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During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, hundreds of thousands of women were raped by members of the Pakistani military and the militias that supported them. In a report on the atrocities, Susan Brownmiller said that girls from the age of eight to grandmothers of seventy-five suffered attacks. The abuses were only stopped when the Pakistani army was defeated after the intervention of the Indian armed forces.

While India had been reluctant to officially invoke the protection of civilians as a reason for its military involvement, it is today widely seen as an intervention motivated on humanitarian grounds. Eastern Pakistan seceded and became the independent nation of Bangladesh. In 2009, a report identified 1,597 people as having helped carry out the abuses and a commission was established to prosecute those accused.

Rape and other atrocities were also carried out by the rebel militia raised by the independence movement and India. Called the Mukti Bahini ("Liberation Army"; Template:Lang-bn), they targeted the Bihari ethnic group as well as those they thought gave aid to the Pakistani forces.

Background

The Bengali people were the demographic majority in Pakistan after the Partition of India, making up an estimated 75 million in the East compared with 55 million in the predominately Urdu-speaking West. The majority in the East were Muslims, with a large Hindu minority. The people of the East were looked upon as second-class citizens by the West, and Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi referred to the region as a "low-lying land of low, lying people". In 1948, a few months after the partition of India, Mohammad Ali Jinnah declared Urdu as the national language of the newly-formed state. In a speech at a meeting in Dhaka, he said:

Let me make it very clear to you that the state language of Pakistan will be Urdu and no other language. Anyone who tries to mislead you is really the enemy of Pakistan. Without one language, no nation can remain solidly tied together and function. Look at the history of other countries. Therefore, so far as the state language is concerned, Pakistan's shall be Urdu.

This declaration came in spite of the fact that only 4 percent of Pakistan's population spoke Urdu at that time. He branded those who supported the use of Bengali as communists, traitors and enemies of the state. The refusal by successive governments to recognize Bengali as the second national language led to the formation of the Bengali language movement and to further support for the newly formed Awami League. A protest in Dhaka in 1952 was forcibly broken up, resulting in the deaths of several protesters. Nationalists viewed those who had died as martyrs for their cause, and the violence led to calls for secession.

Indo-Pakistani War of 1965

The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 caused further grievances, as the East was cut off from the West within an hour of the start of the war, as the military assigned no extra units to the defence of the region. The official Pakistani strategy at the time was that the defence of the east lay in the west. This was a matter of concern to the Bengalis who saw their nation undefended in case of Indian attack during the conflict of 65, and that Ayub Khan was willing to lose the East if it meant gaining Kashmir.

According to B G Verghese, India didn't attack East Pakistan to avoid crushing the Bengali National movement that was in its early phase. Although Pakistan had only a division stationed in the East, India did not attack. This neglect of the East's security created an increasing resentment against the West.

1971 Bangladesh genocide

In December 1970, the East Pakistan based Awami League, headed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a national majority in the first democratic general election since the independence of Pakistan. The West Pakistani establishment prevented them from forming a government. Former president Yahya Khan banned the Awami League and declared martial law.

On 25 March, 1971, the Pakistan Army launched Operation Searchlight to maintain the rule of the West Pakistan-dominated military over East Pakistan and to curb a nascent Bengali nationalism, indiscriminately killing Bengali civilians. In the resultant civil conflict the Pakistan Army employed systematic violence against civilians, resulting in the deaths of up to 3 million, creating up to 10 million refuges who fled to India, and displacing a further 30 million. The methodical planning behind the genocide drew comparisons with historical parallels and the quick rehabilitation of the perpetrators back in Pakistan was to have salient implications for country's future. Historian Ian Talbot writes in Pakistan: A Modern History:

What is most chilling ... is not the level of the violence unleashed on 25 March 1971, but the meticulous planning which accompanied it. Parallels with the Nazi Holocaust immediately spring to mind. While its perpetrators were brought to trial, the "butcher" of Dhaka, Lieutenant-General Tikka Khan, was to be rapidly rehabilitated and promoted in post-1971 Pakistan. State terrorism in the name of national security thereafter secured a political legitimacy with profound future consequences.

Pakistani Army actions

The intensity of the West Pakistani military action surprised international observers and Bengali nationalists, since the pro-democracy movement had been peaceful till then. The attacks, lead by Tikka Khan who was given the name the "butcher of Bengal" for his actions, reportedly said when reminded that he was in charge of a majority province "I will reduce this majority to a minority".

Between the middle of May and September 1971, the Pakistani army dug in and remained in their strongholds, from which they conducted operations against villagers who may have helped the liberation movement. Genocide scholar Samuel Totten alleges elements of racism in the Pakistan army, who he says considered the Bengalis "racially inferior—a non-martial and physically weak race".

According to R J Rummel, the Pakistani army looked upon the Bengalis as "subhuman" and that the Hindus were "as Jews to the Nazis, scum and vermin that best be exterminated". Totten has cited reports of the commander of the Dhaka operations saying "he would kill four million people in 48 hours and thus have a 'Final Solution' of the Bengali problem" and has accused the army of using organized rape as a weapon of war. In what has been described as a deliberate attempt to destroy an entire ethnic group, many of those assaulted were raped, murdered and then bayonetted in the genitalia.

In Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction, Adam Jones writes:

The West Pakistani campaign extended to mass rape, aimed at "dishonoring" Bengali women and undermining Bengali society. Between 200,000 and 400,000 women were attacked. ... An unknown number of women were gang-raped to death, or executed after repeated violations.

Tactics

The perpetrators conducted nighttime raids, assaulting women in their villages, often in front of their families, to "punish" and terrorize. Girls and women were also kidnapped and held in special camps were they were repeatedly raped and gang-raped. Many of those held in the camps were murdered or committed suicide. Time magazine reported on girls who had been kidnapped and held in military brothels:

One of the more horrible revelations concerns 563 young Bengali women, some only 18, who have been held captive inside Dacca's dingy military cantonment since the first days of the fighting. Seized from Dacca University and private homes and forced into military brothels, the girls are all three to five months pregnant. The army is reported to have enlisted Bengali gynecologists to abort girls held at military installations. But for those at the Dacca cantonment it is too late for abortion. The military has begun freeing the girls a few at a time, still carrying the babies of Pakistani soldiers

The final week of the war saw the worst of the atrocities. With defeat certain, the Government conducted a premeditated campaign of genocide. Entire villages were razed to the ground and the inhabitants killed. Over a two-day period intellectuals and professionals were taken from their homes and murdered. Their names were found in the diary of Major-General Rao Farman Ali. This has since been declared Martyred Intellectuals Day by the Bangladeshi government.

Liz Trotta reported in 1972 from a village suffering from the aftermath of the conflict. She interviewed a 16-year-old widow whose husband had been murdered in front of her before she was raped, making her pregnant. The Pakistani government had tried to censor reports coming out of the region, but media reports on the atrocities did reach the public, and gave rise to widespread support for the liberation movement.

The Pakistani army also raped Bengali males, to erode their masculinity and categorize them as homosexual. The army would stop men at checkpoints to see if they were circumcised, and this is where the rapes usually happened.

Militias

According to Peter Tomsen, the Inter-Services Intelligence in conjunction with Jamaat-e-Islami formed militias such as Al-Badr ("the moon") and the Al-Shams ("the sun") to conduct operations against the nationalist movement. Local collaborators known as Razakars also took part in the atrocities. The term has since become a pejorative akin to the western term "Judas".

Members of the Muslim league such as Nizam-e-Islam, Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ulema Pakistan who had lost the election collaborated with the military and acted as an intelligence organization for them.

Mukti Bahini actions

The Mukti Bahini targeted the Biharis as they had no armed forces to protect them. The Biharis were made refugees without a state; as of 2011 over 250,000 still live in refuge camps. Pakistani General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi claimed that thousands of men and women had been raped and killed in Chittagong. With the withdrawal of the Pakistani army the Mukti Bahini also carried out rapes and other atrocities in revenge attacks.

International reaction

The events of the nine-month conflict are widely viewed as genocide. Adam Jones has suggested that in terms of the relative rate of killings in a short time span the events in Bangladesh may have been among the top most intense genocidal events of all time, together with the Rwandan genocide of 1994 and the killings of Soviet POWs by Nazi Germany in 1941–42, provided that the true number of victims was close to the upper bound of current estimates, around 3 million.

The atrocities in East Pakistan were the first instance of war rape to garner international media attention, and Sally J. Scholz has written that this was the first genocide to capture the interest of the mass media. In an interview in 1972 Indira Gandhi justified the use of military intervention, saying, "Shall we sit and watch their women get raped?"

The atrocities by Al-Badr and the Al-Shams garnered worldwide attention from news agencies with accounts of massacres and rapes being widely reported. The Nixon administration aligned with Pakistan as part of its military strategy against communist expansion into the region, but American public support for the people of Bangladesh was increased by televised reports coming from the region.

Senator Edward Kennedy commented that they had done nothing worse than to win an election. Due to the scale of the atrocities Archer Blood sent what became known as the Blood telegram in which the signatories denounced American "complicity in Genocide". The events were discussed extensively in the British House of Commons. John Stonehouse proposed a motion which was supported by a further 200 members of parliament:

That this House believes that the widespread murder of civilians and the atrocities on a massive scale by the Pakistan Army in East Bengal, contrary to the United Nations Convention on Genocide signed by Pakistan itself, confirms that the military Government of Pakistan has forfeited all rights to rule East Bengal, following its wanton refusal to accept the democratic will of the people expressed in the election of December, 1970; therefore believes that the United Nations Security Council must be called urgently to consider the situation both as a threat to international peace and as a contravention of the Genocide Convention; and further believes that until order is restored under United Nations supervision, the provisional Government of Bangla Desh should be recognised as the vehicle for the expression of self-determination by the people of East Bengal.

Although this motion was presented twice before parliament, the government did not find time to debate it.

Before the end of the war the international community had begun to provide aid in large quantity's to the refuges living in India. Although humanitarian aid was given there was little support for the war crimes trials which Bangladesh proposed at the end of the war. Critics of the United Nations have used the 1971 atrocities to argue that military intervention was the only thing to stop the mass murder. On 1 August 1971 George Harrison and Ravi Shankar organized The Concert for Bangladesh which raised almost $240,000 for the refugees.

In 2000, Irfanur Rahman Raja the Pakistani ambassador to Bangladesh was expelled from the country after stating that the Bangladeshi claims of three million killed during the conflict were incorrect. Writing to the New York Times a group of women said in response to women being shunned by family and husbands "It is unthinkable that innocent wives whose lives were virtually destroyed by war are now being totally destroyed by their own husbands". International aid was also forthcoming due to the issue of war rape.

Aftermath

Estimates of those raped vary from two hundred thousand to four hundred thousand. Dr. Geoffrey Davis, a physician who worked in a victim relief programme in Bangladesh in the year following the war on request by the World Health Organization and International Planned Parenthood Federation, estimated that commonly cited figures were probably "very conservative" compared with the real numbers. Davis has also said he heard of numerous suicides by victims, and of Infanticides during the course of his work. He also estimated that around 5,000 rape victims had performed self-induced abortions.

After the conflict the victims went through a second ordeal: widespread sexual infections and feelings of intense shame and humiliation. Many of the women were ostracized by their families and communities, and others committed suicide. A doctor at the rehabilitation center in Dhaka reported 170,000 abortions of pregnancies caused by the rapes, and 30,000 war babies being born.

Estimates of the number of pregnancies range from 25,000 to the Bangladeshi government figure of 70,000. Cynthia H Enloe has written that some of these pregnancies were intended by the soldiers and perhaps their officers as well. A report from the International Commission of Jurists said, "Whatever the precise numbers, the teams of American and British surgeons carrying out abortions and the widespread government efforts to persuade people to accept these girls into the community, testify to the scale on which raping occurred". The Commission also said that Pakistani officers not only allowed their men to rape, but also enslaved women themselves.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called the victims birangona ("heroine"), but this only underscored the fact that these women were now deemed socially unacceptable as they were "dishonored", and the term became associated with barangona ("prostitute"). The women's human rights organization Bangladesh Mahila Parishat took part in the war by publicizing the atrocities being carried out by the Pakistani army. In 1996 Nilima Ibrahim wrote Ami Birangana Bolchi (The Voices of War Heroines), a collection of eyewitness testimony from seven rape victims, which she documented while working for a rehabilitation center.

War Crimes Fact Finding Committee

In 2009, after a 19-year investigation, the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee released documentation identifying 1,597 people which took part in carrying out the atrocities. The list included members of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, a political group founded in 1978. In 2010 the government of Bangladesh set up an International Crimes Tribunal to investigate the atrocities of that era. However, human rights advocates are of the opinion that the mass rapes and killings of women may not be addressed. Irene Khan has said of her own government's reaction:

A conservative Muslim society has preferred to throw a veil of negligence and denial on the issue, allowed those who committed or colluded with gender violence to thrive, and left the women victims to struggle in anonymity and shame and without much state or community support.

Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh Deputy Leader Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, the first person to face charges related to the conflict, has been indicted by the tribunal for twenty counts of war crimes, including murder, rape and arson. He has denied all charges. Four other members of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, including Motiur Rahman Nizami, have also been indicted for war crimes. Human Rights Watch has supported the tribunal, and they have also been critical of reported harassment of lawyers representing the accused. Brad Adams, director of the Asia branch of Human Rights Watch, said:

If the Bangladeshi government wants these trials to be taken seriously it must ensure that the rights of the accused are fully respected. That means making sure that lawyers and witnesses don't face threats or coercion.

According to Brownmiller mass rape during wartime is not a new phenomena, she argues that what is unique in regards to the Bangladesh Liberation War was that the international community, for the first time recognized that systematic rape could be used as a weapon to terrorize the people.

Pakistani government reaction

After the conflict the Pakistani government decided on a policy of silence regarding the rapes. They also set up the Hamoodur Rahman Commission, which was highly critical of the army. The chiefs of staff of both the army and the Pakistan Air Force were removed from their positions for attempting to interfere with the commission. The report was compiled by Hamoodur Rahman, who interviewed politicians, officers and senior commanders. The final reports were submitted in July 1972. They were all destroyed except for one held by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and the findings were never made public.

In 1974 the commission was reopened and issued a supplementary report, which remained classified for 25 years until the magazine India Today published it. The report said that 26,000 people were killed and that the rapes numbered in the hundreds, and that the Mukti Bahini rebels engaged in widespread rape and other human rights abuses. Political Scientist Sumit Ganguly believes that the Pakistani establishment has yet to come to terms with the atrocities carried out, saying that, in a visit to Bangladesh in 2002, Pervez Musharraf expressed regret for the atrocities rather than accepting responsibility.

Media depictions

Orunodoyer Ognishakhi (Pledge to a New Dawn), the first film about the war, was screened in 1972 on the first Bangladeshi Independence Day celebration. It draws on the experiences of an actor called Altaf. While trying to reach safe haven in Calcutta he encounters women who have been raped. The images of these birangona, stripped and vacant-eyed from the trauma, are used as testimony to the assault. Other victims Altaf meets are shown committing suicide or having lost their minds.

In 1995 Gita Sahgal produced the documentary War Crimes File which was screened on Channel 4. In 2011 the film Meherjaan was shown at the Guwahati International Film Festival. It explores the war from two perspectives: that of a woman who loved a Pakistani soldier and that of a person born from rape.

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External links

• Case Study: Genocide in Bangladesh, 1971
• Report from the International Commission of Jurists
• Hamoodur Rahman Commission of Inquiry Into the 1971 India-Pakistan War, Supplementary Report
• Telegram from US Department of State

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Leaders Bangladesh Military M. A. G. Osmani Ziaur Rahman Khaled Mosharraf K M Shafiullah Shafaat Jamil A. K. Khandker Muhammad Hamidullah Khan Matiur Rahman Civilian Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Syed Nazrul Islam Tajuddin Ahmad AHM Qamaruzzaman Muhammad Hamidullah Khan Serajul Alam Khan Dhirendranath Datta Kazi Nuruzzaman Chitta Ranjan Dutta Muhammad Mansur Ali Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad M. A. Hannan Abu Sayeed Chowdhury Pakistan Military Yahya Khan Tikka Khan S.M. Ahsan A.K. Niazi Yaqub Ali Khan Mohammad Shariff Rao Farman Ali A.O. Mitha Khadim Hussain Mitty Masud Ahmad Zamir Inamul Haque Siddique Salik K.M. Arif Civilian Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Dr. Abdul Motaleb Malik Nurul Amin Shah Azizur Rahman Ghulam Azam Motiur Rahman Nizami J.A. Rahim Tridev Roy Indian allies Military Sam Manekshaw S. M. Nanda P. C. Lal Jagjit Singh Aurora K. P. Candeth Gopal Gurunath Bewoor Sourendra Nath Kohli Nilakanta Krishnan Minoo Merwan Engineer Hari Chand Dewan Sagat Singh T. N. Raina Khem Karan Singh Sartaj Singh Inderjit Singh Gill J. F. R. Jacob E. C. Kuruvila S. H. Sarma Civilian Indira Gandhi V. V. Giri Gopal Swarup Pathak Rameshwar Kao Swaran Singh Jagjivan Ram Dilip Mahalanabis
Aftermath Pakistani Instrument of Surrender International recognition of Bangladesh Simla Agreement Delhi Agreement Stranded Pakistanis in Bangladesh Hamoodur Rahman Commission War Report 1971 Prisoners of War Investigation Bangladeshi nationalism Bangladesh–India relations Indira-Mujib Treaty 2001 Indo-Bangla skirmishes Deaths along the Bangladesh–India border Bangladesh–Pakistan relations 2013 Pakistan Embassy siege 2015 Expulsion of Pakistani diplomats from Dhaka
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