that status who could perform the rituals for the annual festivals. Thus even a Brahmin priest could also be referred to as a kurukkal. Caiva-kurukkal is also a caste name of a Brahmin.

In temples of the descriptions mentioned above the kurukkal’s family is always given a residence. It could be alongside the matam, “ rest place” (house like structure close to the temple which is used as a resting place). The temple matam is a building close to the temple, in which people congregate during festivals. It is also the place where people are fed on occasion of annatanam, “ food-offering” this is done as a votive offering and is usually meant to feed the poor and needy, but there will be a good number of the relatives of the one who gives this annatanam there on invitation by the host.

In the area-level or regional level temple there would be more than one matam. The largest number of matams in a single temple in Jaffna are seen at the Celvacanniti temple, Tontamannaru, where the characteristic votive offering is the feeding of the needy. Celvacanniti incidentally has kurukkals who are neither brahmins nor Caiva-kurukkals but who are from the karaiyar, (fishermen) families. Those who perform pucais observe strict vegetarianism.

In terms of the overall number of the places of worship in the Jaffna district these village-level temples would be only a small proportion. Among those with permanent stone-cult structures there is a category of places of worship which would have just one building built in the traditional Dutch architecture having only one small room inside (or some times without a room) to house the icon of the deity. In such temples, which are clan or caste levels ones, there will be no daily pucais. Some one from the caste-group would light the coconut oil lamp every evening and that too if he is ritually clean. The pucai would be only on Friday noons or fore-noon. It may be done by a professional priest, usually a Caivakurukkal, not a brahmin. These are also referred to as koyilkal, “ temples”.

Special pucai is normally held at these places on the Tai Ponkal “ (rice) cooking in (the month of) Tai”, (January 14 or 15), and the Varucappirappu, the New Year, (April 14 or 15). At all these places of worship, normally pucai is done by an elder in the family at these places of worship. The professional priests come only during special occasions.

In terms of the number of “ temples” in Jaffna district this category would be the largest. Any village unit would have about at least 100-150 of such places. Most of these places of worship do not have icons proper. They would have a culam, “ trident” if the worship is of Kali or Vairavar, and a stone.

There is another category of worship-spots. These are under trees usually big, spreading ones, often alamaram, “ banyan tree”, araca maram “king-tree” (ficus religiosa, “ bo-tree”), naval, “ blackberry-tree” or pulia maram, “ tamarind tree”, or even puvaraca maram, “ king trees with flowers”. This is the Portia tree (Thespecia populnea) and is found in large numbers in Jaffna.

There will be a few stones placed at the trunk of the tree with a culam, “ trident” stuck in. Invariably the offering would be done by an elder of the family. On Fridays a coconut oil lamp would be lit. There will be a special ponkal, “ (rice) cooking” done annually or there would be a ponkal done on the tai ponkal day (January 14/15) and/or the New Year Day (April 14/15).

It needs mention that in the two types of worship-spots (cult-centres) mentioned above, special votive offerings are given on the auspicious days of the year (tai ponkal, putu varucapponkal, (ponkal on the New Year day), vaikasi full moon-day (Sinhala vesak (April / May) etc, or on any Friday in case of any emergency within the family. The emergency would arise because of the illness of some one in the family or some severe stress period someone in the family undergoes. During such times the blessing of these “ deities” are quite often invoked.

It should be mentioned here that during times of stress, offerings are paid or worshipping is done at all levels. Thus there would be pucais done or a trip undertaken to the temple of regional importance, there would be special pucais done at the village level temple, and also at the clan/family level cult spot. It is at time like this the concept of kutumpatteyvam kulateyvam, “ deity of the family/caste” is seen in full action. These family deities are very often worshipped within the compound in which the house stands. This would be the vituteyvam, “ deity of the household”. I know of the worshipping of such deities at the trunk of trees or in specially constructed small buildings, within the compound of a house. In lands which have come under housing settlement lately, say since the 1930s, there would be no cult spot of this type. These cult spots are seen in compounds of households with a long history. It is said that these types of a vituteyvam worship came into existence during the period of Dutch rule when public worship was forbidden.

Sometimes the tree itself is the object of worship. The belief is that a particular “ deity” resides in the tree. Quite often an icon of the deity or an insignia is then placed under the tree, later a small structure is built over it and from then on, it becomes an important cult-centre. Then it emerges as a “ temple” proper, the priest of the cult spot, changes from a family elder to a caste elder and from that to a Caiva-kurukkal and finally to a brahmin.

The deities thus worshipped could range from Annamar, Vairavar, Kali to Pillaiyar and Murukan. The following is an incomplete list of such deities.

1. Annamar is a caste god of the castes nalavar, toddy collections, and pallar, a low servant caste.

2. Mutalikal is possibly a caste deity. The example I know of it is that of the karaiyar.

3. Periyatampiran, “ the great master”, a caste god of the washermen.

4. Ayyanar (Skt. Sasta).

5. Virumar is possibly a caste god of the smiths.

6. Kattavarayan (the Saviour hero).

7. Naccimar, “ the ladies” - now quite often given in the form Ampal, the Mother Goddess.

8. Sapta Kanniyar, “ seven virgins”.

9. Naka tampiran, “ snake master”

10. Vairavar (skt.Bhairava). 11. Kali, “ black goddess”.

It is interesting to note that the identities of some of the lesser known deities are getting lost and most of them are now identified as Vairavar and Kali. Both are worshipped in the form of culams, “ tridents”..

12. Pillayar, the child God referring to Ganapati or Ganesa.

13. Murukaiya or Murukan. This deity is often referred to at the dialectal level as Murukaiya (Skt. Skanda).

14. Amman, the mother goddess. There are various forms of amman worship, important of which are Mariamman, the goddess of rain, Kannakai amman which is Kannakai, the chaste goddess.

15. Civan, (Skt Siva). Civan is never worshipped at this level. The number of temples dedicated to Civan arc few. In agamic tradition distinction is made between temples based on the nature of the rituals performed, the buildings available in the temple, the icons that are installed for worship etc... At the popular level categorisation is done normally on the following basis:

a) Those temples which have annual festivals.

b)  Those which have only an annual cankapicekam. canku is a “ shell” and apicekam is “ sprinkling”, i.e. 

“ consecration” after an elaborate pucai.

c) Those with an annual ponkal or kulutti. The first would be agamaic in nature, the last one would not be. But in all this cases the pucais would be performed by a professional priest-brahmin or Caiva kurukkal.

Children arc given the names of gods, especially the ones that are perceived as dear and near to the parents. Such a god is called istateyvam, "the god chosen., "favourite god..

At the village level temples, it is the Pillaiyar temples that are the largest in number. Pillaiyar worship is very much associated with the farmers.

The temple significant at the village level will be the focus of study in this paper.

The Pancankam

Before we get on to an analysis of the pivotal role the village temple plays in the social organization of the Jaffna village, it is important to state the usefulness of the pancankam “ almanac of the five things”, which are the lunar days, solar days, periods of the asterisks, junction of the planets and the zodiac, as an important source for the study of the socio-religio-cultural life of the Hindu Tamils. Literally the word means “ five limbs (units)”; they arc varam, “ day” titi, “ lunar phase”, karanam, “ division”, nakshatram, “ asterisk” and yokam, “ junction” - all these are divisions of time. One should not fail to mention that even the non-Hindu Tamils, the Christians- both Catholics and non-Catholics, resort to it. The Pancankam provides the astrological almanac for the Tamil year (April 14/15 to March 13/14) on the basis of the Tamil months. The Tamil year consists of the months cittirai (April / May), vaikaci (May/June), ani (June/July), ati (July/August), avani (August / September), purattaci (September/October), aippaci (October/November), kartikai (November/ December), markali (December/January), maci (February / March), and pankuni (March/April).

Pancankams arc prepared on the basis of two differing traditions - the vakiya and the kanita ones. The former means “ spoken tradition” and the latter means “ astronomical calculation”. The two traditions can be traced back to very ancient times. It is the vakya tradition that is most popular in Jaffna although the adherents of the latter often argue that the kanita pancankam is astronomically the more correct one.

It is claimed that the first vakya pancankam is in use from 1666 AD.

The pancankam gives the auspicious days and inauspicious days for all the social educational and economic activities ranging from wedding to admitting children to school, to harvesting and to the dates of all the important annual seasonal festivals, days of fasting ete, along with the dates of the annual festivals of the different temples.

It is an important handy reference book used in almost every literate household. It provides a clue to a socio-religious study of the Hindu Tamil community of Ilankai. Its price (Rs.60) is within the range of an average literate family in Jaffna.

The temple in society - its place, its role, and the manner it is managed

The village-level temple is one of the most important institutions of the village. It reflects the hierarchy, the power-balance between the groups living within the village, and is an indicator to the type of social mobility that is taking place within that society. An analysis of the working of the temple would reveal the internal dynamism of that society that takes that temple as the religio-cultural focal point of their living. The social ranking a man has within that society could be judged from the place he occupies in the temple affairs.

The temple may belong to a particular family or may belong to the traditional “ congregation” of the temple. The latter is a term that is quite often used in contemporary courts of law to describe those permanent residents of the area to whom that particular temple is the one where all their important religious needs are catered for. They have a claim on it and have known to be associated with it for generations. Where the temple is a property of a family (by this it is the extended family that is meant) they could also be, in rare cases, the officiating priests as is the case at Canniti temple. Tontamannaru and the Atulu kannakaiamman temple, Karaveddi. That is more the rare exception than the rule. If the temple belongs to a particular family, then the koyil maniyam, the lay Superintendent of the temple, is nominated by them. There have been instances of family feuds over the proprietorship of the temples and when such litigation goes to the courts, the courts have in general terms, provided for better participation by the congregation in the running of the temple.

In case of those temples where the temples are of great significance to the people and have been well managed, the proprietor-superintendent is referred to respectfully as the ecaman, Sanskrit Yajaman, “ sacrificer”, who is the owner and master. Such reference is made to the superintendents of the Nallur Kantacami temple and the Valvettiturai Civan temple. But this is a very rare phenomenon. Even in such cases he could only “ govern”, not “ rule”, because much depends on the people of the area, who really are the ones who matter. The “ ecaman” is bound to consult them, in some form or other.

This is perhaps the appropriate stage to mention the role a particular kind of temple devotees in the affairs of the temple. These are people who “ serve” the temple on their own accord. Such a service is undertaken because of the special liking one has for the temple. They would be helping the administrators in all the Koyilkariyam, “ affairs of the temple”. It would range from cleaning the temple premises to getting ready for the conduct of the Pucai, or the maintenance of the nantavanam or the carrying of the icons during festivals etc. Their opinion in matters connected with the day today affairs of the temple is important. They would be normally elderly people of both sexes: occasionally there would be younger persons too; the younger persons are generally males.

The management of a non-private temple is normally in the hands of a committee of office-bearers. They are normally elected to their offices. The electorate is the “ congregation”. Legally speaking “ the congregation” could consist of (a) all those adults (usually males) who consider that temple as their chief temple (this would refer to a geographically defined area) those people living temporarily away are also members; marriage in certain case entitles membership to the congregation, sometimes not (it is normally decided by the congregation in one of its meetings) or (b) those who conduct festivals and pucais on important days and those who have made some substantial donations of buildings, jewellery, vakanams, “ Vehicle” (refers to the wooden structures made like the animals on which the deities are supposed to ride), pucai accessories, or had constructed the ter “ (temple) car” etc. In most cases the arrangement is on the basis of a decree of a court of law. The question of the administration of almost all the important and the influential temples in Jaffna have been canvassed in a court of law and the current system of administration is invariably based on the judgment given or agreement arrived at.

The temple committee would generally consist of the President, the Vice President, the Treasurer, the Secretary and committee members. The officials have an important place because they are entitled to the kalancis from the priest on important occasions. Kalanci, “ betel holder” contains betel and plantain fruits and is handed over by the officiating priest himself before the piracatam of the pucai consisting of holy ash, tirttam etc is given to those who are present. This is considered a great honour. The piracatam, “ favour” is in the form of boiled rice handed over at first to the person who had contributed to the conduct the pucai. The priest himself hands it over with due respect. The chief lay executive of the temple who superintends like a working director is referred to as the koyil maniyam.

The position of the priest should now be explained. The priests in Jaffna temples are either brahmins or Caiva kurukkals (except in very exceptional cases like the Celvacanniti temple at Tontamannaru); even there once they are the priests they keep themselves ritually clean like the brahmins or Caiva kurukkals. The priest in charge is expected to have got the kurutitcai, Sktguru-diksa, “ consecration as a teacher”, qualified to perform all the rituals, and is married. Unmarried or widower priests cannot perform any of the auspicious ceremonies, they also cannot conduct the tiruvila-utcava-pucaikal which are the pucais at the occasion of the holy festival festivity. In Jaffna the brahmins and Caiva kurukkals are generally not the proprietors of temples. A major exception is the Mavittapuram koyil. Atcuveli Pillaiyar koyil is also one. It had been decreed as belonging to the priest only after long and arduous legal battle. But the priest - cum - owner is expected to consult the “ congregation” in the running of the temple. In such case where the priest runs the temple, he is always assisted by a lay congregation, which may or may not have legal basis.

Generally speaking, the priest is an employee. He might have inherited the position from his forbears or would have been appointed by the temple committee. There is a clear-cut understanding as to what he is entitled to. Usually the money given for ariccanai, “ honouring (of the gods)” is taken by the priest. ariccanai is the Tamil form of Sanskrit arcana meaning “ honouring” “ praising”, “ pay homage (to deities and superiors)”. This actually constitutes the act of worship. But since in the agamaic Hindu tradition the average lay devotee of the cariyai order cannot do this on his own, and also because he cannot enter the sanctum sanctorum, the priest who is considered qualified to be near the “ deity”, is called upon to the “ honouring”, “ praising” on behalf of the devotee. The arcaka-priest in the course of doing this praising and honouring, states that is being done on behalf of, for the benefit of so-and-so, born under such-and-such naksatra, “ star”.

Shaiva Sidhantha school of thought

Caiva Cittanta (Sanskrit Shaiva Sidhantha), the school of Hindu thought which is the governing, religious ideology of the upper castes from Jaffna, divides human beings into four categories in terms of their “ spiritual maturity”.

1. Those at cariyai level which is, the first stage. They need representation of god in iconic form and temples are important for them.

2. Those at the kiriyai level are second of the fourfold means attaining salvation, which consists in worshipping Civan with rites and ceremonies prescribed in the akamas. In this case this worshipping is done by the person himself.

3. Those at yokam level, i.e.the path of yoga which consists in the mental worship of Civan in his subtler form.

4. Those at the nanam level. This is the path of wisdom which consists in the realization of God as transcending form and formlessness.

Of the other things offered (the coconut, the betel, the fruits etc.,) half is taken by the priest and the other half is given back to the devotee. What is returned is considered holy and is never allowed to be polluted. ariccanai money given during important, heavily attended occasions like the tiruvila days, “ holy festival days” or important pucai days is shared between the priest and the management. The vital aspect of the office of the temple priest at the village level is that it entitles him to do the purokitam, “household ceremony” for the village or the congregation. This includes the conducting of the ceremonies at weddings, on cirattam days - these are the days on which dead members of the family are remembered and oblations done - and performing the house warming ceremonies or performing the canti rituals which clear the household of evil things. Funerary rites will not be performed by the temple priest. He is called upon to fix the days of auspicious function. All these entitle him to payments in cash and kind. If he is of amiable, at the same time, venerable character, his income would really be good.

In recent times when the army, after arresting the young men of the village was prepared to release them to the priests on the latter’s assurance, some of the village level temple priests had a very trying time. Unlike the Christian priests, these priests are not used to these social roles. In spite of such handicaps, some priests played useful role in going to army camps. Generally speaking this is not the type work the congregation would expect from a priest He is expected to be somewhat “ other worldly” in his approach, in personality terms, a “ splendid man”. The term used in polinta manitan, “ man who is endowed with a gait of splendour” and it includes his personality, his marital life, his knowledge of men and matters, his ability in human management and above all his knowledge of the sastras.

There could be occasions when the management and the priest do not see eye to eye on matters relating to the running of the temple. In such circumstances the standing the priest has in the community is very crucial. If he is a respected man, the committee will find it very difficult to go against him.

In busy temples, the priest is expected to have assistants to help him in his work. He could employ them or the committee could appoint them.

The temple revenue comes from the earnings of the immovable properties of the temple, the donations it receives from the devotees, and from the payments devotees make for the performance of certain rituals/ offerings. That is, a portion of the payment is set apart for the day to day running of the temple.

There is a strong tradition of making endowments of lands to temples. This could be by the original founders of the temple or staunch devotees. Sometimes rich old men, without children, when they do not have eligible relatives to transfer the properties bequeath their properties to the temple.

Under the Tecavalamai law, which is the customary law that governs property rights among the Tamils of Jaffna, codified by the Dutch in 1707 under the heading “ The Malabar Laws and Customs”, not all property could be given away. A person could give away only the tetiatettam, i.e. property acquired by either husband during the period after married life and or the priests acquiring from such properties. Even of the tetiatettam property, the husband cannot alienate the whole property; the wife is entitled to half of it. Those properties inherited from the parents cannot be given away according to ones own wish. There are also cases of old ladies who do not have any children gifting their properties to the temple.

The cash revenue for running day to day affairs of the temple comes from moneys given for that purpose and from those put into the untiyal petti, “ alms box”, which is the. temple-till.

Some big temples have ticket system for ariccanai. These are printed cards with the amount of money paid printed. The type of pucai offered by the brahmin on behalf of the devotee will depend on the amount paid. Bigger amounts have to be paid for elaborate pucais. The normal ariccanai would be for two rupees. This system does not apply to the village level temple.

The efficiency of the committee of management or the manlyams is judged in the way they are able to run the temple on the lean days. They are expected to see that none of the essential services to the deity are given up. Any work in the temple involving large scale labour would be done as a sramadana, “ gift of toil”, unpaid, voluntary labour.

The temple staff in normal circumstances would consist of the priest, his assistants for the preparation of the piracatam, "favour. the food offerings to the deities, and another lay assistant to do the odd job. The social standing of the last named employee is very low.

It is enjoined by tradition that during times of pucai, there should be accompaniment of music. In the average temple, music consists of the conch-shell and the muracu. There is also the playing of the nadaswaram and the tavil played by the professional musicians. In fact, they constitute a separate caste known as nattuva or melakkara caste. The more important temples have their own melakkara families maintained for the services in the temple. The average village temple would not have is own tavil and nadaswaram players. The services of the professional melakkarar would be obtained only for the annual tiruvila and for important occasions.

The success of the management depends on how it motivates its congregation in the affairs of the temple and particularly in the way it handles the annual festival-the tiruvila.

Any festival in a temple would be referred to as the tiruvila, “ holy festivity/festival”. But it is the annual tiruvila that is the most important. It runs for ten or fifteen days. There are some temples which have more number of days, e.g.Nallur koyil in Jaffna, but in the case of the village level temple it is mostly either 10 or 15 days.

The power balance of a village is seen in the manner it assigns the festivals. The ranking a family or a group has in the village is seen from the festival it runs. All festivals are, no doubt, important, but some, like the koti erram, “ flag hoisting (day)” done on the first day, the ter “ car (festival)” and the tirttam “ consecrated water” ,which is used to sprinkle the idol, and is the finale, are more important.

Within a village some of the festivals are run by families. These would have been important well to do families at the time the festival was assigned to them. Sometimes the fortunes of a family might change and would find at another time difficult to run the festival. However they consider it below their dignity to hand it over to others. In such circumstances, someone who is a “ newcomer” to the family, i.e. who has come into the family through marriage, might begin exerting influence and take it over. These festivals are expected to go patrilineally. Therefore someone taking it over through his wife (if she is not the only child) would be unusual. But there are instances of such take-overs. Yet the festival would remain within the family.

Some of the festivals would be on a group basis, the smallest of such groups would be pakuti, lineage group, and the largest would be the entire caste group. In a purelyvellalar dominated village level temple the koviyar, the servants of the vellalar, and the karaiyar, the fishermen, would each be given on the caste basis. Such caste groups make their own arrangement to run the festival. The usual way is to divide the caste group into the major lineages that constitute the group in that village, appoint an influential person from the lineage, and collect the dues, the amount being decided at a meeting of the entire caste group.

The committee of such influential men would elect one or two of them to be coordinators with the temple management. In normal circumstances, it would be the chief coordinator who would take the ritual responsibility for running the day’s activities. The ritual expression of this is seen in the tarppaipotutal, wearing the (sacrificial) grass to perform the festival. The man who performs that is considered primus inter pares for that day.

These groups mentioned above are castes which have no problem in being inside the temple and do all the ritual obligations. It is significant that even castes which have no right to enter the temple are also given the right to conduct festivals. Thus nalavar, toddy tappers, pallar, low-caste servants, traditionally agricultural slaves but now tappers and also cobblers, and even ampattar, barbers, are assigned festivals: In case of such festivals one of the members of the management committee or someone assigned by the rnaniyam would perform the rituals on their behalf. The washer men though considered low are allowed to enter the temple. They are also allotted a festival. Thus the entire village is represented in the annual tiruvilas.

But society changes and families and groups rise and fall. An arrangement worked at one time cannot continue throughout. Families which had a marginal existence in the last decade would have now become rich through employment openings in the Middle East or because of some success in business or through some young man in the family getting a good post in the public or private sector. Such families are keen to establish their new found social position. The temple as the status marker has got to respond. In such cases effort is made to draw them into those other major rituals other than the annual tiruvila.

Those are the kantacatti, “ fast (in reverence of the god) Kantan”, which is a six day observance in the seventh month called Aippaci, and the navarattiri, nine nights of strict fasting, chiefly to Durga, in the ninth month called Karttikai. When these are also full up new rituals are taken into the temple calendar.

The celebration of the annual festival in an important occasion and the family/group that runs it would like to demonstrate its social importance by making the festival a grand one. Traditionally rich families do not spend much on the festival but the group run festivals arc generally celebrated in a grand manner. They would spend much money on cattupati, “ beautifying” the icon with flowers, vestments etc, on the structure that is used to take the icon round, which is called capparam, “ portable car” or tantikai, “ palanquin”, on fireworks, and, above all, on hiring the best musicians available.

Those who run the festivals on the different days (these people are referred to by the term upayakarar explained as those who make the offerings) engage the services of the lesser known players, and the grandeur of a festival is always judged by the grandiose manner the festival has been conducted. There is always competition between the different upayakarars to conduct the festival in a grand manner. It should be added that such a feeling exists only at the level of the non-vellala groups. Quite often the entire earnings of some of the lower groups are siphoned off by the annual festival expenses.

Most of the temples now publish an annual handbill giving the temple calendar and the details of who contributes for which.

It should not be forgotten that the temple was also the major centre of religious arts of the community. This does not mean that all the folk arts also found a place; some did, some did not.

Movement for the temple entry

The village temple thus becomes the status marker in the Jaffna society, and given the sudra character of the dominant caste itself, it is no wonder that the temple entry movement has been a persistent one in Jaffna. With all the secular benefits being assured at least nominally by the concepts of rule of law and representative government, refusal to enter the temple has been a problem of constant social embarrassment to those who come from the hierarchically low placed groups especially after they have been able to overcome the barriers through the acquisition of education. It should be noted that the social management of the state administration done by the grassroots level administrators (the headmen, the maniyakaran - a district level official, and also quite often the police official) was carried out in such a manner as not to upset the social hierarchy of the Yalppanam (Jaffna society. Thus these officers devised ways and means of keeping the castes apart. There were separate schools established, wherever needed, for the lower castes and it was also scrupulously seen to that those finish their schooling from those schools do not get into the schools meant for the higher castes, especially into the English school, which was run mostly on denominational lines. So any of the students from the lower groups whenever they wanted to go for further education had to get out of the village. Outside the village, in the town, it was possible to obtain English education in a Christian school. Thus in a way it was within the village that caste discrimination was at its worst. Thus the demand for entry into the temple was to offset these manifest social inequalities. The movement for temple entry was spearheaded by the Left movement. There was also the impact of Gandhism and the social reforms that flowed out of the Indian Independence Movement.

It must be admitted that the movement for temple entry was not a success. It remained a symbolic one, the expression of the social willingness to demonstrate the sense of egalitarianism of those belonging to the higher groups. Even where temple entry had been done, there was no consequent change in the power balance of the village to allow those admitted to have equal say in the running of the temple. Temple entry in the context should have also included a demand for effective participation of the oppressed groups in the running of the temple. This has not taken place. The demand was for entry into the temple for worshipping only, and when it was found that it was no more socially prudent not to disallow it. The groups that clamoured for it were ceremonially allowed inside the temple. One days tamaca, “ show”, “ pomp”, “ spectacle” to demonstrate equality was not going to alter the existing social relationship in the village. I had the chance of discussing the aftermath of the temple entry with the treasurer of one of the leading temples in Vataramaracci in 1971 and asked him what the committee proposed to do as follow-up after the temple entry. He said that all what has to be done is done and the matter ended there.

Formal temple entry was done at all area-level or regional level temples, even though it had led to certain problems as in the case of Mavittapuram koyil. The case of the Mavittapuram koyil is an interesting one. It is one of the very few brahmin owned temples. It is significant that those who came forward to physically stop the entry were the koviyar, an intermediate caste. Even among those who wanted to enter, most of them were from other villages. It was part of the political action of the Shanmugathasan-led Communist Party (the Peking wing), and it was accused that the other Communist Party (the Moscow wing), which had within its local leadership M.C.Subramaniyam, a depressed caste leader, did not want to throw its full weight behind the Mavittapuram struggle. Mavittapuram became a symbol.

The other leading area-level and region level temples which were being managed by the vellalars did not want their temples dragged into the politics of temple entry. Thus very nominal and extremely formal entry was performed. By and large the village temples were not affected by this. Most of them went through it as a political exercise so that the Sinhalese will not be given a chance to make political capital out of this. It was an embarrassment which the Federal Party wanted to avoid.

The social lesson that emerged out of the Temple Entry Movement was that if one wants equal participation then one should have his own temple. The tendency had been for the left-out group, even if it is of equal rank, to develop its own temple, in which it could establish and demonstratively exercise, its social power. The history of many Hindu temples, particularly among those that were founded in the late 19th and early 20th century, would show that they were developed because the owners or the managers of the leading temple of the area did not extend the social courtesies befitting their new found social status of those who ultimately went to the new temple. Tiruvil Civacuppiramaniyacuvami temple, which has known literary works in praise on it, was developed by Arulampala Mutaliyar because of some feuds he had with the other leading family of the village Utupitti. Taiyalpakar who built Citampara College, Valvettiturai, built a Civan temple, though small in size, because he had problems with the owners of the Valvettiturai Civan temple. The large number of litigations in the various district courts of Jaffna, and the appeals made to the Supreme Court against the decisions would show how important are the village-level temples in the exercise of social authority and power within the village.

Developing their own temples

It was therefore nothing unusual when those of the depressed castes, especially the more educated among them, began to develop their own temples and to run them themselves. There are a number of such temples in Jaffna. The Murukaiyan temple at Kalikai, Tunnalai, and the Puvarkkarai Pillaiyar Temple at Alvai are two such temples. The former is temple of those of the Nalavar caste and the latter is the temple run by the Pallar caste. People of higher castes normally do not go to such temples. In the case of such temples the main problem would be the recruitment of the priests who are qualified to perform all the rituals. At the start the priest will be from their own ranks. Later in the case of some temples in Vatamaracci it was possible to obtain the services of a sub-group of brahmins living in Tunnalai. These brahmins are ranked very low in the brahmin hierarchy and the brahmins who officiate in the temples of the higher groups will have nothing to do with them. As in the case of the other temples, here the priest of the temple is called upon to officiate the domestic rituals like the sraddha, and also the weddings.

This type of temple faces another problem too. Professional musicians-the nadaswaram-tavil players -who have a role to play in the rituals during the festival days would not accept to perform in these temples of the lower groups. There was a movement to take steps to overcome this handicap and to get the leading professionals to perform at all temples. As things of this type are done more on the sly, one cannot say that the movement had been very successful.

The trend of the new rich developing their places of worship to attain village level significance is becoming a more pronounced socio-cultural feature. Those concerned, while maintaining their relationship with the already established temple (these relations would be rather marginal), are developing their own temples. We do not come across the founding of absolutely new temples. What is taking place is development of some existing cult-centre into a formal agamic temple. An inevitable process in the promotional transition from non-agamic to agamic worship is the construction of the temple in such a manner that the agamic rituals could be performed. This would mean the installation of the worship of more deities and the provision of those infra-structures for the conduct of more elaborate rituals. On the completion of such a construction program, then the kumpapicekam ceremony is held. This word means consecration from a jar and refers to the consecration of an idol by pouring water from a sacrificial jar with appropriate ceremonies. A number of such new temples have come into existence in Yalppanam. This is really a process of Sanskritization, as Srinivas would define it.

Another process of upgrading a temple is by conducting the annual tiruvila holy festival. Prior to that there would have been only an annual cankapicekam, which is only a one day ceremony. Cankapicekam can be explained as a ceremonial bath of an idol with chanks filled with water. It refers to the ritual act of invoking the deity for its full blessings. In the case of those temples which are not ready in terms of the necessary construction, an effort will be made to get the name of this temple included in the pancankam so that others could know that this is a temple of some importance. These are striking demonstrations of the process of Sanskritization.

In this process of Sanskritization arising out of the modernization of hitherto less privileged groups, some of the non-agamic deities which have been worshipped in those cult-centres are losing their original identity and are being worshipped or taken as deities of the Sanskritic pantheon. Thus one would come across references in the pancankam to Rajarajeswari Amman known/referred to as Kannakai amman.

There are at least two temples in Jaffna where the transition to the Sanskritic pantheon is yet taking place - one at east Punkutivu and the other at east Putur. In some of the temples this transition has already taken place, e.g., the current “ official” name of the Naccimar amman temple (close to the University of Jaffna) is Puvaneswari amman temple. The upward social mobility of the congregation is well mirrored in such transformations.

Because of the social significance of these temple activities there is a great media interest in the temple rituals. There has been for the last two to three decades media interest in the area-level and region-level temples. The national Tamil dailies would carry special supplements on the day of the ter festival and the State radio would be relaying alive the ter and the tirttam festivals from the temples. This practice started with the Nallur Kantacuvami temple, Jaffna, was later extended to Tiruketiccaram, Mannar, and now includes Tirukkoneccaram, Trincomalee, Mantur Mamankapilliyar koyil, Batticalo, Mavittapuram and other region-level and area level temples.

The village level temples, of course, cannot be given that type of media coverage. The authorities of the village level temple, with the assistance of those from their village and are devotees of the temple who are in positions of authority and influence in both the public and the private sectors, would take steps to see that those verses sung on the temple by some local pandits (this, again is one of the status markers of village level temples - they should have some poetic composition in praise of the deity) are included in the daily broadcasts and that the news about the temple and its festivals appears in the dailies. Now with the publication of local dailies in Jaffna, paid for supplements appear on the day of the ter or the tirttam. In the case of temples celebrating the kumpapicekam a special supplement in crown/octavo size is published with articles written by the leading scholars of the area.

All these indicate in unambiguous terms the social significance of the village level temple to its congregation.

Temple as centre of socialization

There are some more aspects of the temple as a centre for socialization and as organ of social control.

The temple has been traditionally an important place for socialization. That continues in Jaffna even to this day, especially during festival time. It is the holiday season in the village. Earlier there had been a ban on any travelling during the festival time. It is difficult to observe it these days, but every one takes effort to see that he/she is in the village during festival time and once there not to undertake trips outside the area. Special effort is taken not to miss the main pucai referred to as the tiruvilappucai, worship at the holy festival. There is sense of participation arising out of the fact that many observe fasting during these days. These fasts are not rigorous like the kantacatti fast of six days in Aipparai during which one takes only one meal or one glass of tirttam or sometimes even less for a day. In fact, during the annual festival days all the households ensure they are well-stocked for preparation of wholesome, hearty, vegetarian meals.

Attendance at the festivals becomes a social event and adequate notice is taken of who wears what (sarees and jewellery). Those without enough jewellery would prefer not to go to the festival rather than go with an empty neck. Some borrow jewellery, some redeem the pawned jewellery in time to wear them for this occasion, some of the generous pawnbrokers would loan the pawned article for use during festival time and return.

The annual festival time affords an opportunity for concerned people to meet and discuss problems connected with the village and the community. This is also the time for exploring possibilities of marriage, but no wedding ceremony will take place during the annual festival time. The general belief is that when he temple flag is up there should be no other festive ceremony.

The temple as an agent of indirect social control is seen best in the case of the lower groups. The conducting of the festival often drains them of the surplus earnings they have had in the previous year, because of the heavy expenses they incur in the way they conduct the festival. Their belief is that if they have a grand festival there are chances for better earning in the ensuing year. There is also a puritanistic trend that discourages expenditure of this type. The puritan school would like to spend money for arranging lectures by the learned.

The present situation

From about the beginning of 1984 to July 29, 1987 when the accord with the Indian government was signed, many temples were damaged and rendered non-functional. Even amidst those calamities people were keen to continue the day to day observances in the temple, for they feared that if those rituals were also disrupted they would suffer worst. Wherever possible effort was taken to continue in highly shortened form the festivals with the permission from the military authorities. With the accord, every village was keen to revive the normalcy in the temple. Permission is now obtained to run the temple without interruptions. Permission is essential because of the continuance of the curfew (generally from 5 am to 9 pm). There is much less expense on festivals now, even lesser are the expenses on those demonstrative acts relating to affluence. It is import to note that attendance at temple functions have increased because it provides a temporary release from the stresses and strains that have now become part of the existence.

What has been the impact of the crisis of temple entry at the village level temples? During the Operation Liberation at Vatamaracci (May 30- June 7 1987) undertaken by the Sri Lankan army, the army ordered that people gather at certain temples to avoid arrest and escape from the dangers of aerial bombing. People flocked at these temples. Almost all the temples opened their doors to all, except Taccan-toppu Pillaiyar koyil, Karavetti, because, the committee of management claimed, the annual festival was drawing near and there should be no defilement.

It is very difficult to change a Jaffna village. Amidst all the changes that are taking place, there is also within the village a silent but a conscientious struggle going on not to change.

March 1990 Reading list

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