Misplaced Pages

Revision as of 02:50, 9 July 2013

Editing of this article by new or unregistered users is currently disabled until editing disputes have been resolved. This protection is not an endorsement of the current version. See the protection policy and protection log for more details. If you cannot edit this article and you wish to make a change, you can submit an edit request, discuss changes on the talk page, request unprotection, log in, or create an account.

2002 Gujarat violence
The skyline of Ahmedabad filled with smoke as buildings and shops are set on fire by rioting mobs
Date	27 February 2002 (2002-02-27)– Mid-June 2002
Location	Gujarat, India
Caused by	Godhra train attack
Casualties and losses
790 Muslims 254 Hindus

The 2002 Gujarat violence was a series of incidents starting with the Godhra train burning and the subsequent communal violence between Hindus and Muslims in the Indian state of Gujarat. On 27 February 2002, the Sabarmati Express train was attacked at Godhra by a Muslim mob. 58 Hindu pilgrims returning from Ayodhya were burned alive in the attack. It is said by some that this prompted retaliatory attacks against Muslims and caused rioting on a large scale across the state, in which 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus were ultimately killed and 223 more people were reported missing. Other commentators have said that the attacks had been preplanned and were well orchestrated. Although a Supreme-court appointed investigative team didn't find any evidence to corroborate the allegations against the Gujarat State Administration. Various places of worship were destroyed and large number of people fled their home. Preventive arrests were also made.

The nature of these events remains politically controversial in India. Some commentators have characterised the attacks on Muslims as a genocide in which the state was complicit, while others have countered that the hundreds of Muslim and Hindu dead were all victims of riots or "violent disturbances".

This was a period of communal violence in the Indian state of Gujarat which lasted for approximately three days. Following on from the initial incident there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad which lasted for approximately three weeks, statewide there were further outbreaks of mass killings against the minority Muslim population for three months. The attack on 27 February 2002 on a train, assumed by most to have been carried out by Muslims and which caused the deaths of 58 people, some of which were activists returning from Ayodhya is believed to have been the cause of the incidents with some commentators calling the violence an act of retaliation. Other commentators however have disputed this saying that the attacks had been pre-planned, were well orchestrated and that the attack on the train was in fact a "staged trigger" for what was actually premeditated violence.

Estimates of those killed range from the official figure of 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus killed to 2000 Muslims killed. There were instances of rape and children being burned alive and widespread looting and destruction of property. Chief Minister Narendra Modi has also been accused of initiating and condoning the violence as have the police and government officials who took part as they had directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim owned properties to the extremists. In 2012 Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by a Special Investigation Team appointed by the Supreme Court. The Muslim community are reported to have reacted with "anger and disbelief" and Teesta Setalvad of the NGO, Citizen for Peace and Justice has said the legal fight was not yet over as they had the right to appeal.

Like previous instances of mass violence the 2002 attacks came to be termed a pogrom. Independent observers have stated that these events had met the "legal definition of genocide". Others have called it an instance of state terrorism, while others have said the incidents were tantamount to ethnic cleansing. Some instances of mass violence which occurred were in Naroda which occurred directly alongside of a police training camp, the Gulbarg Society massacre which resulted in the death of Ehsan Jafri a former member of parliament and in the city of Vadodara.

Background

On 27 February 2002, the Sabarmati Express was reported to have been attacked and set alight by a crowd of Muslims, these reports resulted in a concerted attack on the Muslim community. The causes of the initial confrontation at Godhra railway station are undetermined, it was reported that the activists had harassed Muslim vendors on the station platform, and this has been cited as a probable cause for the attack on the train. There were several inquiries into the train burning incident. The first of these investigation was "The Banerjee Committee" headed up by a retired Supreme Court judge, U.C. Banerjee. This investigation concluded that the fire had started inside the train and was most likely accidental. This investigation was declared null and void by the Gujarat High Court. Another report carried out by the Hazards Centre, an NGO from Delhi also concluded that the fire must have begun inside the train, and both the Hazard and the Banerjee reports were critical of the preliminary investigations carried out by local police. The NGO Concerned Citizens Tribunal also concluded that the fire had been an accident.

Another investigation, which was commissioned by the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) the ruling party at the time of the violence which was headed up by G T Nanavati. This investigation known as the "Shah-Nanavati commission" concluded that the attacks on the train had been pre-planned and was the result of a conspiracy by locals. Arvind Pandya in an interview stated that the Shah-Nanavati commission would fall in favour of the BJP, as Shah was their man and Nanavati could be bribed. Independent observers have concluded that the fire itself was almost certainly an accident, and that the initial cause of the conflagration will never be determined. According to Ainslie Thomas Embree the official version of the attack on the train, that it was organized, pre-planned and carried out by people under orders from Pakistan is entirely baseless.

Godhra train burning, investigations and judgements

On 27 February 2002, 58 Hindus including 25 women and 15 children, Hindu pilgrims (Kar Sevaks) returning by the Sabarmathi express train from Ayodhya, were burnt alive in a railway coach. in a conspiracy. The bodies of those killed in the train were brought to Ahmedabad, where a procession was held, a move seen as a major provocation for the ensuing communal violence. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)issued a call for a state-wide strike on 28 February 2002, which was supported by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Initial media reports blamed the local Muslims for setting the coach on fire. Going further, the report claims that one Hassan Lalu had thrown burning objects into the train and 140 litres of petrol had been used to set the train on fire, adding that stones were thrown at passengers to stop them from fleeing. Nine years after the Godhra train went up in flames the court on 22 February 2011 pronounced its judgement. Additional Session Judge delivered the verdict and convicted 31 Muslims, of which 11 were sentenced to death and 20 to life sentences., and acquitted 63.

Post-Godhra violence

Tension gripped parts of Gujarat state while examinations all over the state were cancelled. Fearing communal clashes, the administration imposed a curfew in several areas. Rapid Action Force were deployed in Godhra's sensitive area and around Godhra station. On 1 March the Indian government dispatched around 1,000 paramilitary personnel to Gujarat and asked the army to be on standby to maintain law and order in the state. The Army began flag marches in the worst-affected areas and shoot-at-sight orders were issued in 34 curfew-bound cities and towns in Gujarat.

151 towns and 993 villages in fifteen to sixteen of the state's 25 districts were affected by the post-Godhra violence, which was particularly severe in about five or six districts. The violence raged largely between 28 February and 3 March, and after a drop, restarted on 15 March, continuing until mid-June. Northern and central Gujarat, as well as the north-eastern tribal belt which are closer to Godhra City, were the worst affected while Saurashtra and Kutch remained largely peaceful.

Following the attack on the train the Vishva Hindu Parishad(VHP) called for a statewide "bandh"(strike), even though these have been declared by the supreme court to be unconstitutional and illegal. It is common knowledge in India that these strikes are usually followed by violence. No action was taken by the state to prevent the strike, or put a stop the initial violence. Independent reports indicate that former VHP president Rana Rajendrasinh had endorsed the strike, and that Modi and Rana had used inflammatory language which could worsen the situation.

Modi declared that the attack on the train had been carried out by "terrorists", these words were interpreted as a single to take vengeance on the Muslim community. Local newspapers and members of the state government used the Godhra incident to incite the violence. They claimed the attack on the train was Pakistan's intelligence agency and that local Muslims had conspired with them to attack Hindus in the state. False stories were also printed by local newspapers which claimed that Muslims kidnapped and then raped some Hindu women.

The day following the fire coordinated attacks began. Men wearing saffron robes and khaki shorts arrived en masse in trucks. They had swords, explosives and gas cylinders which were used to destroy homes and places of business. Attacks were made in full view of police stations and police officers, however the police did not intervene. The rioters used mobile phones to coordinate their attacks. By days end of 28 February in 27 towns and cities a curfew was declared.

There was widespread destruction of masjids and dargahs. The tomb of Malik Asin was bulldozed, the Muhafiz Khan Mosque was also destroyed. The tomb of the eighteenth century saint Wali Gujrati was leveled and paved over the following day by the council. It is estimated that up to 150,000 people were displaced during the violence.

Attacks on Muslims

Template:Violence against Muslims Attacks by large Hindu mobs began in the districts of Ahmedabad, Vadodara, Saberkantha and, for the first time in its history, Gandhinagar on 28 February. Violence spread to the largely rural districts of Panchmahals, Mehsana, Hansot, Kheda, Junagadh, Banaskantha, Patan, Anand and Narmada the next day. Over the next two days, Bharuch and Rajkot and later Surat were hit.

The first incidents of attacks on the Muslim community started at Ahmedabad, where Hindus began throwing stones at and later burned a Muslim housing complex known as Gulburg Society, and then spread elsewhere. The initial violence was believed to be instigated by unsubstantiated rumours, endorsed by a senior VHP leader, of Muslims having kidnapped three Hindu girls during the Godhra train attack.

In Ahmedabad, the dargah of the Sufi saint-poet Wali Gujarati in Shahibaug and the 16th century Gumte Masjid mosque in Isanpur were destroyed. The Muhafiz Khan Masjid at Gheekanta was ransacked. Police records list 298 dargahs, 205 mosques, 17 temples and three churches as damaged in the months of March and April.

According to Human Rights Watch Report, May 2002, State officials of Gujarat, India were directly involved in the killings of hundreds of Muslims since 27 February and then commenced engineering a massive cover-up of the state's role in the violence.

"What happened in Gujarat was not a spontaneous uprising, it was a carefully orchestrated attack against Muslims," said Smita Narula, senior South Asia researcher for Human Rights Watch and author of the report. "The attacks were planned in advance and organized with extensive participation of the police and state government officials."

In 2002 an international an all-women committee formed of experts from US, UK, France, Germany and Sri Lanka reported on the violence. A German historian Gabriela Mischkowski stated, "sexual violence was being used as a strategy for terrorising women belonging to minority community in the state." It is estimated that at least 250 girls and women had been gang raped and then burned alive.

Describing the sexual violence perpetrated against Muslim women and girls, Renu Khanna writes that the survivors reported "that sexual violence consisted of forced nudity, mass rapes, gang-rapes, mutilation, insertion of objects into bodies, cutting of breasts, slitting the stomach and reproductive organs, and carving of Hindu religious symbols on women’s body parts." The Concerned Citizens’ Tribunal, characterised the use of rape "as an instrument for the subjugation and humiliation of a community". Testimony heard by the committee stated that:

A chilling technique, absent in pogroms unleashed hitherto but very much in evidence this time in a large number of cases, was the deliberate destruction of evidence. Barring a few, in most instances of sexual violence, the women victims were stripped and paraded naked, then gang-raped, and thereafter quartered and burnt beyond recognition. . .The leaders of the mobs even raped young girls, some as young as 11 years old. . . before burning them alive. . . Even a 20-day-old infant, or a fetus in the womb of its mother, was not spared.

Dionne Bunsha writing on the Gulbarg Society massacre and murder of Ehsan Jafri, has said that Jafri begged the crowd to spare the women, he was dragged into the street and forced to parade naked yet he refused to say "Jai Shri Ram". He was then beheaded and thrown onto a fire, following this the rioters returned and burned Jafri's family, including two small boys to death. After the massacre Gulbarg burned for a week. According to Siddharth Varadarajan on February 28 in the districts of Morjari Chowk and Charodia Chowk, in Ahmedabad of forty people killed by police shooting, all were Muslim.

Attacks on Hindus

Attacks on Hindus in Danilimda, Modasa, Himmatnagar, Bharuch, Sindhi Market, Bhanderi Pole, and other localities in the city of Ahmedabad in Gujarat were perpetrated by Muslim mobs. There was a significant loss of property. Late in March, more than one hundred Hindus in Dariyapur and Kalupur, including 55 dalits, fled their homes to stay in makeshift shelters after being attacked by Muslims mobs.

Several Hindu residential areas, including Mahajan No Vaado, a fortified enclave in Muslim-dominated Jamalpur, were targeted following calls for retaliation. Several thousand of Hindu residents became homeless.

In the morning the mosques began announcing that Islam was in danger, that there was poison in the milk. This was used as a code word. The milk was meant to be Muslims & poison meant Hindus. The rioting lasted between 2:15 pm and 5:30 pm

Residents were unable to go to work, fearing attacks. A Hindu temple in the area was destroyed. In Himmatnagar, a young man was killed when he went to a Muslim enclave on business. Attacks on Hindu residents by Muslim mobs also followed:

In Ahmedabad, violence broke out on March 17 when Dalits in the Danilimda area were attacked by Muslims. On March 19, it was Modasa, a town in Sabarkantha district. A police officer's son was stabbed and two communities went berserk.... The stories only got more macabre. In Himmatnagar, a young man who went to a Muslim-dominated area to do business was found dead, with his eyes gouged out. In Bharuch, the murder of a Muslim youth led to mass violence. Next the Sindhi Market and Bhanderi Pole areas of Ahmedabad, hitherto calm, were attacked by mobs. This phase, really, was one of Muslim mobs attacking Hindus. By the time Vajpayee arrived the Hindu throngs were looking for blood again. The cycle seemed unending, at least for the immediate future.

Human rights watch has reported that 10000 Hindus had been displaced during the violence, many Hindu residents were in fear of reprisal attacks or being mistaken for Muslim. Hindu home and business owners had put saffron flags or pictures of Hindu deities to identify themselves as Hindu. On 17 March there was an attack by Muslims on Dalits. In Himatnagar, a man was found dead, his eyes had been gouged out. The Sindhi Market and Bhanderi Pole areas of Ahmedabad, were also attacked.

Toll

According to an official estimate, 1044 people were killed in the violence – 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus including those killed in the Godhra train fire. Another 223 people were reported missing, 2,548 injured, 919 women widowed and 606 children orphaned.

Unofficial estimates put the death toll closer to 2500. When missing people were declared dead after 7 years, total deaths went up from 1044 to 1,267.

536 places of worship were damaged: 273 dargahs, 241 mosques, 19 temples, and 3 churches. Muslim-owned businesses suffered the bulk of the damage. 61,000 Muslims and 10,000 Hindus fled their homes. Preventive arrests of 17,947 Hindus and 3,616 Muslims were made. In total 27,901 Hindus and 7,651 Muslims were arrested.

There was a retaliatory attack in Jamalpur which resulted in 25 Hindus injured and five house being razed. The police quickly responded, and the colony was visited by Modi after a short period of time. According to Varadarajan the majority of Hindu deaths were from shootings by the police, some were killed by Hindutva rioters after they had been mistaken for Muslims, with some deliberately killed for having worked with, or having befriended Muslims. A report from Frontline on the violence in Ahmedabad of 249 bodies recovered by 5 march, 30 were Hindus. Of these 13 had died as a result of police action and several others had died while attacking Muslim owned properties. 24 Muslims had died in police shootings even though there had been very few attacks by Muslims on Hindu neighborhoods.

Security failure

By the evening of 28 February, curfews were imposed in 27 towns and cities. Thirty-five towns were under curfew by 25 March. Police records show 21,563 preventive arrests were made by the end of April (17,947 of the arrested were listed as Hindus and 3,616 as Muslims) as well as 13,989 substantive arrests (9,954 Hindus and 4,035 Muslims).

The New York Times' Celia Dugger reported that witnesses were "dismayed by the lack of intervention from local police", who often "watched the events taking place and took no action against the attacks on Muslims and their property". Human Rights Watch reported that in some cases members of the state police force led rioting mobs, "aiming and firing at every Muslim who got in the way", or instead of offering assistance "led the victims directly into the hands of their killers." Calls for assistance to the police, fire brigades, and even ambulance services generally proved futile.

Times of India claimed that 93 Muslims were killed by police fire and only 77 Hindus, however Gujarat Police and BJP claimed that majority of 198 Hindus (excluding the 59 killed in Godhra) killed were due to police fire and not in riots.

Hindu residents of Mahajan No Vaado, part of the Muslim-dominated area of Jamalpur, told HRW that on 1 March, the police ignored phone calls and left them to fend for themselves when a Muslim mob attacked. Numerous calls by Hindus throughout the riots were reportedly ignored by the police.

One thousand army troops were flown in by the evening of 1 March to restore order. Intelligence officials alleged that the deployment was deliberately delayed by the state and central governments. On 3 May, former Punjab police chief K P S Gill was appointed as security adviser to the Chief Minister.

The Gujarat government transferred several senior police officers who had taken active measures to contain and investigate violent attacks to administrative positions. According to R. B. Sreekumar police officers who had followed the rule of law and helped prevent the riots from spreading were punished by the Modi government. They were subjected to disciplinary proceedings and transfers with some having to leave the state. Sreekumar also alleged that the state government issued "unconstitutional directives", with officials asking him to kill Muslims involved in rioting or disrupting a Hindu religious event. The Gujarat government denied the allegations, calling them "baseless" and instigated out of malice because Mr. Sreekumar was not promoted.

Defending the Modi administration in the Rajya Sabha against charges of genocide, BJP spokesman V K Malhotra said that the official toll of 254 Hindus, killed mostly by police fire, indicates how the state authorities took effective steps to curb the violence. BJP MP and journalist Balbir Punj disputed allegations of bias against Muslims by the BJP-run state government, pointing out that the majority of those arrested during and after the riots were Hindus.

An unidentified pamphlet circulated to journalists in Gujarat in 2007 labelled Modi's government as anti-Hindu for arresting VHP workers and Hindu activists involved in the riots.

The recent report of Supreme Court appointed Special Investigation Team led by former CBI Chief R.K Raghavan gave a clean chit to the Gujarat government and noticed that Gujarat Police tried everything to prevent the riots.

On Narendra Modi's role the Special Investigation Team report states,

Law and order review meetings were held by Modi and all the things was done to control the situation... the Army was called on time to contain the communal violence.

Modi was busy with steps to control the situation, establishment of relief camps for riot victims and also with efforts to restore peace and normalcy.

In view of the detailed inquiry and satisfactory explanation of the person involved, no criminal case is made out against Narendra Modi.

Role of government and police

The Gujarat state government was reprimanded immediately for failing to prevent the riots, but then increasingly for actively fomenting and participating in it, which was a far more serious charge. Critiques came repeatedly from the Supreme Court, and the upper house of the Indian parliament unanimously passed a resolution calling for federal intervention in Gujarat; a similar censure motion in the lower house was defeated by about 100 votes.

The United States Department of State in its International Religious Freedom Report 2003 commented on the episode, based on a controversial report by USCIRF:

An international fact finding committee formed of all women international experts from US, UK, France, Germany and Sri Lanka reported, "sexual violence was being used as a strategy for terrorising women belonging to minority community in the state."

"India's National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), an official body, found evidence in the killings of premeditation by members of Hindu extremist groups; complicity by Gujarat state government officials; and police inaction in the midst of attacks. The NHRC also noted "widespread reports and allegations of well-organized persons, armed with mobile telephones and addresses, singling out certain homes and properties for death and destruction in certain districts-sometimes within view of police stations and personnel," suggesting the attacks may have been planned in advance."

In April 2002, retired Supreme Court Justices V. R. Krishna Iyer and P. B. Sawant headed a citizen's panel to investigate the riots. Their report includes testimony of the then Gujarat BJP minister Haren Pandya (since murdered), who testified about an evening meeting convened by Narendra Modi the evening of the Godhra train burning. At this meeting, officials were instructed not to obstruct the Hindu rage following the incident. The report also highlighted a second meeting, held in Lunawada village of Panchmahal district, attended by state ministers Ashok Bhatt, and Prabhatsinh Chauhan, and other BJP and RSS leaders, where "detailed plans were made on the use of kerosene and petrol for arson and other methods of killing." The Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind claimed in 2002 that some regional Congress workers collaborated with the perpetrators of the violence.

Organizations such as Human Rights Watch criticised the Indian government for failure to address the resulting humanitarian condition of the people, the "overwhelming majority of them Muslim," who fled their homes for relief camps in the aftermath of the events, as well as the Gujarat state administration for engaging in a cover-up of the state's role in the massacres. Many of the investigations and prosecutions of those accused of violence during the riots have been opened for re-investigation and prosecution. The large-scale civil unrest has been generally been described as riots or inter-communal clashes.

In response to allegations of state involvement, Gujarat government spokesman, Bharat Pandya, told the BBC that the rioting was a spontaneous Hindu backlash fuelled by widespread anger against Muslims. He said "Hindus are frustrated over the role of Muslims in the on-going violence in Indian-administered Kashmir and other parts of India".

The US Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom, John Hanford, expressing concern over religious intolerance in Indian politics, said that while the rioters may have been aided by state and local officials, he did not believe that the BJP-led central government was involved in inciting the riots.

At the same time, about two hundred policemen lost their lives trying to control the violence in Gujarat.

In April 2012, a Special Investigation Team found absolved Modi of any involvement in the Gulberg massacre, arguably the worst episode of the riots. The Special Investigation Team (SIT) report on the riots exonerated Modi of all charges.

In his report, Mr. Raju Ramachandran, the amicus curiae for the case, strongly disagreed with a key conclusion of the R.K. Raghavan-led SIT: that IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt was not present at a late-night meeting of top Gujarat cops held at the Chief Minister's residence in the wake of the 27 February 2002 Godhra carnage. It has been Mr. Bhatt's claim — made in an affidavit before the apex court and in statements to the SIT and the amicus — that he was present at the meeting where Mr. Modi allegedly said Hindus must be allowed to carry out retaliatory violence against Muslims. Raju Ramachandran was of the opinion that Mr Modi could be prosecuted for alleged statements he had made. Mr. Ramachandran said there was no clinching material available in the pre-trial stage to disbelieve Mr. Bhatt, whose claim could be tested only in court. "Hence, it cannot be said, at this stage, that Shri Bhatt should be disbelieved and no further proceedings should be taken against Shri Modi." Further, RK Shah the public prosecutor in the Gulbarg Society massacre resigned as the public prosecutor because he found it impossible to work with the SIT and further stated that "Here I am collecting witnesses who know something about a gruesome case in which so many people, mostly women and children huddled in Jafri's house, were killed and I get no cooperation. The SIT officers are unsympathetic towards witnesses, they try to browbeat them and don’t share evidence with the prosecution as they are supposed to do."

Criminal prosecutions

There have been 249 convictions in 19 cases as of August 2012. This includes 184 Hindus and 65 Muslims- 31 for Godhra and 34 for post-Godhra. A brief summary of total convictions will be as follows:

• 16 October 2003 – 4 Muslims were convicted and given life imprisonment

• 25 November 2003 – 15 Hindus were convicted of whom 12 were given life imprisonment

• 4 August 2005 – 2 Muslims were convicted.

• 14 December 2005 – 11 Hindus were convicted

• 24 February 2006 – 9 Hindus were convicted (Outside Gujarat)

• 18 March 2006 – 7 Muslims were convicted

• 28 March 2006 – 9 Muslims were convicted

• 14 May 2006 – 5 Muslims were convicted

• 18 May 2006 – 4 Muslims were convicted

• 23 November 2006 – 3 Muslims were convicted for blasts on 6 August 2002 in Ahmedabad in which no one was killed but caused panic

• 30 October 2007 – 11 Hindus were convicted

• 22 January 2008 – 12 Hindus were convicted in the Bilkis Bano case (outside Gujarat)

• 1 March 2011 – 31 Muslims were convicted in connection with the Godhra train burning.

• 13 July 2011 – 6 Hindus were convicted

• 9 November 2011 – 31 Hindus were convicted for the Sadarpura case

• 9 April 2012 – 23 Hindus were convicted

• 4 May 2012 – 9 Hindus were convicted

• 30 July 2012 – 22 Hindus were convicted

• 29 August 2012 – 32 Hindus were convicted for the Naroda Patiya killings

The Indian Supreme Court has been strongly critical of the state government's investigation and prosecution of those accused of violence during the riots, directing police to review about 2,000 of the 4,000 riot-related cases that had been closed citing lack of evidence or leads. Following this direction, police identified nearly 1,600 cases for re-investigation, arrested 640 accused and launched investigations against 40 police officers for their failures.

Human Rights Watch alleged that state and law enforcement officials were harassing and intimidating key witnesses, NGOs, social activists and lawyers who were fighting to seek justice for riot victims. In its 2003 annual report, Amnesty International stated, "the same police force that was accused of colluding with the attackers was put in charge of the investigations into the massacres, undermining the process of delivery of justice to the victims."

The Best Bakery murder trial received wide attention after witnesses retracted testimony in court and all of the accused were acquitted. The Indian Supreme Court, acting on a petition by social activist Teesta Setalvad, ordered a retrial outside Gujarat in which nine accused were found guilty in 2006. A key witness, Zaheera Sheikh, who repeatedly changed her testimony during the trials and the petition was found guilty of perjury.

After a local court dismissed the case against her assailants, Bilkis Bano approached the National Human Rights Commission and petitioned the Supreme Court seeking a retrial. The Supreme Court granted the motion, directing the Central Bureau of Investigation to take over the investigation. CBI appointed a team of experts from CFSL Delhi and AIIMS under the guidance and leadership of Professor T. D. Dogra of AIIMS to exhume the mass graves to established the identity and cause of death of victims. The team successfully located and exhumed the remains of victims. The trial of the case was transferred out of Gujarat and directing the central government to appoint the public prosecutor. Charges were filed in a Mumbai court against nineteen people as well as six police officials and a government doctor over their role in the initial investigations. In January 2008, eleven men were sentenced to life imprisonment for the rape and murders and a policeman was convicted of falsifying evidence.

In 2005, the Vadodara fast-track court acquitted 108 people accused of murdering two youths, during a mob attack on a group of displaced Muslims returning under police escort to their homes in Avdhootnagar. The court passed strictures against the police for failing to protect the people under their escort and failing to identify the attackers they had witnessed.

Nine people were convicted of killing a Hindu man and injuring another during group clashes in Danilimda, Ahmedabad on 12 April, while 25 others were acquitted.

Eight people, including a VHP leader and a member of the BJP, were convicted for the murder of seven members of a family and the rape of two minor girls in the village of Eral in Panchmahal district.

52 people from Pavagadh and Dhikva villages in Panchmahal district were acquitted of rioting charges for lack of evidence.

A stringent anti-terror law, the POTA, was used by the Gujarat government to charge 131 people in connection to the Godhra train fire, but not invoked in prosecuting any of the accused in the post-Godhra riots. In 2005 the POTA Review Committee set up by the central government to review the application of the law opined that the Godhra accused should not be tried under the provisions of POTA.

On 9 November 2011, a court in Ahmedabad sentenced 31 Hindus to life imprisonment for murdering dozens of Muslims, by burning a building in which they took shelter. 41 other Hindus were acquitted of murder charges due to lack of evidence. 22 additional people were convicted for attempted murder on 30 July 2012, while 61 others were acquitted.

On 29 July 2012, an Indian court gave the verdict in the Naroda Patiya massacre case and convicted 32 people, including former state minister Maya Kodnani and Hindu leader Babu Bajrangi of involvement in the attacks. The court case began in 2009, and over 300 people (including victims, witnesses, doctors, and journalists) had testified before the court. For the first time, the verdict acknowledged the role of a politician in inciting Hindu mobs. Activists say that the verdict will embolden the opponent of Narendra Modi, the chief minister of Gujarat, in the crucial run-up to state elections later this year, when Modi will seek a third term. Modi refused to apologise and denied that the government had a role in the riots. Twenty-nine people were acquitted during the verdict. Teesta Setalvad, a human rights campaigner, said, "For the first time, this judgment actually goes beyond neighborhood perpetrators and goes up to the political conspiracy. The fact that convictions have gone that high means the conspiracy charge has been accepted and the political influencing of the mobs has been accepted by the judge. This is a huge victory for justice."

Official inquiries

Shah-Nanavati commission

On 6 March, the Gujarat government set up a commission of inquiry headed by retired High Court judge K.G. Shah to enquire into the Godhra train burning and the subsequent violence and submit a report in three months. Following criticism from victims' organisations, activists and political parties over Shah's alleged proximity to the BJP, on 22 May, the government reconstituted the commission, appointing retired Supreme Court Justice G.T. Nanavati to lead the commission. In 2008, the Nanavati commission came out largely in favour of the Gujarat government's aspect. Nanavati's evidence hinged on the acquisition of 140 litres of petrol hours before the arrival of the train and the storage of the said petrol at the alleged key conspirator's, Razzak Kurkur, guest house. This was further corroborated by forensic evidence showing fuel was poured on the train compartment before being burnt. The alleged mastermind was said to be the cleric Maulvi Husain Haji Ibrahim Umarji and a dismissed Central Reserve Police Force officer named Nanumiyan, from Assam, who had instigated the Muslim crowds. Furthermore, two Kashmiris, Gulamnabi and Ali Mohammed, were in the same guesthouse for a fortnight prior to the event speaking about the Kashmir liberation movement.

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Indian National Congress party both came out railing against the exoneration of the Gujarat government by the commission citing the timing of the report (with general elections months away) as evident of unfairness. Congress spokesperson Veerappa Moily commented at the strange absolvement of the Gujarat government for complacency for the carnage. He also said the report reinforced communal prejudices.

National Human Rights Commission

In its proceedings of 1 April 2002, the Commission had set out its preliminary comments and recommendations on the situation and sent a confidential report from the team of the Commission that visited Gujarat from 19–22 March 2002 to Gujarat government and Central Home Ministry. It observed that "the responsibility of the State extended not only to the acts of its own agents, but also to those of non-State players within its jurisdiction and to any action that may cause or facilitate the violation of human rights. The Commission added that, unless rebutted by the State Government, the adverse inference arising against it would render it accountable. The burden of proof was therefore on the State Government to rebut this presumption."

In its Proceedings of 1 May 2002, the Commission noted that the Government of Gujarat had sent a reply dated 12 April 2002, and observed that nothing in the reports received in response rebuts the presumption. It further observed that "the violence in the State, which was initially claimed to have been brought under control in seventy two hours, persisted in varying degree for over two months, the toll in death and destruction rising with the passage of time despite the measures reportedly taken by the State Government". The report claims failure of intelligence, failure to take appropriate action, patterns of arrests, uneven handling of major cases, and "Distorted FIRs: ‘extraneous influences’, issue of transparency and integrity" as key factors in the incident(s).

Other inquiries

Banerjee Committee

On 17 May 2004Lalu Prasad Yadav became Railway Minister. In September 2004, the Railway Ministry set up a one-member committee consisting of former Supreme Court Justice Umesh Chandra Banerjee to probe the Godhra train fire. In January 2005, two days before the election in Lalu Prasad's native Bihar state, the Banerjee Committee concluded that the fire was accidental. Lalu Prasad used the Banerjee Committee report and a look-alike of Osama bin Laden to woo Muslim voters.

Banerjee Commission's findings were challenged by Neelkanth Tulsidas Bhatia who was injured in the Godhra carnage. In October 2006, the Gujarat High Court quashed the conclusions of the Banerjee Committee and ruled that the panel was "unconstitutional, illegal and null and void", and declared its formation as a "colourable exercise of power with mala fide intentions", and its argument of accidental fire "opposed to the prima facie accepted facts on record.".

Concerned Citizens Tribunal

The citizen tribunal headed by retired Supreme Court Justice Krishna Iyer collected evidence and testimony from more than 2000 riot victims, witnesses and others. In its report, the tribunal blames Godhra train passengers, indirectly denies Godhra massacre, and accuses the state government and chief minister Modi of complicity in the violence. While Krishna Iyer was nominally part of this tribunal, he made it clear in the preface of the report that his involvement was very limited.

Aftermath

According to an official estimate, 1044 people were killed in the violence – 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus including those killed in the Godhra train fire. Another 223 people were reported missing, 2,548 injured, 919 women widowed and 606 children orphaned.

Unofficial estimates put the death toll closer to 2500. When missing people were declared dead after 7 years, total deaths went up from 1044 to 1,267.

536 places of worship were damaged: 273 dargahs, 241 mosques, 19 temples, and 3 churches. Muslim-owned businesses suffered the bulk of the damage. 61,000 Muslims and 10,000 Hindus fled their homes. Preventive arrests of 17,947 Hindus and 3,616 Muslims were made. In total 27,901 Hindus and 7,651 Muslims were arrested.

Opposition parties as well as three coalition partners of the BJP-led central government demanded the dismissal of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi for failing to contain the violence, with some calling for the removal of Union Home Minister L. K. Advani as well.

On 18 July, Chief Minister Narendra Modi asked the Governor of Gujarat to dissolve the state assembly and call fresh elections. The Indian Election Commission ruled out early elections, citing the prevailing law and order situation, a decision the union government unsuccessfully appealed against in the Supreme Court.

In August 2002 a plot by Lashkar-e-Toiba to assassinate Narendra Modi, Praveen Togadia, and other Sangh Parivar leaders was unearthed by Indian police. The terrorists were planning to set up a base in Gujarat and were trying to lure some of the riot-hit people into taking up "so-called jihadi activities" Delhi Police Special Commissioner (Intelligence) K K Paul said.

In September 2002, at least 29 people were killed when Islamic fundamentalist gunmen engaged in the Akshardham Temple attack in the city of Gandhinagar in Gujarat. The Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence and Islamic terrorist group Lashkar-e-Toiba were accused of supporting the terrorists.

Elections were held in December, and Modi was returned to power in a landslide victory.

Relief efforts

Amnesty International's annual report on India in 2003 claimed the "Gujarat government did not actively fulfill its duty to provide appropriate relief and rehabilitation to the survivors".

The state government initially offered compensation payments of 200,000 rupees to the families of those who died in the Godhra train fire and 100,000 rupees to the families of those who died in the subsequent riots, which local Muslims described as discriminatory. Subsequently, the government set the compensation amount at 150,000 rupees.

By 27 March, nearly 100,000 displaced people moved into 101 relief camps. This swelled to over 150,000 in 104 camps the next two weeks. The camps were run by community groups and NGOs, with the government committing to provide amenities and supplementary services. Drinking water, medical help, clothing and blankets were in short supply at the camps. At least another 100 camps were denied government support, according to a camp organiser. and relief supplies were prevented from reaching the camps over fears that they may be carrying arms.

Relief camp organisers alleged that the state government was coercing refugees to leave relief camps, with 25,000 people made to leave eighteen camps that were shut down. Following government assurances that camps would not be shut down, the Gujarat High Court bench ordered that camp organizers be given a supervisory role to ensure that the assurances were met.

On 23 May 2008, the Union Government announced a 3.20 billion rupee (US $80 million) relief package for the victims of the riots.

Media coverage

Covering the first major communal riots following in the advent of satellite television to India, television news channels set a precedent by identifying the community of those involved in the violence, breaking a long-standing practice.

Critical reporting on the Gujarat government's handling of the situation helped bring about the Indian government's intervention in controlling the violence. The Gujarat government banned television news channels critical of the government's response. STAR News, Zee News, Aaj Tak, CNN and local stations were blocked.

The Editorial Guild of India rejected the charge that graphic news coverage aggravated the situation, saying that the coverage exposed the "horrors" of the riots as well as the "supine if not complicit" attitude of the state, helping propel remedial action. The team also faulted Gujarati language papers Gujarat Samachar and the pro-Hindutva Sandesh of distorted and provocative reporting.

The Godhra fire received extensive news coverage until it was overtaken by the subsequent violence and the presentation of the Union budget. Television and newspaper reports, particularly local Gujarati-language media, carried graphic and at times sensationalized images and accounts of the Godhra train fire. S Gurumurthy, Arvind Lavakare and columnist Rajeev Srinivasan argue that news reports emphasised the provocative behaviour of the kar sevaks on the Sabarmathi Express in an effort to rationalise the subsequent mob attack at Godhra and displace blame from the mob on to the kar sevaks.

In 2004, the weekly newspaper Tehelka published a hidden camera exposé alleging that BJP legislator Madhu Srivastava bribed Zaheera Sheikh, a witness in the Best Bakery killings trial. Srivatsava denied the allegation, and an inquiry committee appointed by the Indian Supreme Court drew an "adverse inference" from the video footage, though it failed to uncover evidence that money was actually paid. In a 2007 expose, the newspaper released hidden camera footage of several members of the BJP, VHP and the Bajrang Dal admitting their role in the riots. Among those featured in the tapes was the special counsel representing the Gujarat government before the Nanavati-Shah Commission, Arvind Pandya, who resigned from his post after they were made public. While the report was criticised by some as being politically motivated, some newspapers said the revelations simply reinforced what was common knowledge. However there were several inaccuracies in the statements that diluted the impact of the sting operation. Babu Bajrani and Suresh Richard in the statements said that Narendra Modi visited Naroda Patiya one day after the massacre to thank them. However official record shows that Naredra Modi didn't visit Naroda Patiya. VHP activist, Ramesh Dave told Tehelka reporter that S.K.Gadhvi, one of the divisional superintendents of Police killed five Muslims in Dariapur area as promised to him. But the official records show that Gadhvi was only posted in Dariapur one month after the riots. During his tenure no such incident took place in Dariapur. The Gujarat government blocked telecast of cable news channels broadcasting the expose, a move strongly condemned by the Editors Guild of India.

Controversies on the riots

Taking a stand decried by the media and other rights groups, Nafisa Hussain, a member of the National Commission for Women accused organisations and the media of needlessly exaggerating the plight of women victims of the riots. which was strongly disputed as Gujarat did not have a State Commission for Women to act on the ground. The newspaper Tribune reported that "The National Commission for Women has reluctantly agreed to the complicity of Gujarat Government in the communal violence in the state." The tone of their most recent report was reported by the Tribune as "lenient".

Riot cases controversy

In April 2009, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) setup by the Supreme Court of India to investigate and expedite the Gujarat riot cases submitted before the Court that Teesta Setalvad had cooked up cases of violence to spice up the incidents. The SIT which is headed by former CBI director, R. K. Raghavan has said that false witnesses were tutored to give evidence about imaginary incidents by Setalvad and other NGOs. The SIT charged her of "cooking up macabre tales of killings".

The court was told that 22 witnesses, who had submitted identical affidavits before various courts relating to riot incidents, were questioned by SIT and it was found that the witnesses had not actually witnessed the incidents and they were tutored and the affidavits were handed over to them by Setalvad.

The report which was brought to the notice of the bench, consisting of Justices Arijit Pasayat, P Sathasivam and Aftab Alam, noted that the much publicised case of a pregnant Muslim woman Kausar Banu being gangraped by a mob and foetus being removed from sharp weapons, was also cooked up and false.

Popular culture

Novels

• The 3 Mistakes of My Life written by Chetan Bhagat has backdrop of riots in 2002.
• Raj Kamal Jha's novel, Firepoof depicts story of a father and a son walking in the city where the ghosts of those killed in riots have decided to seek justice.
• It Happened That Night, by Akash Verma, is the story of a 28-year-old professional during riots in Ahmedabad.
• 2010 novel The Man with Enormous Wings, by Esther David, was a fiction around riots in Ahmedabad.

Films

• Final Solution is a 2003 documentary directed by Rakesh Sharma about the 2002 Gujarat violence. The film was denied entry to Mumbai International Film Festival in 2004 due to objections by Censor Board of India, but won two awards at the 54th Berlin International Film Festival 2004. The ban was later lifted in October 2004.

• T. V. Chandran made a trilogy of Malayalam films based on the aftermaths of Gujarat riots. The trilogy consists of Kathavasheshan (2004), Vilapangalkkappuram (2008) and Bhoomiyude Avakashikal (2012). The narrative of all these films begin on the same day, 28 February 2002, that is, on the day after the Godhra train burning.

• Chand Bujh Gaya, a 2005 film, narrates the riots and Godhra train burning incident.

• 2007 film Parzania was inspired by the true story of a ten-year-old Parsi boy, Azhar Mody, essayed in the film as Parzaan Pithawala in the film, who disappeared after the Gulbarg Society massacre. The film traces the journey of the Pithawala family while trying to locate their missing son.

• Firaaq was a 2008 political thriller film set one month after the violence and looks at the aftermath in its effects on the lives of everyday people.

• 2011 film Mausam had end amidst riots in Ahmedabad.

• 2013 film Kai Po Che had the backdrop of 2002 Gujarat violence in end. The film was based on the novel The 3 Mistakes of My Life written by Chetan Bhagat.

See also

• 1969 Gujarat riots
• Communalism (South Asia)
• Dabgarwad Massacre
• Religious violence in India
• Anti-Muslim violence in India

References

1. ^ "790 Muslims, 254 Hindus perished in post-Godhra". The Times of India. 11 May 2005. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
2. India Godhra train blaze verdict: 31 convicted BBC News, 22 February 2011.
3. It was not a random attack on S-6 but kar sevaks were targeted, says judge The Hindu — 6 March 2011
4. ^ The Godhra conspiracy as Justice Nanavati saw it The Times of India, 28 September 2008. Retrieved 2012-02-19. Archived 21 February 2012.
5. ^ Godhra case: 31 guilty; court confirms conspiracy Rediff.com, 22 February 2011 19:26 IST. Sheela Bhatt, Ahmedabad.
6. "790 Muslims, 254 Hindus perished in post-Godhra". BBC News. 13 May 2005. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
7. Manas Dasgupta (9 May 2012). "No evidence of Modi promoting enmity: SIT". The Hindu. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
8. "2002 riots: SIT clean chit for Modi? : West, News — India Today". Indiatoday.intoday.in. 3 December 2010. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
9. "Zakia's complaint against Modi govt irrelevant: SIT — Rediff.com India News". Rediff.com. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
10. Allan D. Cooper. The Geography of Genocide. 2009, page 183-4
11. T. K. Oommen Reconciliation in post-Godhra Gujarat: the role of civil society. 2008, p. 71.
12. Ghassem-Fachand, Parvis (2012). Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India. Princeton University Press. pp. 1–2. ISBN 978-0691151779.
13. Escherle, Nora Anna (2013). Gabriele Rippl, Philipp Schweighauser, Tiina Kirss, Margit Sutrop, Therese Steffen (ed.). Haunted Narratives: Life Writing in an Age of Trauma (3rd Revised ed.). University of Toronto Press. p. 205. ISBN 978-1442646018.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
14. Hakeem, Farrukh B. (2012). Policing Muslim Communities: Comparative and International Context. Springer. p. 81. ISBN 978-1461435518. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
15. Brass, Paul R. (15). The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. University of Washington Press. p. 388. ISBN 978-0295985060. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
16. Kabir, Ananya Jahanara (2010). Sorcha Gunne, Zoe Brigley Thompson (ed.). Feminism, Literature and Rape Narratives: Violence and Violation. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415806084.
17. ^ Campbell, John (2012). Chris Seiple, Dennis Hoover, Dennis R. Hoover, Pauletta Otis (ed.). The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Security. Routledge. p. 233. ISBN 978-0415667449.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
18. ^ Murphy, Eamon (24). Richard Jackson, Eamon Murphy, Scott Poynting (ed.). Contemporary State Terrorism: Theory and Practice. Routledge. p. 86. ISBN 978-0415664479. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link) Cite error: The named reference "Murphy 2011" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
19. Krishnan, Murali; Shamil Shams (11 March, 2012). "Modi's clearance in the Gujarat riots case angers Indian Muslims". Deutsche Welle. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
20. Dhattiwala, Raheel (2012). "The Political Logic of Ethnic Violence The Anti-Muslim Pogrom in Gujarat, 2002". Politics and Society. 40 (4): 485. doi:10.1177/0032329212461125. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
21. Garlough, Christine L. (2013). Desi Divas: Political Activism in South Asian American Cultural Performances. University Press of Mississippi. p. 123. ISBN 978-1617037320.
22. Pandey, Gyanendra (2005). Routine violence: nations, fragments, histories. Stanford University Press. pp. 187–188. ISBN 978-0804752640. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
23. Baruah, Bipasha (2012). Women and Property in Urban India. University of British Columbia Press. p. 41. ISBN 978-0774819282.
24. Khosrokhavar, Farhad (2010). Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd (ed.). The Fundamentalist Mindset: Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History. Oxford University Press. p. 212. ISBN 978-0195379655.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
25. Gupta, Dipankar (2011). Justice before Reconciliation: Negotiating a 'New Normal' in Post-riot Mumbai and Ahmedabad. Routledge. p. 24. ISBN 978-0415612548.
26. Ganguly, Rajat (2007). Sumit Ganguly, Larry Diamond, Marc F. Plattner (ed.). The State of India's Democracy. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 60. ISBN 978-0801887918.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
27. Hampton, Janie (2002). Internally Displaced People: A Global Survey. Routledge. p. 116. ISBN 978-1853839528.
28. of India, Press Trust (13 October, 2006). "Banerjee panel illegal: Gujarat HC". The Indian Express. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
29. Spodek, Howard Spodek (2008). "In the Hindutva Laboratory: Pogroms and Politics in Gujarat, 2002". Modern Asian Studies: 351. doi:10.1017/S0026749X08003612.
30. Tribunal, Concerned Citizens. "Crime Against Humanity". Citizens for Justice and Peace.
31. Commission, Asian Human Rights. "Genocide in Gujarat: Patterns of violen". Asian Human Rights Commission.
32. Khan, Saeed (21 June, 2011). "Nanavati Commission's term extended till Dec-end". Times of India. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
33. Jaffrelot, Christophe (2011). Religion, Caste, and Politics in India. C Hurst & Co. p. 398. ISBN 978-1849041386.
34. Metcalf, Barbara D. (2012). A Concise History of Modern India. Cambridge University Press. p. 280. ISBN 978-1107026490.
35. Jeffery, Craig (2011). Isabelle Clark-Decès (ed.). A Companion to the Anthropology of India. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 1988. ISBN 978-1405198929.
36. Varadarajan, Siddharth (23 January 2005). "The truth about Godhra". The Hindu. Chennai, India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
37. "Godhra panel: Plea to summon Modi". Deccan Herald. India. 1 September 2007. Archived from the original on 22 January 2009. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
38. "Modi wanted Godhra bodies to come to A'bad". The Times of India. India. 22 August 2004. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
39. "VHP-sponsored bandh begins in Gujarat; one killed in Baroda". Rediff News. 28 February 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
40. ^ Celia W. Dugger (27 July 2002). "Religious Riots Loom Over Indian Politics". The New York Times. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
41. "Call for calm after Indian train attack". CNN. 27 February 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011. "Scores killed in India train attack". BBC News. 27 February 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.Killed, One (27 February 2002). "Shoot-at-sight orders, curfew in Godhra". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
42. Godhra: 11 get death, 20 life; parties to move HC IBN – 1 March 2011.
43. "Politics/Nation". The Times of India. India. 22 February 2011. Retrieved 22 February 2011.
44. Sabarmati Express fire was pre-planned: Godhra report Times of India – 26 September 2008
45. September 2008%203:22:00%20PM Godhra case: Nanavati panel gives clean chit to Modi NDTV – 25 September 2008. Retrieved 5 December 2009 Archived 16 May 2009.
46. Mob sets fire to Wakf board office in Gujarat secretariat, Sheela Bhatt, 28 February 2002, Godhra
47. "Shoot orders in many Gujarat towns, toll over 200". The Hindu. Chennai, India. 2 March 2002. Retrieved 10 May 2011.
48. ^ Figure reported by the Gujarat additional director general of police to the Election Commission, T K Oommen (2005). "Crisis and Contention in Indian Society". Sage Publications: 120. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
49. ^ Paul R. Brass (2005). The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. University of Washington Press. pp. 385–393. ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. Cite error: The named reference "Brass-2005" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
50. Shani, Ornit (2007). Communalism, Caste and Hindu Nationalism: The Violence in Gujarat. Cambridge University Press. p. 171. ISBN 978-0521727532.
51. Simpson, Edward (2009). Muslim Society and the Western Indian Ocean: The Seafarers of Kachchh. Routledge. p. 134. ISBN 978-0415543774.
52. Horvitz, Leslie A. (2011). Encyclopedia of War Crimes and Genocide (Revised ed.). Chelsea House Publishers. p. 186. ISBN 978-0816080830. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
53. Hibbard, Scott W. (2010). Religious Politics and Secular States: Egypt, India, and the United States. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 171. ISBN 978-0801896699.
54. Khan, Yasmin (2011). Andrew R. Murphy (ed.). The Blackwell Companion to Religion and Violence. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 369. ISBN 978-1405191319.
55. Oommen, T K (2005). Crisis and Contention in Indian Society. SAGE. p. 120. ISBN 978-0761933595.
56. Bunsha, Dionne (2005). Scarred: Experiment's With Violence In Gujarat. Penguin. ISBN 978-0144000760.
57. Rubin, Olivier (2010). Democracy and Famine. Routledge. pp. 172–173. ISBN 978-0415598224.
58. Christophe Jaffrelot (July 2003). "Communal Riots in Gujarat: The State at Risk?" (PDF). Heidelberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics (17). South Asia Institute, University of Heidelberg. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
59. ^ Dugger, Celia W. 2000 Are Dead in 3-Day Riot of Revenge in West India New York Times. New York, N.Y.:2 March 2002. p. A1
60. Smita Narula (2002). "Overview of the Attacks against Muslims". 'We Have No Orders To Save You' – State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat. Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 4 February 2011. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help), "Mob used bulldozer to raze heritage mosque". Indian Exress. 13 March 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
61. Sanjay Pandey (28 April 2002). "More fall prey to police firings in Gujarat". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
62. ^ "India: Gujarat Officials Took Part in Anti-Muslim Violence | Human Rights Watch". Human Rights Watch. 1 May 2002. Retrieved 7 March 2013.
63. ^ Press Trust of India (19 December 2002). "Intl experts spoil Modi's party, say Gujarat worse than Bosnia". Expressindia.com. Retrieved 20 June 2013. Cite error: The named reference "Press Trust of India" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
64. Kabir, Ananya Jahanara (2011). Sorcha Gunne, Zoe Brigley Brigley Thompson (ed.). Feminism, Literature and Rape Narratives: Violence and Violation (Reprint ed.). Routledge. p. 146. ISBN 978-0415896689.
65. ^ Khanna, Renu (2008). "Communal Violence in Gujarat, India: Impact of Sexual Violence and Responsibilities of the Health Care System". Reproductive Health Matters. 16 (31): 14.
66. Ahmed, Akbar S. (2003). Islam Under Siege: Living Dangerously in a Post- Honor World. Polity Press. ISBN 978-0745622101.
67. Bunsha, Dionne (2005). Scarred: Experiment's With Violence In Gujarat. Penguin. ISBN 978-0144000760.
68. Varadarajan, Siddharth (2002). Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy. Penguin (India). p. 181. ISBN 978-0143029014.
69. ^ Attacks on Hindus, Human Rights Watch
70. Riots hit all classes, people of all faith
71. "A home for long now just a death trap". Archived from the original on 23 July 2009. Retrieved 21 July 2009. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
72. With no relief, they turn to religious places for shelter, Indian Express. Retrieved 2009-07-21. Archived 23 July 2009.
73. Pandey, Sanjay. Riots hit all classes, people of all faith. Mar 17, 2002. The Times of India.
74. "Gujarat: End of Hope." India Today. April 15, 2002.
75. ^ Watch, Human Rights (April, 2002). "We Have No Orders To Save You". Human Rights Watch. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
76. These figures were reported to the Rajya Sabha by the Union Minister of State for Home Affairs Sriprakash Jaiswal in May 2005. "Gujarat riot death toll revealed". BBC News. 11 May 2005. Archived from the original on 26 February 2009. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help) PTI (12 May 2005). "BJP cites govt statistics to defend Modi". ExpressIndia. Archived from the original on 26 February 2009. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help) PTI (11 May 2005). "254 Hindus, 790 Muslims killed in post-Godhra riots". Indiainfo.com. Archived from the original on 26 February 2009. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
77. "We Have No Orders To Save You". Human Rights Watch. 30 April 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011. {{cite web}}: |chapter= ignored (help), Fernandez, Percy (22 March 2005). "UK reads the riot act to Narendra Modi". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011., Brass (2005) pp. 388,
78. Khan, Saeed (1 March 2009). "Gujarat riot 'missing' declared dead". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
79. Misra, Leena (16 February 2009). "Gujarat riots toll to go up from 952 to 1,180". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
80. ^ DESTROYED, DAMAGED RELIGIOUS STRUCTURES IN GUJARAT Radiance Viewsweekly, 10 November 2012.
81. Gujarat Govt website document.
82. "Post-Godhra toll: 254 Hindus, 790 Muslims". Archived from the original on 27 September 2009. Retrieved 25 September 2009. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
83. "rediff.com: Vajpayee to visit two relief camps in Ahmedabad". Archived from the original on 27 September 2009. Retrieved 25 September 2009. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
84. Oommen, T. K. (2008). Reconciliation in Post-Godhra Gujarat: The Role of Civil Society. Pearson Education India. p. 71. ISBN 978-8131715468.
85. Varadarajan, Siddharth (2002). Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy. Penguin (India). p. 83. ISBN 978-0143029014.
86. Oommen (2005), pp. 120
87. "Where is normalcy? Curfew still on". The Times of India. 25 March 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
88. Dugger, Celia W. Hindu Rioters Kill 60 Muslims in India New York Times. New York, N.Y.:1 March 2002.
89. ^ Police officials led Hindu attackers: HRW report on Muslims’ massacre in Gujarat, Dawn, 30 April 2002
90. Rahul Bedi (4 March 2002). "Soldiers 'held back to allow Hindus revenge'". The Telegraph. London. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
91. "Gill is Modi's Security Adviser". The Tribune. India. 2 May 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
92. Kingshuk Nag (29 April 2002). "Disquiet among Gujarat police". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
93. "Modi Punishes good officers". Ahmedabad.com (Republished from The Asian Age). 26 March 2002. Archived from the original on 27 March 2008. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
94. Sreekumar, R B. (27 February 2012). "Gujarat genocide: The State, law and subversion". Rediff. Significantly, practically all police officers who had genuinely enforced the rule of law to ensure security to minorities had incurred the wrath of the Modi government and many of these persons who refused to carry out the covert anti-minority agenda of the CM were punished with disciplinary proceedings, transfers, by-passing in promotion and so on. A few upright officers have to leave the state on deputation.
95. "BBC UK Website". BBC News. 14 April 2005. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
96. Press Trust of India (12 May 2005). "BJP cites govt statistics to defend Modi". Expressindia.com. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
97. Truth in Gujarat by Balbir Punj
98. Modi vs BJP The Indian Express – 8 December 2007
99. ^ "Gujarat riots: Teesta Setalvad's plea for SIT report rejected". Ibnlive.in.com. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
100. "Indian MPs back Gujarat motion". BBC News. 6 May 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
101. International Religious Freedom Report 2003. By the United States Department of State. Retrieved 19 April 2007.
102. United States Commission on International Religious Freedom. "Countries of Particular Concern: INDIA". Archived from the original on 25 December 2007. Retrieved 26 March 2008.
103. Citizens’ tribunal to investigate Godhra carnage, communal riots, Express News Service, Monday, 1 April 2002, Ahmedabad.
104. Gujarat Carnage-Role of Narendra Modi, Ram Puniyani, 2 May 2009, tehelka.com
105. Leads From Purgatory, Darshan Desai, 2 December 2002, Outlook Magazine.
106. Ramachandran, Rajesh. "Cong silent on cadres linked to Guj riots". The Times of India.
107. Gujarat Officials Took Part in Anti-Muslim Violence, Human Rights Watch
108. ^ "Court orders Gujarat riot review". BBC News. 17 August 2004. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
109. ^ "Gujarat riot cases to be reopened". BBC News. 8 February 2006. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
110. "NGO says Gujarat riots were planned". BBC News. 19 March 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
111. Sridhar Krishnaswami (16 September 2004). "U.S. raised Gujarat riots with BJP-led Government". The Hindu. Chennai, India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
112. Rosser, Yvette (2003). "Curriculum as Destiny: Forging National Identity in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh" (PDF). PhD Dissertation. The University of Texas at Austin: Pg. 356. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 September 2008. Retrieved 10 September 2008. {{cite journal}}: |page= has extra text (help); Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
113. It's official: Modi gets clean chit in Gulberg massacre Daily Pioneer – 10 April 2012
114. "Narendra Modi as encountered in SIT report". DNA India. 10 May 2012. Retrieved 7 August 2012.
115. "Proceed against Modi for Gujarat riots: amicus". The Hindu. 7 May 2012. Retrieved 5 September 2012.
116. "No evidence of Modi promoting enmity: SIT". The Hindu. 9 May 2012. Retrieved 5 September 2012.
117. "Nero Hour". Outlook India. 29 March 2010. Retrieved 5 May 5013. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
118. "Four get life imprisonment". The Times of India. 16 October 2003.
119. "Post-Godhra riots: 15 convicted in Nadiad". Rediff. 25 November 2003.
120. "Gujarat riots case: 12 sentenced to life imprisonment". Rediff. 26 November 2003.
121. "Post-Godhra riots: Two sentenced to 7-year RI – Deccan Herald – Internet Edition". Deccan Herald. Retrieved 7 March 2013.
122. "Gujarat: 11 get life imprisonment for post-Godhra riot". Rediff. 14 December 2005.
123. "Best Bakery Case: 9 accused convicted". Rediff. 24 February 2006.
124. "IE1". The Indian Express.
125. "9 convicted in post-Godhra riot case". The Indian Express. 28 March 2006.
126. "POTA court convicts five in Ahmedabad Blast case". Hindustan Times. 13 May 2006.
127. "Post-Godhra riots: DNA test nails 4 killers". The Indian Express. 19 May 2006.
128. "Memco blast case: POTA court convicts three". The Times of India. 23 November 2006.
129. "Gujarat riots: Eight convicts get life term". The Times of India. 30 October 2007.
130. "11 sentenced to life in Bilkis Bano case". The Hindu. 22 January 2008.
131. "Death for 11, life sentence for 20 in Godhra train burning case". The Times of India. 1 March 2011.
132. "Six convicted in post-Gudhra riot case after nine years". Hindustan Times. 13 July 2011.
133. "Sardarpura riot case: 31 convicted, 42 acquitted". The Times of India. 9 November 2011.
134. "Gujarat's Ode massacre: 23 convicted, 23 acquitted for 23 deaths". Daily News and Analysis. 9 April 2012.
135. "9 convicted, 32 acquitted in 2002 Ode riots case". MSN India. 4 May 2012.
136. "Life term for 21 in Dipda Darwaja massacre case". The Hindu. 30 July 2012.
137. "Ex-BJP Minister among 32 convicted of Naroda-Patiya massacre". The Hindu. 29 August 2012.
138. "Gujarat riot probe panel moves against 41 cops". The Indian Express. India. 9 February 2006. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
139. Discouraging Dissent: Intimidation and Harassment of Witnesses, Human Rights Activists, and Lawyers Pursuing Accountability for the 2002 Communal Violence in Gujarat, Human Rights Watch September 2004
140. "India: After Gujarat Riots, Witnesses Face Intimidation (Human Rights Watch, 23 September 2004)". Hrw.org. 25 September 2004. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
141. ^ India Amnesty International
142. Dionne Bunsha, Verdict in Best Bakery case, Frontline, Volume 23 – Issue 04, 25 February – 10 March 2006
143. Why did Zaheera Sheikh have to lie?, Rediff.com
144. "The meticulous seven, and a seven-day hunt for proof-Amitabh Sinha". The Indian Express. New Delhi, 21 January, Mon 21 Jan 2008, 23:59 hrs. Retrieved 2013-02-10. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
145. "A hopeful Bilkis goes public". Deccan Herald. India. 9 August 2004. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
146. "Second riot case shift". The Telegraph. 7 August 2004. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
147. "Charges framed in Bilkis case". The Hindu. Chennai, India. 14 January 2005. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
148. Jeremy Page (23 January 2008). "Rape victim Bilkis Bano hails victory for Muslims as Hindu assailants are jailed for life". The Times. London. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
149. "All accused in riot case acquitted". The Hindu. India. 26 October 2005. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
150. "Over 100 accused in post-Godhra riots acquitted". Rediff News. 25 October 2005. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
151. Rajeev Khanna (28 March 2006). "Sentencing in Gujarat Hindu death". BBC News. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
152. "Hindus jailed over Gujarat riots". BBC News. 30 October 2007. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
153. PTI (30 October 2007). "Godhra court convicts 11 in Eral massacre case; 29 acquitted". Yahoo! India News. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
154. "52 acquitted in post-Godhra case". Rediff News. 22 April 2006. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
155. Katharine Adeney (2005). "Hindu Nationalists and federal structures in an era of regionalism". Coalition Politics And Hindu Nationalism. Routledge. p. 114. ISBN 978-0-415-35981-8. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |editors= ignored (|editor= suggested) (help)
156. Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, Shankar Raghuraman (2004). A Time of Coalitions: Divided We Stand. Sage Publications. p. 123. ISBN 978-0-7619-3237-6.
157. "Pota Review Committee Gives Opinion on Godhra Case To POTA Court". Indlaw. 21 June 2005. Archived from the original on 26 May 2006. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
158. ^ Indian court sentences 31 Hindus to life in prison for killing dozens of Muslims 9 years ago – The Washington Post, 9 November 2011. Retrieved 12 November 2011.
159. "India convictions over Gujarat Dipda Darwaza killings". BBC News. 30 July 2012. Retrieved 31 July 2012.
160. Lakshmi, Rama (29 August 2012). "Indian court convicts former state minister in deadly 2002 anti-Muslim riots". The Washington Post. Retrieved 29 August 2012.
161. "The Hindu : Probe panel appointed". Hinduonnet.com. 7 March 2002. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
162. Modi succumbs to pressure, Nanavati put on Shah panel The Indian Express – 21 May 2002
163. Former Supreme Court judge joins Gujarat probe The Hindu – 23 May 2002
164. "How SIT report on Gujarat riots exonerates Modi: The highlights". Ibnlive.in.com. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
165. cong, cpm slam Nanavati report for reinforcing 'communal bias.' Times of India. 28 September 2008.
166. National Human Rights Commission Template:WebCite
167. Banerjee panel illegal: Gujarat HC Indian Express – 13 October 2006
168. Bannerjee Committee illegal: High Court The Hindu – 14 October 2006
169. "HC terms Sabarmati Express panel illegal". The Financial Express. 14 October 2006. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
170. "Laloo flaunts Godhra report". The Tribune. 20 January 2005. Retrieved 4 February 2013.
171. "India train fire 'not mob attack'". BBC News. 17 January 2005. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
172. Press Trust of India (13 October 2006). "Banerjee panel illegal: Gujarat HC". Express India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
173. "Report of Concerned Citizens indicts Modi govt for riots". The Times of India. 21 November 2002. Retrieved 27 June 2013.
174. "Now citizens' tribunal pins Modi for riots". The Indian Express. India. 22 November 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
175. "Concerned Citizens Tribunal – Gujarat 2002: An inquiry into the carnage in Gujarat". Sabrang. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
176. These figures were reported to the Rajya Sabha by the Union Minister of State for Home Affairs Sriprakash Jaiswal in May 2005. "Gujarat riot death toll revealed". BBC News. 11 May 2005. Archived from the original on 26 February 2009. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help) PTI (12 May 2005). "BJP cites govt statistics to defend Modi". ExpressIndia. Archived from the original on 26 February 2009. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help) PTI (11 May 2005). "254 Hindus, 790 Muslims killed in post-Godhra riots". Indiainfo.com. Archived from the original on 26 February 2009. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
177. "We Have No Orders To Save You". Human Rights Watch. 30 April 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011. {{cite web}}: |chapter= ignored (help), Fernandez, Percy (22 March 2005). "UK reads the riot act to Narendra Modi". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011., Brass (2005) pp. 388,
178. Khan, Saeed (1 March 2009). "Gujarat riot 'missing' declared dead". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
179. Misra, Leena (16 February 2009). "Gujarat riots toll to go up from 952 to 1,180". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
180. "Post-Godhra toll: 254 Hindus, 790 Muslims". Archived from the original on 27 September 2009. Retrieved 25 September 2009. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
181. "rediff.com: Vajpayee to visit two relief camps in Ahmedabad". Archived from the original on 27 September 2009. Retrieved 25 September 2009. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
182. Khozem Merchant (12 April 2002). "Hindu hardliners rally round Gujarat leader". Financial Times. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
183. "Removal of Advani, Modi sought". The Hindu. Chennai, India. 7 March 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
184. "Gujarat chief minister resigns". BBC News. 19 July 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
185. Amy Waldman (7 September 2002). "2 Indian Elections Bring Vote Panel's Chief to Fore". The New York Times. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
186. Mark Tully (27 August 2002). "India's electoral process in question". CNN. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
187. "Plan to kill Modi, Togadia unearthed; 3 held". Rediff, 30 August 2002
188. Lashkar responsible for temple attack, Rediff.com
189. Gunmen Attack Hindu Temple in Gujarat, ict.org
190. "NSG commandos rush to Gandhinagar". Rediff.com. 21 September 2002. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
191. ;ISI instigated Akshardham attack: Gujarat police, Rediff.com.
192. "Gujarat victory heartens nationalists". BBC News. 15 December. Retrieved 4 February 2011. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
193. Dugger, Celia W. (Ahmedabad Journal) "In India, a Child's Life Is Cheap Indeed". New York Times. 7 March 2002
194. "254 Hindus, 790 Muslims killed in post-Godhra riots"
195. Ruchir Chandorkar (2 July 2002). "Rains, epidemic threaten relief camps". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
196. Priyanka Kakodkar (15 April 2002). "Camp Comatose". Outlook. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
197. "NGO says Gujarat riots were planned". BBC News. 19 March 2002. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
198. "Govt not to close relief camps". The Times of India. 27 June 2002. Retrieved 27 June 2013.
199. "Relief for Gujarat riot victims". BBC News. 23 May 2008. Retrieved 11 September 2008.
200. ^ Sonwalkar, Prasun (2006). "Shooting the messenger? Political violence, Gujarat 2002 and the Indian news media". In Cole, Benjamin (ed.). Conflict, Terrorism and the Media in Asia. Routledge. pp. 82–97. ISSN 0415351987. {{cite book}}: Check |issn= value (help)
201. Sevanti Ninan (28 April 2002). "An ounce of image, a pound of performance". The Hindu. Chennai, India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
202. "Madam, will they be shamed by your blunt words?". New India Press. 2 March 2002. Retrieved 4 February 2011., Arvind Lavakare (5 March 2002). "Why 'secular' history repeats itself". Rediff. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
203. Rajeev Srinivasan (7 March 2002). "Blaming the Hindu Victim: Manufacturing Consent for Barbarism". Rediff News. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
204. "I Paid Zaheera Sheikh Rs 18 Lakh". Tehelka. 6 December 2007. Archived from the original on 29 May 2009. Retrieved 27 May 2009. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
205. "Politician denies bribing witness". BBC News. 22 December 2004. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
206. "Zahira sting: MLA gets clean chit". The Times of India. 4 January 2006. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
207. "Gujarat 2002: The Truth in the words of the men who did it". Tehelka. 3 November 2007. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
208. ^ "Sting traps footsoldiers of Gujarat riots allegedly boasting about killings with state support". The Indian Express. India. 26 October 2007. Archived from the original on 29 May 2009. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
209. "Gujarat Govt counsel quits". The Indian Express. India. 28 October 2007. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
210. Tehelka sting a political conspiracy: Shiv Sena The Hindu – 27 October 2007. Retrieved 2009-05-27. Archived 29 May 2009.
211. Tehelka is Cong proxy: BJP Deccan Herald – 27 October 2007
212. A Sting Without Venom Outlook India – 12 November 2007 issue
213. Godhra Carnage Vs. Pundits Exodus Asian Tribune – 29 November 2007
214. Nag, Kingshuk (October 2007). "Polls don't tell whole story". The Times of India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
215. "Ghosts don't lie". The Indian Express. India. 27 October 2007. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
216. Chitra Padmanabhan (14 November 2007). "Everything, but the news". Hindustan Times. India. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
217. "Gujarat: The noose tightens : STATES – India Today". India Today. 1 November 2007. Retrieved 7 March 2013.
218. "Editors Guild condemns Gujarat action". The Hindu. Chennai, India. 30 October 2007. Retrieved 4 February 2011.
219. ^ "Women's groups decry NCW stand". Archived from the original on 22 January 2009. Retrieved 24 June 2013. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
220. Web-archive of above, from tehelka.com
221. Gujarat’s women were victims of extreme violence
222. "NCM rejects Gujarat report:Directs state to follow its recommendations". Fisiusa.org. Retrieved 24 June 2013. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
223. ^ Dhananjay Mahapatra, TNN Apr 14, 2009, 12.13pm IST (14 April 2009). "NGOs, Teesta spiced up Gujarat riot incidents: SIT". Timesofindia.indiatimes.com. Retrieved 20 June 2013.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
224. ^ Setalvad in dock for 'cooking up killings' "Setalvad in dock for 'cooking up killings'". Economic Times, Retrieved 2009-05-11. Archived 14 May 2009.
225. "Gujarat riot myths busted". Archived from the original on 14 May 2009. Retrieved 11 May 2009. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
226. Inhuman rights India Today – 25 March 2010
227. Bose, Brinda (11 December 2006). "Gujarat 2002: A Ghost Story". India Today. Retrieved 27 March 2013.
228. "It Happened That Night tells the story of 2002 riots". The Indian Express. New Delhi. Press Trust of India. 11 January 2010. Retrieved 27 March 2013.
229. The Hindu Tuesday, 17 February 2004
230. "Mumbai reject finally shines in Berlin". The Times of India. PTI. 17 February 2004. Retrieved 27 March 2013.
231. C. S. Venkiteswaran (4 October 2012). "All things bright and beautiful..." The Hindu. Retrieved 28 October 2012.
232. "Gujarat violence film set for Friday release". indiaglitz.com. Indo-Asian News Service. 2 March 2005. Retrieved 27 March 2013.

Cite error: A list-defined reference named "Wilkinson 2005" is not used in the content (see the help page).
Cite error: A list-defined reference named "Renu Khanna 2008" is not used in the content (see the help page).
Cite error: A list-defined reference named "Shiva 2003" is not used in the content (see the help page).
Cite error: A list-defined reference named "Jaffrelot 2011" is not used in the content (see the help page).
Cite error: A list-defined reference named "Kannabiran 2012" is not used in the content (see the help page).
Cite error: A list-defined reference named "Gangoli 2012" is not used in the content (see the help page).
Cite error: A list-defined reference named "Martin-Lucas 2010" is not used in the content (see the help page).
Cite error: A list-defined reference named "Kabir 2011" is not used in the content (see the help page).

External links

• "We Have No Orders To Save You":State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat- Human Rights Watch Report
• Politics By Other Means: An Analysis of Human Rights Watch Reports on India – Criticism of Human Rights Watch Report, Guest column for the South Asia Analysis Group Politics By Other Means: An Analysis of Human Rights Watch Reports on India

Bibliography

• Asghar Ali Engineer (2003). The Gujarat Carnage. Orient Longman. ISBN 978-81-250-2496-5.
• M. L. Sondhi, Apratim Mukarji (2002). The Black Book of Gujarat. Manak Publications. ISBN 978-81-7827-060-9.
• Siddharth Varadarajan (2002). Gujarat, the Making of a Tragedy. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-302901-4.

• History of Gujarat (1947–present)
• 2002 in India
• 2002 riots
• Persecution of Muslims
• Riots and civil disorder in India
• Religious riots
• Religious violence in India
• Mass murder in 2002
• Attacks on places of worship
• 2002 Gujarat violence
• Anti-Muslim pogroms in India
• Violence against Muslims