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| {{Israel-Palestinian peace process}} | {{Israel-Palestinian peace process}} | ||
| In the context of the ], a '''zero-state solution''' assumes there is no unique Palestinian identity, and that those now considering themselves Palestinians actually should revert to their pre-1948 nationality, essential ]ian or ]ian. Israel thus has no reason to agree to assimilate them or provide them with a state, since they were part of those countries until their territory was captured in the ]. | In the context of the ], a '''zero-state solution''' assumes there is no unique Palestinian identity, and that those now considering themselves ] actually should revert to their pre-1948 nationality, essential ]ian or ]ian. Israel thus has no reason to agree to assimilate them or provide them with a state, since they were part of those countries until their territory was captured in the ]. | ||
| The approach generally assumes that Israel will expand to fill the territories captured in 1967. Specific proposals differ as whether the present Palestinians can remain where they are, as non-citizens of Israel, or are expected to return to the territory of their national identity. | The approach generally assumes that Israel will expand to fill the territories captured in 1967. Specific proposals differ as whether the present Palestinians can remain where they are, as non-citizens of Israel, or are expected to return to the territory of their national identity. | ||
Revision as of 16:09, 29 September 2012
| Part of a series on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Israeli–Palestinian peace process | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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History
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In the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, a zero-state solution assumes there is no unique Palestinian identity, and that those now considering themselves Palestinians actually should revert to their pre-1948 nationality, essential Jordanian or Egyptian. Israel thus has no reason to agree to assimilate them or provide them with a state, since they were part of those countries until their territory was captured in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War.
The approach generally assumes that Israel will expand to fill the territories captured in 1967. Specific proposals differ as whether the present Palestinians can remain where they are, as non-citizens of Israel, or are expected to return to the territory of their national identity.
One proposal comes from the Ariel Center for Policy Research, the "Framework Proposal for a National Strategy Regarding Judea and Samaria and the Issue of Eretz Israel Arabs." This describes an objective of "Consolidating a political proposal with the intention of halting Israel's defeatist campaign that is manifest in its most extreme form in the conduct of the Olmert Government." It rejects the idea of a Palestinian identity, returning Arabs in the occupied territories to Jordanian and Egyptian citizenship. It proposes a unilateral solution that it does not believe Arab states will accept:
- Extending Israeli sovereignty over Judea and Samaria.
- "Jordan is Palestine" and restoration of Jordanian citizenship to the Arabs in Judea and Samaria.
- Municipal autonomy for the Arabs of Judea and Samaria (on the basis of the Camp David Accords) accompanied by a total disarmament of the autonomous areas.
- The areas of Arab settlements located on private property (the Mosaic Program by Dr. Yuval Arnon Ohanna).
- Military liquidation of the military infrastructure in Gaza and according responsibility for the area to Egypt.
- Israeli Arabs: Equal rights in exchange for equal obligations.
References
- Framework Proposal for a National Strategy Regarding Judea and Samaria and the Issue of Eretz Israel Arabs (PDF), 8 November 2008