Misplaced Pages

Guns, Germs, and Steel: Difference between revisions

Article snapshot taken from Wikipedia with creative commons attribution-sharealike license. Give it a read and then ask your questions in the chat. We can research this topic together.
Browse history interactively← Previous editNext edit →Content deleted Content addedVisualWikitext
Revision as of 21:19, 6 January 2003 editEloquence (talk | contribs)Extended confirmed users17,329 editsm sp, broken sentence← Previous edit Revision as of 21:28, 6 January 2003 edit undoSlrubenstein (talk | contribs)30,655 edits clarifying the critiqueNext edit →
Line 36: Line 36:
Some people criticize the argument of the book as derivative of the work of such ] as ], ], and ], who analyzed the relationship between agriculture and economic and political growth; and such historians as ] and ], who analyzed the relationship between agriculture, European expansion, and disease. Some people criticize the argument of the book as derivative of the work of such ] as ], ], and ], who analyzed the relationship between agriculture and economic and political growth; and such historians as ] and ], who analyzed the relationship between agriculture, European expansion, and disease.


Others have criticized the book as an example of ] in the service of Eurocentrism. The charge is not that the book claims any essential superiority of ]an Civilization or culture, nor that the book claims any inherant superiority of some European race. Rather, the charge is that although Diamond explicitly argues against European cultural or racial superiority, his own argument serves many of the same functions as nineteenth century European claims to cultural or racial superiority. In other words, these critics assert that the problem with earlier cultural and racial explanations of European superiority (explanations that Diamond rejects) is not just that their explanations are wrong, but that what they (and Diamond) are trying to explain -- European superiority -- is itself a Western myth. Others have criticized the book as an example of ] in the service of Eurocentrism. The charge is not that the book claims any essential superiority of ]an Civilization or culture, nor that the book claims any inherant superiority of some European race. These critics assert that the problem with earlier cultural and racial explanations of European superiority (explanations that Diamond rejects) is not just that their explanations are wrong, but that what they (and Diamond) are trying to explain -- European superiority -- is itself a Western myth. In other words, the charge is that although Diamond explicitly argues against European cultural or racial superiority, his own argument serves many of the same functions as nineteenth century European claims to cultural or racial superiority. Specifically, his argument still accepts the claim that Europeans are superior. In other words,


Specifically, some argue that: Specifically, some argue that:
Line 42: Line 42:
* It overlooks or obscures the importance of non-European knowledge, technologies, and labor in European development, and the fact that Europeans forcibly appropriated much of this knowledge, technology, and labor. In other words, the "ascendency" in question is one that has primarily benefited Europeans, but is not specifically "European" in nature. * It overlooks or obscures the importance of non-European knowledge, technologies, and labor in European development, and the fact that Europeans forcibly appropriated much of this knowledge, technology, and labor. In other words, the "ascendency" in question is one that has primarily benefited Europeans, but is not specifically "European" in nature.
* It makes little attempt to explain relatively recent geographic transitions in technology, power and wealth; in particular the rise of Europe and the decline of south-west Asia since about 1500. * It makes little attempt to explain relatively recent geographic transitions in technology, power and wealth; in particular the rise of Europe and the decline of south-west Asia since about 1500.
* The effect of the above three problems is that Diamond's book suggests the inevitability of European ascendency. * The effect of the above three problems is that Diamond's book suggests the inevitability of European ascendency. Although Diamond's reliance on geography is not "racist" per se, it has the same effect of naturalizing differences.


Instead, these critics argue that European ascendency was far from inevitable; a result of complex political and economic forces that cannot be reduced to environment; and likely a temporary phenomena. Instead, these critics argue that European ascendency was far from inevitable; a result of complex political and economic forces that cannot be reduced to environment; and likely a temporary phenomena.

Revision as of 21:28, 6 January 2003

Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies is a 1997 book by Jared Diamond, professor of physiology at UCLA. It won the Pulitzer Prize for 1998. According to the author, "An alternate title would be: A short history about everyone for the last 13,000 years." But the book is not merely an account of the past; it attempts on the one hand to explain why Western civilization, as a whole, has survived and conquered others, and on the other hand to refute the common belief that European political and economic power owe to some inherant superiority (a belief with racist implications). Diamond argues that the gaps in power and technology between human societies do not reflect cultural or racial differences, but rather owe to environmental differences.

Synopsis

Before anyone developed agriculture, people lived as hunter-gatherers, as some to this day still do.

Diamond argues that European civilization is not so much a product of ingenuity, but of opportunity. That is, civilization is not created out of sheer will or intelligence, but is more like a stack of cards, each level dependent upon the levels below it. Specifically, the key to civilization is agriculture. The keys to agriculture are domesticable animals for work, and temperate climate. The domesticability of an animal species requires that six criteria are met.


Transition

GGS explains that cities require an ample supply of food, and thus depend on agriculture. As farmers do the work of providing food, others are free to pursue other functions, such as mining, and literacy.

The change from hunter-gatherer to city-dwelling agrarian societies depended entirely on the presence of domesticable animals, of which 13 come from the Eurasian continent region.

Of all the domesticable species in the world, only one comes from outside the temperate region of Eurasia, which extends nearly uninterrupted from eastern Europe to Asia. Only the Llama of South America is indigenous to lands outside of the temperate region of Eurasia. There are no domesticable animals native to Africa.

Geography

Diamond also explains how geography shapes human migration, not simply by making travel difficult, (particularly by longitude), but by how climates affect where domesticable animals can easily travel and where crops can ideally grow.

Modern humans are believed to have developed in the southern region of the African continent, at one time or another (see Out of Africa theory). The Sahara kept people from migrating north to the fertile crescent, until later when the Nile river valley became accommodating. Some peoples, such as the Aborigines of Australia, are believed to have been early emmigrants from Africa, leaving by boat.

Diamond continues to explain the story of human development up to the modern era, through the rapid development of technology, and its dire conseequences on hunter-gathering cultures around the world.

Germs

In the later context of the European-American conquest of the Americas, 90 percent of the indigenous populations are believed to have been killed-off by diseases brought by the Europeans.

How was it then that diseases native to the American continents did not kill off Europeans? Diamond points out that the domestication of animals allowed Europeans close contact with animals and their native diseases, developing an immunity, while the Native American hunter-gatherers, did not.


Criticisms

Some people criticize the argument of the book as derivative of the work of such cultural evolutionists as Leslie White, Julien Steward, and Esther Boserup, who analyzed the relationship between agriculture and economic and political growth; and such historians as William McNeill and Alfred Crosby, who analyzed the relationship between agriculture, European expansion, and disease.

Others have criticized the book as an example of environmental determinism in the service of Eurocentrism. The charge is not that the book claims any essential superiority of European Civilization or culture, nor that the book claims any inherant superiority of some European race. These critics assert that the problem with earlier cultural and racial explanations of European superiority (explanations that Diamond rejects) is not just that their explanations are wrong, but that what they (and Diamond) are trying to explain -- European superiority -- is itself a Western myth. In other words, the charge is that although Diamond explicitly argues against European cultural or racial superiority, his own argument serves many of the same functions as nineteenth century European claims to cultural or racial superiority. Specifically, his argument still accepts the claim that Europeans are superior. In other words,

Specifically, some argue that:

  • It suggests that European civilization has "won" some competition. This suggestion is implicit; Diamond explicitly compares two Oceanian societies in what he calls a "natural experiment" in order to demonstrate the primacy of environmental factors in explaining why some societies are more developed than others. This is a false analogy, because a comparison is not the same thing as an experiment. Human history is far from over, therefore it is impossible to say that any one society has "won" over another form. In other words, experiments must have clear endings and the human "experiment" never ends.
  • It overlooks or obscures the importance of non-European knowledge, technologies, and labor in European development, and the fact that Europeans forcibly appropriated much of this knowledge, technology, and labor. In other words, the "ascendency" in question is one that has primarily benefited Europeans, but is not specifically "European" in nature.
  • It makes little attempt to explain relatively recent geographic transitions in technology, power and wealth; in particular the rise of Europe and the decline of south-west Asia since about 1500.
  • The effect of the above three problems is that Diamond's book suggests the inevitability of European ascendency. Although Diamond's reliance on geography is not "racist" per se, it has the same effect of naturalizing differences.

Instead, these critics argue that European ascendency was far from inevitable; a result of complex political and economic forces that cannot be reduced to environment; and likely a temporary phenomena.

For a review of these criticisms, see the geographer James M. Blaut's Eight Eurocentric Historians.


Sources:

  • Jared Diamond: Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. W.W. Norton & Company, March 1997. ISBN 0393038912
  • ABC Radio Transcripts: Why Societies Collapse: Jared Diamond at Princeton University http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/bbing/stories/s707591.htm
  • James M. Blaut: Eight Eurocentric Historians. The Guilford Press, New York, 2000. ISBN 1572305916