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| The <b>Great Famine</b> struck Ireland between ] and ] (though its after-affects continued until 1851). Approximately half a million Irish people died, while in its longterm impact, millions emigrated. | |||
| ⚫ | Between ] and ], a ] blight ], or ] struck across ]. It turned this important food staple into a black, soggy, and inedible mess. In ], the lower classes were particularly dependent on the ] as their primary and sometimes only foodsource. |
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| ⚫ | Between ] and ], a ] blight ], or ] struck across ]. It turned this important food staple into a black, soggy, and inedible mess. In ], the lower classes were particularly dependent on the ] as their primary and sometimes only foodsource. That in itself was a result of the tradition of ] of each farm equally among all male children, leaving holdings by the 1840s so small that the only crop that could be grown in sufficient quantities on such small holdings to feed a family was potatoes. | ||
| Potato blights continued in Ireland, especially in ] and ]-]. These killed few people, partly because they were less severe and partly because Irish-Americans contributed to relief efforts. They did lead to reform in the British agricultural and land-owning laws and to continued emigration. By the ], the Irish population had fallen to around 4 million, about the same as the population in ] and ] and only a half of its peak population. The same mould (''] infestans'') was responsible. When people speak of "The Irish potato famine", or "an Gortha Mor", they nearly always mean the one of the ]; there is much less awareness of the later ones. | |||
| The result of this blight was widespread ], though it effected different parts of the island to different degrees. It is estimated that the initial population of ], about 8 million, was reduced by nearly quarter over the 30 years. While no-one knows how many died (state registration of deaths had not begun yet), historians estimate that approximately 500,000 men, women and children died with a further half a million ], primarily to ]. (This number rose later to well over one million). Critics have observed how during this time, Irish and Anglo-Irish landowners exported corn (and other crops) which could have saved the lives of many Irish people. However, had they not done so, a major economic crisis could have resulted, with would have bankrupted the entire agricultural sector and through loss of foreign currency devestated the urban and industrial economies. Most historians have concluded that not to continue the export could have plunged the <i>entire</i> Irish economy into economic meltdown, forcing mass emigration on a scale even worse than that experienced from all the island, including those parts to that point not heavily hit by the famine. It was the classic 'no win' situation faced by many economies hit by famine. | |||
| Potato blights continued in Ireland, especially in ] and ]-]. These killed few people, partly because they were less severe, partly because Irish-Americans and Britain contributed to relief efforts. More directly however, it was due to a complex range of reasons. The growth in the numbers of railways made the importation of foodstuffs easier. The banning of sub-division, coupled with emigration, had increased the average farm holding, enabling tenant farms to diversify in terms of produce grown. The increasing wealth in urban areas meant alternative sources of food, grain, potatoes and seed were available in towns and villages. Furthermore, the 1847-49 peek of the famine also wiped out one entire class, the 'cottiers' or farm labourers, leading to a restructuring of the agricultural economy, which by the 1870s was more efficient, as well as having access to new farm machinery and product control that had not existed thirty years earlier. | |||
| Crucially, the economic policy of ], (ie, non state intervention in the marketplace) that had been fashionable in the 1840s and applied to Ireland by the government of ] (and which would become fashionable again under ] and ] was no longer so fashionable in the 1870s. As a result, state intervention was quicker, more effective and more directed than had been the case in the 1840s. Of particular importance was the wholescale re-organisation of the agricultural sector, which had begun after the famine with the ] and which in the peroid (1870s-1900s) saw the nature of Irish landholding changed completely, with small owned farms replacing mass estates and multiple tenants. Many of the large estates in the 1840s were debt ridden and heavily morgaged. As a result, policies of wholescale evictions of tenants who could no longer pay the full rent took place, increasingly the scale of the poverty and famine. (Though a number of estates themselves went backrupt attempting to feed their starving tenants, or were bankrupt in the immediate aftermath.) In contrast, estates in the 1870s were on a better economic footing, and so capable of reducing rents and providing locally organised relief. | |||
| Different sexual habits and a different demographic profile also helped curb the danger of mass starvation in the 1870s, as against the 1840s. The 1850s had seen as resurgence in Roman Catholicism under the ultramontane Cardinal Archbishop of Dublin, ], resulting in less sexual activity outside marriage (which was commonplace before the 1850s, hence the near doubling of the population over a couple of generations prior to the 1840s) and as a result non-marital children and a rise in the marriage age, resulting in a mass decline in fertility rates. The abandonment of subdivision meant that only one sibling and his children was reliant on food from the farm, while his siblings went to other careers (often in urban centres) where food was freely available. In addition, emigration had led to the mass exodus of young people of marital or child-rearing age, leaving many spinster women and bachelor men, unmarried and without children, in the country. Together, all these factors produced a drop in the number of dependent children and a rise in single individuals who were able to feed themselves on their farmsted. | |||
| As a result, later mini-famines made only minimal impact and are generally forgotten, except by historians. However, even though by the 1880s Ireland went through an economic boom unprecedented until the ] (1995-2002), emigration, often of children who no longer could inherit a share in the land and who as a result chose to go abroad for economic advantage and to avoid poverty, continued. By the ], the Irish population had fallen to around 4 million, about the same as the population in ] and ] and only a half of its peak population. | |||
| The same mould (''] infestans'') was responsible for the 1847-51 and later famines. When people speak of "The Irish potato famine", or "an Gortha Mor", they nearly always mean the one of the ], even though a similar Great Famine in fact hit in the early eighteenth century. | |||
| The fact that only four types of potato were brought from ] was at the root of the famine. In fact the lack of ] in the food made it possible for a single ]-relative to have those devastating consequences. | The fact that only four types of potato were brought from ] was at the root of the famine. In fact the lack of ] in the food made it possible for a single ]-relative to have those devastating consequences. | ||
| ==Additional Reading== | |||
| Cormac O'Grada, ''An Economic History of Ireland'' | |||
| Robert Kee, ''Ireland: A History'' | |||
| F.S.L. Lyons, 'Ireland Since the Famine'' | |||
| A number of localised studies on the impact of the Famine has been published in recent years. Information on these may be got from major bookstores. | |||
| See Also Misplaced Pages entries on: ], ], ], ]. | |||
| ==External link== | ==External link== | ||
| * For more on the pathogen see http://botit.botany.wisc.edu/toms_fungi/mar2001.html | * For more on the pathogen see http://botit.botany.wisc.edu/toms_fungi/mar2001.html | ||
| * | |||
Revision as of 02:34, 19 December 2002
The Great Famine struck Ireland between 1847 and 1849 (though its after-affects continued until 1851). Approximately half a million Irish people died, while in its longterm impact, millions emigrated.
Between 1845 and 1850, a potato blight water mould, or Oomycete struck across Europe. It turned this important food staple into a black, soggy, and inedible mess. In Ireland, the lower classes were particularly dependent on the potato as their primary and sometimes only foodsource. That in itself was a result of the tradition of sub-division of each farm equally among all male children, leaving holdings by the 1840s so small that the only crop that could be grown in sufficient quantities on such small holdings to feed a family was potatoes.
The result of this blight was widespread famine, though it effected different parts of the island to different degrees. It is estimated that the initial population of Ireland, about 8 million, was reduced by nearly quarter over the 30 years. While no-one knows how many died (state registration of deaths had not begun yet), historians estimate that approximately 500,000 men, women and children died with a further half a million emigrating, primarily to America. (This number rose later to well over one million). Critics have observed how during this time, Irish and Anglo-Irish landowners exported corn (and other crops) which could have saved the lives of many Irish people. However, had they not done so, a major economic crisis could have resulted, with would have bankrupted the entire agricultural sector and through loss of foreign currency devestated the urban and industrial economies. Most historians have concluded that not to continue the export could have plunged the entire Irish economy into economic meltdown, forcing mass emigration on a scale even worse than that experienced from all the island, including those parts to that point not heavily hit by the famine. It was the classic 'no win' situation faced by many economies hit by famine.
Potato blights continued in Ireland, especially in 1872 and 1879-1880. These killed few people, partly because they were less severe, partly because Irish-Americans and Britain contributed to relief efforts. More directly however, it was due to a complex range of reasons. The growth in the numbers of railways made the importation of foodstuffs easier. The banning of sub-division, coupled with emigration, had increased the average farm holding, enabling tenant farms to diversify in terms of produce grown. The increasing wealth in urban areas meant alternative sources of food, grain, potatoes and seed were available in towns and villages. Furthermore, the 1847-49 peek of the famine also wiped out one entire class, the 'cottiers' or farm labourers, leading to a restructuring of the agricultural economy, which by the 1870s was more efficient, as well as having access to new farm machinery and product control that had not existed thirty years earlier.
Crucially, the economic policy of laissez faire, (ie, non state intervention in the marketplace) that had been fashionable in the 1840s and applied to Ireland by the government of Lord John Russell (and which would become fashionable again under Thatcher and Reagan was no longer so fashionable in the 1870s. As a result, state intervention was quicker, more effective and more directed than had been the case in the 1840s. Of particular importance was the wholescale re-organisation of the agricultural sector, which had begun after the famine with the Emcumbered Estates Act and which in the peroid (1870s-1900s) saw the nature of Irish landholding changed completely, with small owned farms replacing mass estates and multiple tenants. Many of the large estates in the 1840s were debt ridden and heavily morgaged. As a result, policies of wholescale evictions of tenants who could no longer pay the full rent took place, increasingly the scale of the poverty and famine. (Though a number of estates themselves went backrupt attempting to feed their starving tenants, or were bankrupt in the immediate aftermath.) In contrast, estates in the 1870s were on a better economic footing, and so capable of reducing rents and providing locally organised relief.
Different sexual habits and a different demographic profile also helped curb the danger of mass starvation in the 1870s, as against the 1840s. The 1850s had seen as resurgence in Roman Catholicism under the ultramontane Cardinal Archbishop of Dublin, Paul Cullen, resulting in less sexual activity outside marriage (which was commonplace before the 1850s, hence the near doubling of the population over a couple of generations prior to the 1840s) and as a result non-marital children and a rise in the marriage age, resulting in a mass decline in fertility rates. The abandonment of subdivision meant that only one sibling and his children was reliant on food from the farm, while his siblings went to other careers (often in urban centres) where food was freely available. In addition, emigration had led to the mass exodus of young people of marital or child-rearing age, leaving many spinster women and bachelor men, unmarried and without children, in the country. Together, all these factors produced a drop in the number of dependent children and a rise in single individuals who were able to feed themselves on their farmsted.
As a result, later mini-famines made only minimal impact and are generally forgotten, except by historians. However, even though by the 1880s Ireland went through an economic boom unprecedented until the Celtic Tiger (1995-2002), emigration, often of children who no longer could inherit a share in the land and who as a result chose to go abroad for economic advantage and to avoid poverty, continued. By the 1890s, the Irish population had fallen to around 4 million, about the same as the population in 1800 and 2000 and only a half of its peak population.
The same mould (Phytophthora infestans) was responsible for the 1847-51 and later famines. When people speak of "The Irish potato famine", or "an Gortha Mor", they nearly always mean the one of the 1840s, even though a similar Great Famine in fact hit in the early eighteenth century.
The fact that only four types of potato were brought from America was at the root of the famine. In fact the lack of genetic diversity in the food made it possible for a single fungus-relative to have those devastating consequences.
Additional Reading
Cormac O'Grada, An Economic History of Ireland Robert Kee, Ireland: A History F.S.L. Lyons, 'Ireland Since the Famine
A number of localised studies on the impact of the Famine has been published in recent years. Information on these may be got from major bookstores.
See Also Misplaced Pages entries on: History of Ireland, Republic of Ireland, Ireland, Daniel O'Connell.
External link
- For more on the pathogen see http://botit.botany.wisc.edu/toms_fungi/mar2001.html
- Republic of Ireland website