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On 23 December, Rajoy tried to reach an agreement with Sánchez that would allow the former to be appointed Prime Minister, but it met with Sánchez's opposition and preference to study the possibilities of an alternative pact.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/22/actualidad/1450807457_913844.html |language=Spanish |title=Rajoy will propose today to the PSOE a reform of the Constitution and to preside the Congress |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-22}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/23/actualidad/1450869148_958153.html |language=Spanish |title=Sánchez goes to Moncloa saying "no" to supporting Rajoy's investiture |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-23}}</ref> Albert Rivera's proposal of an agreement between PP, PSOE and C's that promoted "the regeneration policy reforms that Spain needs" and explicitly excluding Podemos from it, went unheeded by Sánchez as well.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://elpais.com/elpais/2015/12/23/videos/1450861316_437689.html |language=Spanish |title=Rivera offers PP and PSOE a pact of reforms for the legislature |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-23}}</ref> Susana Díaz warned Sánchez that the party's pact policy had to be decided within a Federal Committee and not by the Secretary-General, in a move seen as disavowing Sánchez's decisions.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/24/actualidad/1450974572_109966.html |language=Spanish |title=PSOE regional leaders unite against Sánchez to limit his pacting power |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-24}}</ref> The PSOE accused Iglesias of "filling the political space with red lines" and demanded that Podemos withdraw its condition to hold a ] ] in Catalonia before discussing a pact, with Sánchez stating that he would not be Prime Minister "at any price".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmundo.es/espana/2015/12/28/5681231b46163f03158b464a.html |language=Spanish |title=Pedro Sánchez will not try to be Prime Minister 'at any price' if Rajoy fails |publisher=''El Mundo'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref> Others within the party pointed out that, even if the PSOE obtained Podemos's support, it would not command a majority without support from other parties.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/27/actualidad/1451233136_304492.html |language=Spanish |title="Counts do not add up for a majority," claims a regional leader PSOE |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-27}}</ref> | On 23 December, Rajoy tried to reach an agreement with Sánchez that would allow the former to be appointed Prime Minister, but it was met with Sánchez's opposition and preference to study the possibilities of an alternative pact.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/22/actualidad/1450807457_913844.html |language=Spanish |title=Rajoy will propose today to the PSOE a reform of the Constitution and to preside the Congress |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-22}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/23/actualidad/1450869148_958153.html |language=Spanish |title=Sánchez goes to Moncloa saying "no" to supporting Rajoy's investiture |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-23}}</ref> Albert Rivera's proposal of an agreement between PP, PSOE and C's that promoted "the regeneration policy reforms that Spain needs" and explicitly excluding Podemos from it, went unheeded by Sánchez as well.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://elpais.com/elpais/2015/12/23/videos/1450861316_437689.html |language=Spanish |title=Rivera offers PP and PSOE a pact of reforms for the legislature |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-23}}</ref> Susana Díaz warned Sánchez that the party's pact policy had to be decided within a Federal Committee and not by the Secretary-General, in a move seen as disavowing Sánchez's decisions.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/24/actualidad/1450974572_109966.html |language=Spanish |title=PSOE regional leaders unite against Sánchez to limit his pacting power |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-24}}</ref> The PSOE accused Iglesias of "filling the political space with red lines" and demanded that Podemos withdraw its condition to hold a ] ] in Catalonia before discussing a pact, with Sánchez stating that he would not be Prime Minister "at any price".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmundo.es/espana/2015/12/28/5681231b46163f03158b464a.html |language=Spanish |title=Pedro Sánchez will not try to be Prime Minister 'at any price' if Rajoy fails |publisher=''El Mundo'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref> Others within the party pointed out that, even if the PSOE obtained Podemos's support, it would not command a majority without support from other parties.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/27/actualidad/1451233136_304492.html |language=Spanish |title="Counts do not add up for a majority," claims a regional leader PSOE |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-27}}</ref> | ||
The PSOE crisis deepened further when Sánchez suggested delaying the 39th Party Conference, due in February 2016 to renew the party leadership, until a new government was formed or a new election was held. The idea met with strong opposition from critics, who publicly proclaimed that the conference should be held "when it is due" and with several regional leaders demanding discussions on Sánchez's leadership in light of the party's negative election result, the worst in its recent history.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.abc.es/espana/abci-susana-diaz-rechaza-idea-sanchez-retrasar-congreso-psoe-201512281155_noticia.html |language=Spanish |title=Susana Díaz rejects Sánchez's idea to delay the PSOE congress |publisher=''ABC'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmundo.es/espana/2015/12/28/568133d046163fbb3d8b4576.html |language=Spanish |title=The main regional leaders want to renew the PSOE leadership in February |publisher=''El Mundo'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.eldiario.es/politica/Barones-PSOE-liderazgo-Pedro-Sanchez_0_467553372.html |language=Spanish |title=PSOE regional leaders demand an immediate conference to discuss Pedro Sánchez's leadership |publisher=''El Diario'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref> Susana Díaz—reported to be leading the open rebellion within the party—was said to be seeking to replace Sánchez as party leader and to eventually lead the PSOE into a new general election.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmundo.es/espana/2015/12/27/567f041222601d377e8b459e.html |language=Spanish |title=Pedro Sánchez and Susana Díaz move towards a train crash |publisher=''El Mundo'' |date=2015-12-27}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elespanol.com/elecciones/elecciones-generales/20151228/90240978_0.html |language=Spanish |title=PSOE regional leaders want a new election without Sánchez |publisher=''El Español'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/28/actualidad/1451330848_721076.html |language=Spanish |title=PSOE divides because of the attempts of a sector to remove Sánchez |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-29}}</ref> Among the supporters of this option were ] ], who said in an interview that "if a new election is held the PSOE must analyze a change of candidate",<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.lasprovincias.es/politica/201512/24/nuevas-elecciones-psoe-debe-20151223234759-v.html |language=Spanish |title=if a new election is held the PSOE must analyze a change of candidate |publisher=''Las Provincias'' |date=2015-12-24}}</ref> and ] Emiliano García-Page commenting that "No one disputes Susana Diaz' abilities to be Prime Minister".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.eleconomista.es/economia/noticias/7252885/12/15/Emiliano-GarciaPage-Nadie-discute-la-capacidad-de-Susana-Diaz-para-ser-presidenta.html |language=Spanish |title=Emiliano García-Page: "No one disputes Susana Diaz' abilities to be Prime Minister" |publisher=''El Economista'' |date=2015-12-31}}</ref> On her end-year speech as President of Andalusia, Susana Díaz revealed her national interests and paved the way for the possibility of her turning into the PSOE icon at the national level.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmundo.es/andalucia/2015/12/30/56842eb1ca4741c16a8b45b5.html |language=Spanish |title=Susana Diaz reveals her national interests with an electioneering speech |publisher=''El Mundo'' |date=2015-12-31}}</ref> | The PSOE crisis deepened further when Sánchez suggested delaying the 39th Party Conference, due in February 2016 to renew the party leadership, until a new government was formed or a new election was held. The idea met with strong opposition from critics, who publicly proclaimed that the conference should be held "when it is due" and with several regional leaders demanding discussions on Sánchez's leadership in light of the party's negative election result, the worst in its recent history.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.abc.es/espana/abci-susana-diaz-rechaza-idea-sanchez-retrasar-congreso-psoe-201512281155_noticia.html |language=Spanish |title=Susana Díaz rejects Sánchez's idea to delay the PSOE congress |publisher=''ABC'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmundo.es/espana/2015/12/28/568133d046163fbb3d8b4576.html |language=Spanish |title=The main regional leaders want to renew the PSOE leadership in February |publisher=''El Mundo'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.eldiario.es/politica/Barones-PSOE-liderazgo-Pedro-Sanchez_0_467553372.html |language=Spanish |title=PSOE regional leaders demand an immediate conference to discuss Pedro Sánchez's leadership |publisher=''El Diario'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref> Susana Díaz—reported to be leading the open rebellion within the party—was said to be seeking to replace Sánchez as party leader and to eventually lead the PSOE into a new general election.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmundo.es/espana/2015/12/27/567f041222601d377e8b459e.html |language=Spanish |title=Pedro Sánchez and Susana Díaz move towards a train crash |publisher=''El Mundo'' |date=2015-12-27}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elespanol.com/elecciones/elecciones-generales/20151228/90240978_0.html |language=Spanish |title=PSOE regional leaders want a new election without Sánchez |publisher=''El Español'' |date=2015-12-28}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/12/28/actualidad/1451330848_721076.html |language=Spanish |title=PSOE divides because of the attempts of a sector to remove Sánchez |publisher=''El País'' |date=2015-12-29}}</ref> Among the supporters of this option were ] ], who said in an interview that "if a new election is held the PSOE must analyze a change of candidate",<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.lasprovincias.es/politica/201512/24/nuevas-elecciones-psoe-debe-20151223234759-v.html |language=Spanish |title=if a new election is held the PSOE must analyze a change of candidate |publisher=''Las Provincias'' |date=2015-12-24}}</ref> and ] Emiliano García-Page commenting that "No one disputes Susana Diaz' abilities to be Prime Minister".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.eleconomista.es/economia/noticias/7252885/12/15/Emiliano-GarciaPage-Nadie-discute-la-capacidad-de-Susana-Diaz-para-ser-presidenta.html |language=Spanish |title=Emiliano García-Page: "No one disputes Susana Diaz' abilities to be Prime Minister" |publisher=''El Economista'' |date=2015-12-31}}</ref> On her end-year speech as President of Andalusia, Susana Díaz revealed her national interests and paved the way for the possibility of her turning into the PSOE icon at the national level.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmundo.es/andalucia/2015/12/30/56842eb1ca4741c16a8b45b5.html |language=Spanish |title=Susana Diaz reveals her national interests with an electioneering speech |publisher=''El Mundo'' |date=2015-12-31}}</ref> |
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All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 208 (of the 266) seats in the Senate 176 seats needed for a majority in the Congress of Deputies | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Opinion polls | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Registered | 36,510,952 2.0% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Turnout | 25,350,447 (73.2%) 4.3 pp | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Galicia Navarre Madrid La Rioja Aragon Catalonia Valencian Community Castile– La Mancha Extremadura Castile and León Asturias Cantabria Basque Country Murcia Andalusia Ceuta Melilla Balearic Islands Canary Islands A Coruña Lugo Pontevedra Ourense Navarre Madrid La Rioja Huesca Teruel Zaragoza Lleida Girona Barcelona Tarragona Castellón Valencia Alicante Albacete Cuenca Guadalajara Toledo Ciudad Real Cáceres Badajoz León Zamora Salamanca Palencia Vallad. Burgos Soria Segovia Ávila Álava Bisc. Gipuz. Huelva Seville Córdoba Cádiz Málaga Jaén Granada Almería Asturias Cantabria Murcia Ceuta Melilla Balearic Islands Santa Cruz de Tenerife Las Palmas Most voted party by autonomous community and province. Column-generating template familiesThe templates listed here are not interchangeable. For example, using {{col-float}} with {{col-end}} instead of {{col-float-end}} would leave a
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The 2015 Spanish general election was held on Sunday, 20 December 2015, to elect the 11th Cortes Generales of the Kingdom of Spain. At stake were all 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 208 of 266 seats in the Senate.
The election resulted in the most fragmented Spanish parliament in its history. While Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy's People's Party (PP) emerged as the largest party overall, it obtained its worst result since 1989. The party's net loss of 64 seats and 16 percentage points also marked the largest loss of support for a sitting government since 1982. Oppositional Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) obtained its worst result since the Spanish transition to democracy, losing 20 seats and nearly 7 points. Newcomer Podemos (Spanish for "We can") ranked third, winning over 5 million votes, some 20% of the share, 69 seats and coming closely behind PSOE. Up-and-coming Citizens (C's), a party based in Catalonia since 2006, entered the parliament for the first time with a remarkable 40 seats, though considerably lower than what pre-election polls had suggested.
With the most-voted party obtaining just 123 seats (compared to the 156 of the previous worst result for a first party, in 1996) and a third party winning an unprecedented 69 seats (the previous record was 23 in 1979), the result marked the transition from a two-party system to a multi-party system. The reluctance of the two largest parties, the ruling PP and its longstanding adversary, oppositional PSOE, to form a grand coalition may either necessitate a multi-party coalition government or lead to a fresh election in 2016.
Overview
Electoral system
The Spanish legislature, the Cortes Generales (Spanish for General Courts) at the time of the 2015 election was composed of two chambers:
- The lower chamber, the Congress of Deputies.
- The upper chamber, the Senate.
This bicameral system was regarded as asymmetric, because while legislative initiative belonged to both chambers (as well as to the Government), the Congress of Deputies had greater legislative power than the Senate, and it could also override most of the Senate initiatives by an absolute majority of votes. Also, only Congress had the ability to grant or revoke confidence from a Prime Minister. Nonetheless, the Senate possessed a few exclusive functions which are not subject to the Congress' override, but these were limited.
Settled customary practice had been to dissolve and re-elect both chambers at the same time, thus triggering a "general" election. Article 115 of the Spanish Constitution allowed, however, for each chamber to be elected separately. The electoral system in Spain was on the basis of universal suffrage in a secret ballot.
- Congress of Deputies
For the Congress of Deputies, 348 members were elected in 50 multi-member districts using the D'Hondt method and closed-list proportional representation for four-year terms. In addition, Ceuta and Melilla elected one member each using plurality voting. Each district was entitled to an initial minimum of two seats, with the remaining 248 seats being allocated among the 50 provinces in proportion to their populations. Only lists polling above 3% of the total vote in each district (which includes blank ballots—for none of the above) were entitled to enter the seat distribution. However, in most districts there was a higher effective threshold at the constituency level, depending on the district magnitude.
For the 2015 election, seats were distributed as follows:
Districts | Seats |
---|---|
Madrid | 36 |
Barcelona | 31 |
Valencia | 15 |
Alicante and Seville | 12 |
Málaga | 11 |
Murcia | 10 |
Cádiz | 9 |
Asturias, Balearic Islands, A Coruña, Las Palmas and Biscay | 8 |
Granada, Pontevedra, Santa Cruz de Tenerife and Zaragoza | 7 |
Almería, Badajoz, Córdoba, Girona, Gipuzkoa, Tarragona and Toledo | 6 |
Cantabria, Castellón, Ciudad Real, Huelva, Jaén, León, Navarre and Valladolid | 5 |
Álava, Albacete, Burgos, Cáceres, Lleida, Lugo, Ourense, La Rioja and Salamanca | 4 |
Ávila, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Huesca, Palencia, Segovia, Teruel and Zamora | 3 |
Soria | 2 |
Ceuta and Melilla | 1 |
- Senate
For the Senate, each of the 47 peninsular districts (the provinces) was assigned four seats. For the insular provinces, the Balearic Islands and Canary Islands, districts were the islands themselves, with the larger — Mallorca, Gran Canaria, and Tenerife — being assigned three seats each, and the smaller — Menorca, Ibiza-Formentera, Fuerteventura, Gomera, Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma — one each. Ceuta and Melilla were assigned two seats each, for a total of 208 directly elected seats. The system used was that of limited voting. In districts electing four seats, electors could vote for up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member constituencies. Electors voted for individual candidates; those attaining the largest number of votes in each district were elected for four-year terms.
In addition, the legislative assemblies of the autonomous communities were entitled to appoint at least one senator each, and one senator for every million inhabitants, adding a variable number of appointed seats to the 208 directly elected senators. This appointment usually did not take place at the same time as the general election, but after the autonomous communities had held their respective elections.
Eligibility
Dual membership of both chambers of the Cortes or of the Cortes and regional assemblies was prohibited, meaning that candidates had to resign from regional assemblies if elected. Active judges, magistrates, ombudsmen, serving military personnel, active police officers and members of constitutional and electoral tribunals were also ineligible, as well as CEOs or equivalent leaders of state monopolies and public bodies, such as the Spanish state broadcaster RTVE. Additionally, under the Political Parties Law, June 2002, parties and individual candidates could be prevented from standing by the Spanish Supreme Court if they were judicially perceived to discriminate against people on the basis of ideology, religion, beliefs, nationality, race, gender or sexual orientation, foment or organise violence as a means of achieving political objectives or support or compliment the actions of "terrorist organisations".
Following changes to the electoral law which took effect for the 2007 municipal elections, candidates' lists were required to be composed of at least 40% of candidates of either gender and each group of five candidates to contain at least two males and two females.
Parties and coalitions of different parties which had registered with the Electoral Commission could present lists of candidates. Groups of electors which had not registered with the Commission could also present lists, provided that they obtained the signatures of 1% of registered electors in a particular district. Also since 30 January 2011, political parties without representation in any of the Chambers in the previous general election were required to obtain the signatures of 0.1% of registered electors in the districts they wanted to stand for in order to present lists for those districts.
Background
Mariano Rajoy became Prime Minister of Spain on 20 December 2011, after his People's Party's (PP) landslide victory in the 2011 general election. The PP's overall majority of 186 seats gave Rajoy a free hand to handle the country's political and economic situation for the next four years, attaining a parliamentary stability that his predecessor, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, had not enjoyed. However, Rajoy's use of decree-laws and the blocking of opposition bill amendments and parliamentary committees would earn him strong criticism from both the media and opposition parties throughout the Legislature, because of the perceived undue use his party made of such an absolute majority.
In contrast, the previous ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) had suffered from the worsening economic situation, having its worst electoral performance since 1977 and being ousted from power amidst a climate of high unpopularity. Then-Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero had decided to stand down as PM candidate in early 2011, and as party leader once the quadrennial party conference—due for March 2012—was held. Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, PSOE candidate for the 2011 election and former Deputy Prime Minister, was elected as the new party's Secretary-General in a tight fight against former Defence Minister Carme Chacón.
Economic situation
After taking office, Rajoy's government popularity in opinion polls began to erode after its u-turn on economic policy, which included the breaching of many election pledges. After it had promised to lower taxes during the election campaign of 2011, Rajoy's government announced a first austerity package ten days into office—including new tax rises and a spending cut of 9 billion euros—as a result of a larger-than-expected public deficit of 8% (instead of the projected 6%). This was followed by a harsh labor reform, criticised as paving the way to cheapen dismissals and which was met with widespread protests and two general strikes in March and November 2012, and an austere state budget for 2012. The crash of Bankia, one of the largest banks of Spain, in May 2012 resulted in a dramatic rise of the Spanish risk premium, and in June the country's banking system needed a bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It was later revealed that Bankia, then directed by Rodrigo Rato, had falsified its accounts between 2011 and 2012 in order to create a false illusion that it was creditworthy. A major spending cut of 65 billion euros followed in July 2012, including a VAT rise from 18% to 21% which the PP itself had opposed during its time in opposition, after the previous Socialist government had already raised the VAT to 18%.
At this time, incumbent Finance Minister Cristóbal Montoro came under public scrutiny after being accused of telling other opposition MPs, back in 2010, to "let Spain fall that we will get it up", in reference to a PP political opportunist attempt at forcing the fall of Zapatero's Cabinet in order to have an early election, which the PP would have presumably won. Montoro later recognized this fact, but justified himself in that he "was working in an alternative. If Zapatero had shortened the legislature, he would have saved much suffering to all Spaniards".
New spending cuts and legal reforms followed throughout 2012 and 2013, including cuts in budget credit lines for the health care and education systems, the implementation of a pharmaceutical copayment, a reform of the pension system which stopped guaranteeing the increase of pensioners' purchasing power accordingly to the consumer price index, the suppression of the bonus for public employees, or the withdrawal of public subsidies to the dependent people care system. Other measures, such as a fiscal amnesty in 2012 allowing tax evaders to regularize their situation by paying a 10% tax and no criminal penalty, had been previously rejected by the PP during its time in opposition. Additionally, public funding to rescue the Spanish banking system from bankruptcy amounted to 61 billion euros by late 2013, despite Rajoy having stated during the 2011 campaign that he "would never give public money to help banks". Most of these measures were not included in the PP 2011 election manifesto and, inversely, many of the pledges included within were not fulfilled. Rajoy argued that "reality" prevented him from fulfilling his programme, and that he had been forced to adapt to the new economic situation he found upon his accession to government.
The impact of the government's economic reforms on the Spanish economy was mixed. Unemployment, which peaked in Q1 2013 at 6,202,700 and an unprecedented unemployment rate of 27.16%, had decreased to 2011 levels by late 2015, with 4,850,800 unemployed and 21.18%. This fall was largely attributed by critics and economists to a decrease in the labor force—resulting from many Spaniards emigrating in search of job in other countries—and an increase in temporary contracts, with newly created employments being dubbed as precarious. The risk premium decreased from a record 638 basis points in July 2012 to 113 in October 2015, but it was widely considered that it had largely come as a result from the European Central Bank actions under Mario Draghi of reducing interest rates, which had also benefitted other countries. Public deficit was reduced from 10.3% in 2012 to 5.8% in 2014, while public debt peaked at 98.0% of the GDP in mid-2015 from 69.2% in 2011.
Domestic affairs
In the domestic field, the 2011–2015 period was dominated by a perceived regression in social and political rights. Spending cuts on the health care and education systems had fueled an increase in inequality among those without enough financial resources to afford those services. Justice Minister Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón's authorization of the enforcement and increase of court fees, requiring the payment of between 50 and 750 euros to appeal to the courts, was dubbed as violating the rights of effective judicial protection and free legal assistance. The controversial fees would later be removed in early 2015. Education Minister José Ignacio Wert's new Education Law (LOMCE), allegedly introduced to address the extremely high-school dropout rates, received heavy criticism from the Basque and Catalonia regional governments, which dubbed it as a re-centralization attempt, as well as from social sectors which considered that it prompted segregation in primary schools. Another bill, the Citizen Security Law proposed by Interior Minister Jorge Fernández Díaz, also dubbed the "gag law" by critics, was met with a global outcry because of it being seen as a cracking down on Spaniards' rights of freedom of assembly and expression. This bill laid out strict guidelines on demonstrations, perceived to limit street protests, and set up steep fines to offenders.
In September 2013, Minister Ruiz-Gallardón announced that the government was studying a reform of the 2010 abortion law approved by the previous Socialist government, which allowed free abortion up to 14 weeks, and up to 22 weeks in cases of foetal deformities. The bill, in the draft law published in December 2013, allowed abortion only in cases of rape and when there was a serious (but undefined) health risk to the mother. Public outrage was felt from most opposition parties, as well as from many feminist organizations, with the bill being criticised as 'too restrictive' and 'a return to the past'. As the bill received widespread criticism both from within and outside the PP itself, its final approval date was postponed several times. In September 2014, PM Mariano Rajoy announced that his government was scrapping the reform and would instead opt for minor changes to the current abortion law, mainly the requirement for 16 and 17-year-old women to obtain parental consent to have an abortion, and suggesting the 'lack of consensus' as the main reason behind the decision to scrap the bill. This resulted in Alberto Ruíz-Gallardón announcing his resignation from his ministerial position and from politics the same day, "feeling unable to fulfill the assignment he was tasked", and amid voices pointing to him having been discredited by his own party.
In August and September 2014, two Spanish priests infected with the Ebola virus disease during the virus epidemic in West Africa were medically evacuated to Spain. Both patients died as a result of the disease, but a failure in infection control during the treatment of the second priest led to the infection of one of the nurses who had treated him; the case being confirmed on 6 October 2014. Health Minister Ana Mato came under heavy criticism under allegations that security protocols had not been effectively enforced and because of an alleged confusing and disorganized management of the situation. Five days after the nurse's Ebola case was confirmed, PM Mariano Rajoy handed the crisis' management to Deputy PM Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría, in a move seen as critical of Mato's handling of the situation. Ana Mato would resign later in November 2014 as consequence of her involvement in the Gürtel case.
Corruption scandals
The political landspace of Spain was shaken in early 2013 by the Bárcenas affair. On 18 January 2013, Spanish daily El Mundo revealed that former PP treasurer Luis Bárcenas had, up until 2009, used a slush fund to pay out monthly amounts, ranging from 5,000 to 15,000 euros, to leading members of the party. On 31 January 2013, Spanish daily El País published what became known as "the Bárcenas' papers", facsimile excerpts from handwritten ledgers in Bárcenas' hand. Among the recipients were incumbent party leader and Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy and Secretary-General María Dolores de Cospedal. The PP took the position that these payments were in accordance with law. Further, on 14 July 2013, El Mundo published excerpts from several SMS between Bárcenas and Rajoy from 2011 through 2013 in which Rajoy promised help to Bárcenas and gave him encouragement. The most recent of these messages was in March 2013, when the Bárcenas affair had already broke out. Under pressure from international media and opposition parties threatening him with a motion of censure, Rajoy spoke out to Congress in an extraordinary plenary session on 1 August. Rajoy denied any criminal responsibility, which he attributed solely to Bárcenas, but recognized "errors" and "having trusted the wrong person". This did not prevent the opposition bloc from demanding Rajoy's resignation, but with the PP commanding an absolute majority in Parliament and with no judicial proof on Rajoy's direct involvement in the scandal, chances for a successful motion of censure were slim.
At the same time, a corruption scandal affecting Duke of Palma Iñaki Urdangarín, the Nóos case, resulted in the charging of his spouse Cristina de Borbón, Infanta of Spain and daughter of King Juan Carlos I, for tax fraud and money laundering in April 2013. She was summoned to court in February 2014, and in November 2014, the High Court of Palma de Mallorca upheld charges against her, paving the way for her to face trial, though only on tax fraud charges. In June 2015, King Felipe VI officially deprived his sister of her dukedom, privately announcing his intention beforehand. These corruption allegations severely eroded the Spanish Royal Family's popularity within Spain; according to an opinion poll by the CIS, between 1995 and 2013 the Spanish monarchy's approval rating had dropped from 7.5 to 3.68 on a scale of 10 amongst Spaniards.
In late 2014, the sudden emergence of several episodes of corruption that had taken place over the course of the past years and decades was compared to the Italian Tangentopoli episode in the 1990s. As a result, this episode has been dubbed by some media as 'the Spanish Tangentopoli' or 'Black October'.
- Starting on July 2014, former Catalonia President Jordi Pujol had come under investigation after he acknowledged possessing a large, undeclared, familiar fortune, with several of his sons being already under investigation on alleged tax offense charges. By October 2014, most of his family had already come under investigation under alleged money laundering, fraud, public contract kickbacks and other tax offenses.
- In early October a massive expenses scandal was unconvered involving former Caja Madrid senior executives and advisers. At least 86 bankers, politicians, officers and trade union leaders were accused of using undeclared "black" credit cards between 2003 and 2012, spending over 15 million euros in private expenditures. Involved was former Caja Madrid chairman between 1996 and 2009, Miguel Blesa, but also notable members from the PP, PSOE and IU parties, such as former Deputy PM, IMF Managing Director and Caja Madrid/Bankia chairman Rodrigo Rato, as well as members from Spain's main trade unions UGT and CCOO.
- In late October, judge Pablo Ruz charged former PP Secretary-General and several-times Minister during José María Aznar's tenure, Ángel Acebes, with a possible misappropriation of public funds as a result of the Barcenas affair. A few days later, Ruz' inquiry on a Treasury investigation unveiled that the People's Party could have spent as much as 1.7 million euros of undeclared money on works of its national headquarters in Madrid between 2006 and 2008. On 27 October, a large anti-corruption operation, Operation Punica, resulted in 51 people arrested because of their involvement in a major scandal of public work contract kickbacks, amounting at least 250 million euros. Among those arrested were notable municipal and regional figures from both PSOE and PP, as well as a large number of politicians, councilors, officials and businessmen in the Madrid community, Murcia, Castile and León and Valencia.
On 26 November, judge Ruz summoned Health Minister Ana Mato to court after concluding she could have benefited from several corruption crimes allegedly committed by her former husband Jesús Sepúlveda, charged in the Gürtel case. As a result, Ana Mato resigned from her office that same day, defending that she had not been charged with any penal crime, but declaring that she did not want to bring further harm to her party. A Congress plenary in which Rajoy was to announce legal reforms against corruption had been scheduled for 27 November several weeks previously; the media concluded that Rajoy had forced Mato's resignation in order to prevent a complicated political situation on that day.
Catalan question
Further information: Catalan independence § Declaration of the Initiation of the Process of Independence of CataloniaSocial response
The Spanish anti-austerity movement, also known as the 15-M Movement or Indignants Movement, born on the eve of the 2011 municipal and regional elections, had resulted in an increase of street protests and demonstrations calling for more democracy, a stop to spending cuts and tax rises and rejecting Spain's two-party system formed by PP and PSOE. After the PP's arrival to government and its subsequent breach of electoral promises as well as the emergence of corruption cases, protests intensified. Social mobilization channeled through various protest actions, such as Surround the Congress ("Rodea el Congreso"), the so-called Citizen Tides ("Mareas Ciudadanas") or the Marches for Dignity ("Marchas de la Dignidad").
Despite the PP's enormous loss of support, the main opposition party, the PSOE, remained unable to channel this social discontent and to regain lost support, with pundits hypothesizing that the memory of Zapatero's last government and its economic management remained fresh in voters' minds. A series of negative regional election results throughout 2012, coupled with internal crisis in 2013 and the threat of rupture from the party's Catalonia partner, the PSC, further weakened the PSOE, with Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba's leadership being put in question as his popularity ratings plummeted. The crisis was temporarily settled after the party's Political Conference in November 2013, with the question on the party's leadership being initially postponed for late 2014.
All of this culminated in the 2014 European Parliament election. Claims from the ruling PP government that economic recovery was already underway did not prevent a major collapse in support for both main parties, together falling below 50% of the votes for the first time ever. This came coupled with the confirmation of a large rise in support for minor national parties that polls had partly predicted, but also a surprisingly strong performance for the new Podemos party, which from that moment, together with Citizens (C's), began to attract the support of those disaffected with both PP and PSOE, according to opinion polls. PSOE leader Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba resigned the day after the European election. A PSOE extraordinary conference was held, resulting in Pedro Sánchez being elected as new party leader. The election was also said to have hastened the abdication of the 39 year-reigning King Juan Carlos I, already weakened from a deteriorating health and a diminishing popularity as a result of several scandals, in favor of his son Felipe on June 2014.
Run up to election
On May 2014, the Spanish newspaper ABC published an article discussing the possibility of the government studying to delay the general election date until early 2016, supported on an ambiguous interpretation in the law of the General Courts' expiry date. On September 2014, the Spanish media Vozpópuli and El Plural reiterated the possibility that the PP government would be planning to delay the legislature as much as possible, not holding a new election until February 2016. However, the lack of a precedent and the fact that, in Spain, election day had been always considered by convention to mean the day in which the election is held, brought doubts about the legality of such an action, and this scenario was finally discarded. An opinion article published in Público on 8 December 2014 suggested that the probable date for the election would be either on 25 October or on a Sunday in November, not counting All Saints' Day.
Mirroring what happened to the PSOE four years previously, the PP suffered a spectacular debacle in the 2015 municipal and regional elections. Not only were the PP gains made in 2011 reverted, but it also lost historical party strongholds such as the Valencian Community and the cities of Madrid and Valencia to left-wing post-election coalitions. Podemos-led and/or promoted municipal platforms, together with allies, enjoyed huge success at the local level, being able to reach power in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Zaragoza, A Coruña, Ferrol, Santiago de Compostela or Cádiz among others. PSOE results were mixed, as while it lost ground compared to the already negative results of 2011, it was able to recover much lost territorial power thanks to post-electoral agreements with other parties. C's also made notable gains, entering in most autonomous communities' parliaments and main cities' councils, holding the key to government in many of them.
After the municipal and regional elections, it was suggested that the general election would presumably be held on either 22 or 29 November. However, once it was confirmed in June 2015 that the 2016 Budget would be passed into law before the Cortes' dissolution, it was strongly implied that election day would have to be delayed until December to allow for completion of the budgetary parliamentary procedure, with 13 and 20 December being chosen as the most likely days. During an interview on 1 October, Rajoy announced that the election would be held on 20 December, the latest possible legal date to hold it.
Opinion polls
Main article: Opinion polling for the Spanish general election, 2015Pre-election
Electoral calendar
Being held 4 years and 1 month after the 2011 general election, this was the longest time-span between two general elections since the Spanish transition to democracy.
Date | Event |
---|---|
26 October 2015 | The Council of Ministers convenes to approve the decree ordering the Cortes Generales' dissolution and the calling of the general election on the advice of the Prime Minister. Subsequently, the decree is ratified by the King. |
27 October 2015 | The decree enters into force by its publication in the BOE. Parliament is officially dissolved and the general election is called. Official start of the electoral period. |
6 November 2015 | Deadline for parties intending to contest the election in coalition with other parties to communicate it to the appropriate electoral boards. |
11–16 November 2015 | Time limit for parties intending to contest the election to submit their candidacies to the Electoral Board. |
18 November 2015 | Submitted candidacies are provisionally published in the BOE. |
21 November 2015 | Deadline for Spanish electors residing abroad to apply for voting. |
21–25 November 2015 | Sweepstakes to appoint members of the polling stations. |
24 November 2015 | Candidacies for parties, coalitions and groups of voters standing for election are proclaimed and published in the BOE after a period of notification and correction of possible irregularities in 20–22 November 2015. |
4 December 2015 | Official start of the electoral campaign at 00:00 CET (UTC+01:00). |
10 December 2015 | Deadline for electors residing in Spain to apply for postal voting. |
15 December 2015 | Entry into force of legal ban on opinion polling publication in Spanish territory. |
18 December 2015 | Official end of the electoral campaign at 24:00 CET (UTC+01:00). |
19 December 2015 | Reflection day. |
20 December 2015 | Election Day. Polls open from 09:00 CET to 20:00 CET. Provisional vote count officially starting from 21:00 CET. From this day, the incumbent government assumes caretaker functions until a new government is formed. |
23 December 2015 | Definitive vote count takes place, in which votes from abroad are also counted. |
13 January 2016 | The elected Congress and Senate convene.
|
Regional coalitions
Several parties, namely the PP, PSOE, Podemos and Popular Unity, chose to form several regional coalitions in various autonomous communities to contest the election.
After the negative results of the Catalunya Sí que es Pot alliance in the September Catalan election, Podemos and ICV-EUiA reached an agreement with Barcelona en Comú, Barcelona Mayor Ada Colau's party, to form a joint list to contest the general election in Catalonia: En Comú Podem (Catalan for "In Common We Can"). The coalition was aimed at mirroring Colau's success in the 2015 Barcelona local election at the Catalonia level; if successful, it was planned to be maintained permanently for future electoral contests.
Column-generating template families
The templates listed here are not interchangeable. For example, using {{col-float}} with {{col-end}} instead of {{col-float-end}} would leave a <div>...</div>
open, potentially harming any subsequent formatting.
Type | Family | Handles wiki table code? |
Responsive/ mobile suited |
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Float | "col-float" | Yes | Yes | {{col-float}} | {{col-float-break}} | {{col-float-end}} |
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Columns | "div col" | Yes | Yes | {{div col}} | – | {{div col end}} |
"columns-list" | No | Yes | {{columns-list}} (wraps div col) | – | – | |
Flexbox | "flex columns" | No | Yes | {{flex columns}} | – | – |
Table | "col" | Yes | No | {{col-begin}}, {{col-begin-fixed}} or {{col-begin-small}} |
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In Galicia, Podemos, Anova and EU merged into the En Marea ticket (Spanish for "In Tide"). Such a coalition, which represented a qualitative leap from the AGE coalition in the 2012 Galician election, was, just like En Comú Podem, aimed at channeling the success of the local "mareas" that succeeded throughout Galicia's largest cities in the May municipal elections. The coalition also received support from those local alliances, such as Marea Atlántica, Compostela Aberta or Ferrol en Común. In the Valencian Community another coalition was formed between Podemos and Compromís, dubbed as És el moment (Valencian for "It is time"), with a strong role of Valencian Vice President Mònica Oltra. EUPV had also entered talks to enter the coalition, but left after disagreements with both Podemos and Compromís.
In Catalonia and Galicia, Popular Unity did not contest the election as such. The various regional United Left branches joined En Marea and En Comú Podem, which supported Podemos at the national level. While a nationwide coalition between Podemos and IU had been considered, Podemos did not wish to assume IU's internal issues, and United Left candidate Alberto Garzón had refused to leave IU to integrate Podemos' lists. On the other hand, environmentalist party Equo was successful at reaching an agreement with Podemos, accepting to renounce their label and integrating themselves within Podemos' lists.
Leaders' debates
Organizer | Participants | Date | Moderator | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|
Cuatro | PP – Javier Maroto PSOE – Patxi López IU-UP – Ricardo Sixto UPyD – Andrés Herzog Podemos – Íñigo Errejón C's – Juan Carlos Girauta |
21 November | Silvia Intxaurrondo | A poll conducted immediately after the debate by UTN showed Errejón winning with 41.7%, followed by López with 20.2%, Maroto with 17.1%, Herzog with 8.3%, Girauta with 7.6% and Sixto with 4.8%. |
Twitter/Youth Forum | PP – Javier Maroto PSOE – María González Veracruz IU-UP – Sol Sánchez UPyD – Andrés Herzog Podemos – Íñigo Errejón C's – Fernando de Páramo |
26 November | Ángel Carmona | Broadcast live through Twitter and on the Cadena SER radio station. |
Demos/UC3M | Podemos – Pablo Iglesias C's – Albert Rivera |
27 November | Carlos Alsina | Broadcast live on YouTube. Mariano Rajoy (PP) and Pedro Sánchez (PSOE) were also invited but none confirmed his attendance. |
El País | PSOE – Pedro Sánchez Podemos – Pablo Iglesias C's – Albert Rivera |
30 November | Carlos de Vega | Broadcast live entirely through the websites of El País and Cinco Días, on the Cadena SER radio station and on the 13 TV television channel. Mariano Rajoy (PP) was also invited to the debate but declined the offer. According to the organizer, PP proposed the assistance of Deputy PM Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría instead but it was refused, as she "was not the PP candidate for PM". A poll conducted online immediately after the debate by El País to its readers showed Iglesias winning with 47.0%, followed by Rivera with 28.9% and Sánchez with 24.1%. |
Atresmedia | PP – Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría PSOE – Pedro Sánchez Podemos – Pablo Iglesias C's – Albert Rivera |
7 December | Ana Pastor and Vicente Vallés | Broadcast live simultaneously on the Antena 3 and laSexta TV channels and on the Onda Cero radio station. Mariano Rajoy (PP) was also invited to the debate, but it was announced that Deputy PM Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría would assist instead. The audience for the debate averaged 9.2 million, peaking at more than 10 million. Online polls conducted immediately after the debate by major newspapers coincided in showing Iglesias winning, while political pundits and journalists pointed on his strong performance. |
TVE | PP – Pablo Casado PSOE – Antonio Hernando IU-UP – Alberto Garzón UPyD – Andrés Herzog DiL – Miquel Puig UDC – Montserrat Surroca EAJ-PNV – Aitor Esteban Podemos – Íñigo Errejón C's – Marta Rivera |
9 December | Julio Somoano | Broadcast live simultaneously on the La 1 and Canal 24 Horas TV channels. The audience for the debate averaged 2.3 million. |
TV Academy | PP – Mariano Rajoy PSOE – Pedro Sánchez |
14 December | Manuel Campo Vidal | The signal of the debate was offered to all interested media. Among others, nationwide TV channels La 1, Canal 24 Horas, Antena 3, laSexta and 13 TV broadcast the debate live. Pablo Iglesias (Podemos) and Albert Rivera (C's) were not invited. The audience for the debate averaged 9.7 million. A poll conducted by Atresmedia immediately after the debate showed 34.5% saying that None of them won, followed by Sánchez with 33.7%, Rajoy with 28.8% and Both with 3.0%. |
Party slogans
Column-generating template families
The templates listed here are not interchangeable. For example, using {{col-float}} with {{col-end}} instead of {{col-float-end}} would leave a <div>...</div>
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Type | Family | Handles wiki table code? |
Responsive/ mobile suited |
Start template | Column divider | End template |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Float | "col-float" | Yes | Yes | {{col-float}} | {{col-float-break}} | {{col-float-end}} |
"columns-start" | Yes | Yes | {{columns-start}} | {{column}} | {{columns-end}} | |
Columns | "div col" | Yes | Yes | {{div col}} | – | {{div col end}} |
"columns-list" | No | Yes | {{columns-list}} (wraps div col) | – | – | |
Flexbox | "flex columns" | No | Yes | {{flex columns}} | – | – |
Table | "col" | Yes | No | {{col-begin}}, {{col-begin-fixed}} or {{col-begin-small}} |
{{col-break}} or {{col-2}} .. {{col-5}} |
{{col-end}} |
Can template handle the basic wiki markup {| | || |- |}
used to create tables? If not, special templates that produce these elements (such as {{(!}}, {{!}}, {{!!}}, {{!-}}, {{!)}})—or HTML tags (<table>...</table>
, <tr>...</tr>
, etc.)—need to be used instead.
Campaign
The most notable incident during the electoral campaign was an attack on Mariano Rajoy during a campaign event in Pontevedra. At 18:50, while walking with Development Minister Ana Pastor in the vicinity of the Pilgrim Church, a 17-year-old approached him and punched him in the temple. The assailant was restrained by the Prime Minister's security team and was subsequently transferred to the police station in the city. Rajoy, who was stunned for a few seconds and red-faced, continued to walk without his glasses, which were broken during the assault. The assailant turned out to be related to Rajoy's wife, as he was the son of a cousin of Elvira Fernández, and also a member of a family known for sympathizing with the People's Party.
The following day, Rajoy attended an European Council meeting in Brussels, where Angela Merkel and other European leaders approached him showing their support to him after the assault. During the meeting, however, a camera recorded Rajoy, Merkel and other leaders discussing the electoral prospects of Spanish parties. Rajoy revealed to them that, according to the PP's internal opinion polls (during the last week of campaign publication of polls is banned in Spain), Podemos was rising quickly and was approaching the PSOE, to the point that there was the possibility of it becoming the second political force of the country. Merkel expressed concern about such an event.
On 18 December, the final day of campaigning, Podemos staged a massive rally in la Fonteta in Valencia, in support of the És el moment coalition and as the closing point of Podemos' campaign. With a capacity of over 9,000 people, 2,000 were left outside as the interior was entirely filled. It was noted by some media as a remarkable feat, as the PSOE had been unable to entirely fill the same place just a few days earlier on 13 December.
Results
Main article: Results of the Spanish general election, 2015Congress of Deputies
Overall
Party | Vote | Seats | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | ±pp | Won | +/− | ||
width="1" bgcolor="Template:People's Party (Spain)/meta/color" | | People's Party (PP) | 7,215,752 | 28.72 | 16.32 | 123 | 64 |
bgcolor="Template:Spanish Socialist Workers' Party/meta/color" | | Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) | 5,530,779 | 22.01 | 6.75 | 90 | 20 |
width="1" bgcolor="Template:Podemos (Spanish political party)/meta/color" | | We Can (Podemos) | 5,189,463 | 20.66 | New | 69 | 65 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
width="1" bgcolor="Template:Podemos (Spanish political party)/meta/color" | | We Can (Podemos) | 3,182,082 | 12.67 | New | 42 | 42 | |
bgcolor="Template:En Comú Podem/meta/color" | | In Common We Can (ECP) | 927,940 | 3.69 | 2.54 | 12 | 9 | |
bgcolor="Template:És el moment/meta/color" | | Commitment-We Can-It is time (Compromís-Podemos-És el moment) | 671,071 | 2.67 | 2.17 | 9 | 8 | |
bgcolor="Template:En Marea/meta/color" | | In Tide (Podemos-En Marea-Anova-EU) | 408,370 | 1.63 | 1.35 | 6 | 6 |
Parties with less than 0.1% of the vote | 100,176 | 0.40 | – | 0 | ±0 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
width="1" bgcolor="Template:Proposta per les Illes/meta/color" | | Proposal for the Islands (El PI) | 12,902 | 0.05 | New | 0 | ±0 |
Citizens of Democratic Centre (CCD) | 10,805 | 0.04 | 0.04 | 0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Blank Seats/meta/color" | | Blank Seats (Eb) | 10,060 | 0.04 | 0.36 | 0 | ±0 |
bgcolor="Template:Spanish Falange of the JONS/meta/color" | | Spanish Falange of the JONS (FE-JONS) | 7,594 | 0.03 | 0.02 | 0 | ±0 |
For the Left-The Greens (X Izda) | 7,342 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
We Are Valencian (SOMVAL) | 6,084 | 0.02 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:For a Fairer World/meta/color" | | For a Fairer World (PUM+J) | 4,533 | 0.02 | 0.09 | 0 | ±0 |
Internationalist Solidarity and Self-Management (SAIn) | 4,516 | 0.02 | 0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
The Greens-Ecopacifists (Centro Moderado) | 3,254 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Land Party (PT) | 2,957 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Humanist Party (Spain)/meta/color" | | Humanist Party (PH) | 2,908 | 0.01 | 0.03 | 0 | ±0 |
Canarias Decides (LV-UP-ALTER) | 2,874 | 0.01 | 0.01 | 0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Individual Freedom Party/meta/color" | | Libertarian Party (P-LIB) | 2,833 | 0.01 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 |
bgcolor="Template:Republican Left of Catalonia/meta/color" | | Now, Valencian Country (Ara PV) | 2,487 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 |
bgcolor="Template:Extremaduran Coalition/meta/color" | | United Extremadura-Extremadurans (EU-eX) | 1,995 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 |
Spanish Communist Workers' Party (PCOE) | 1,906 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:National Democracy (Spain)/meta/color" | | National Democracy (DN) | 1,685 | 0.01 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 |
Feminist Initiative (IFem) | 1,594 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country/meta/color" | | Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country (PREPAL) | 1,363 | 0.01 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 |
In Positive (In Positiu) | 1,276 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
United Free Citizens (CILUS) | 1,188 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Grouped Rural Citizens (CRA) | 1,027 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Navarrese Freedom (Ln) | 1,022 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Forward Valencians (Avant) | 1,001 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Málaga for Yes (mlgXSÍ) | 924 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Andalusians of Jaén United (AJU) | 771 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Family and Life Party/meta/color" | | Family and Life Party (PFyV) | 714 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 |
Aragon Independents' Federation (FIA) | 673 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Democrat Forum (FDEE) | 454 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
To Solution (Soluciona) | 406 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Social Justice, Citizen Participation (JS,PC) | 405 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Death to the System (+MAS+) | 309 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
Liberal Party of the Right (PLD) | 204 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Welcome (Ongi Etorri) | 110 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 |
Blank ballots | 187,771 | 0.75 | 0.62 | |||
Total | 25,123,450 | 100.00 | 350 | ±0 | ||
Valid votes | 25,123,450 | 99.10 | 0.39 | |||
Invalid votes | 226,997 | 0.90 | 0.39 | |||
Votes cast / turnout | 25,350,447 | 73.20 | 4.26 | |||
Abstentions | 9,280,639 | 26.80 | 4.26 | |||
Registered voters | 34,631,086 | |||||
Source: Ministry of the Interior |
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Results by district
% | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
District | PP | PSOE | Podemos | C's | IU-UP | ERC | DiL | PNV | EHB | CC | ||||||||||
A Coruña | 35.5 | 3 | 20.4 | 2 | 26.4 | 2 | 9.9 | 1 | ||||||||||||
Álava | 18.8 | 1 | 14.2 | 1 | 27.0 | 1 | 5.9 | − | 3.8 | − | 15.8 | 1 | 11.9 | − | ||||||
Almería | 38.0 | 2 | 28.8 | 2 | 12.8 | 1 | 14.4 | 1 | 3.5 | − | ||||||||||
Albacete | 36.9 | 2 | 28.2 | 1 | 13.9 | − | 14.6 | 1 | 4.0 | − | ||||||||||
Alicante | 32.9 | 4 | 20.9 | 3 | 22.2 | 3 | 17.1 | 2 | 3.7 | − | ||||||||||
Asturias | 30.2 | 3 | 23.3 | 2 | 21.3 | 2 | 13.6 | 1 | 8.5 | − | ||||||||||
Ávila | 46.2 | 2 | 19.8 | 1 | 11.7 | − | 15.7 | − | 3.8 | − | ||||||||||
Badajoz | 34.5 | 2 | 37.2 | 3 | 11.8 | 1 | 11.4 | − | 3.1 | − | ||||||||||
Balearic | 29.1 | 3 | 18.3 | 2 | 23.1 | 2 | 14.8 | 1 | 2.4 | − | ||||||||||
Barcelona | 11.3 | 4 | 16.3 | 5 | 26.9 | 9 | 13.6 | 4 | 14.5 | 5 | 13.3 | 4 | ||||||||
Biscay | 11.4 | 1 | 13.0 | 1 | 26.1 | 2 | 3.8 | − | 2.8 | − | 27.9 | 3 | 12.5 | 1 | ||||||
Burgos | 38.1 | 2 | 20.7 | 1 | 17.1 | 1 | 15.5 | − | 4.7 | − | ||||||||||
Cáceres | 35.4 | 2 | 34.1 | 2 | 13.9 | − | 11.4 | − | 2.9 | − | ||||||||||
Cádiz | 27.8 | 3 | 28.0 | 3 | 20.2 | 2 | 14.7 | 1 | 6.0 | − | ||||||||||
Cantabria | 36.9 | 2 | 22.4 | 1 | 17.8 | 1 | 15.3 | 1 | 4.4 | − | ||||||||||
Castellón | 31.9 | 2 | 21.5 | 1 | 24.1 | 1 | 15.6 | 1 | 3.1 | − | ||||||||||
Ceuta | 44.9 | 1 | 23.1 | − | 14.1 | − | 13.3 | − | 1.3 | − | ||||||||||
Ciudad Real | 38.4 | 3 | 31.1 | 2 | 12.5 | − | 12.3 | − | 3.3 | − | ||||||||||
Córdoba | 30.4 | 2 | 32.1 | 2 | 14.7 | 1 | 11.9 | 1 | 8.1 | − | ||||||||||
Cuenca | 41.9 | 2 | 30.6 | 1 | 11.6 | − | 10.8 | − | 3.0 | − | ||||||||||
Gipuzkoa | 8.7 | − | 13.3 | 1 | 25.3 | 2 | 3.7 | − | 2.8 | − | 23.5 | 2 | 20.9 | 1 | ||||||
Girona | 8.5 | − | 12.7 | 1 | 16.3 | 1 | 9.9 | − | 23.4 | 2 | 25.0 | 2 | ||||||||
Granada | 31.1 | 3 | 31.0 | 2 | 16.3 | 1 | 13.9 | 1 | 5.1 | − | ||||||||||
Guadalajara | 34.8 | 1 | 22.5 | 1 | 17.5 | − | 18.1 | 1 | 4.1 | − | ||||||||||
Huelva | 28.8 | 2 | 36.9 | 2 | 15.2 | 1 | 11.9 | − | 4.5 | − | ||||||||||
Huesca | 32.6 | 1 | 24.7 | 1 | 17.9 | 1 | 16.2 | − | 5.3 | − | ||||||||||
Jaén | 31.5 | 2 | 38.4 | 3 | 12.5 | − | 10.7 | − | 4.3 | − | ||||||||||
La Rioja | 38.4 | 2 | 23.7 | 1 | 15.8 | 1 | 15.1 | − | 4.2 | − | ||||||||||
Las Palmas | 28.2 | 3 | 22.4 | 2 | 26.4 | 2 | 12.3 | 1 | 3.0 | − | 4.2 | − | ||||||||
León | 35.6 | 2 | 25.4 | 1 | 17.6 | 1 | 13.0 | 1 | 4.8 | − | ||||||||||
Lleida | 11.3 | − | 12.5 | 1 | 15.3 | 1 | 9.0 | − | 22.3 | 1 | 24.3 | 1 | ||||||||
Lugo | 42.5 | 2 | 24.0 | 1 | 19.3 | 1 | 7.6 | − | ||||||||||||
Madrid | 33.5 | 13 | 17.9 | 6 | 20.9 | 8 | 18.8 | 7 | 5.3 | 2 | ||||||||||
Málaga | 29.0 | 4 | 26.9 | 3 | 17.1 | 2 | 17.1 | 2 | 6.8 | − | ||||||||||
Melilla | 43.9 | 1 | 24.6 | − | 11.4 | − | 15.6 | − | 1.3 | − | ||||||||||
Murcia | 40.4 | 5 | 20.3 | 2 | 15.2 | 1 | 17.7 | 2 | 3.1 | − | ||||||||||
Navarre | 28.9 | 2 | 15.5 | 1 | 23.0 | 2 | 7.1 | − | 4.1 | − | 9.9 | − | ||||||||
Ourense | 44.9 | 2 | 23.2 | 1 | 17.8 | 1 | 7.9 | − | ||||||||||||
Palencia | 40.3 | 2 | 24.6 | 1 | 13.4 | − | 14.2 | − | 4.5 | − | ||||||||||
Pontevedra | 34.5 | 3 | 20.8 | 2 | 28.0 | 2 | 9.0 | − | ||||||||||||
Salamanca | 42.7 | 2 | 21.8 | 1 | 12.2 | − | 16.9 | 1 | 3.4 | − | ||||||||||
Santa Cruz | 28.9 | 2 | 21.5 | 2 | 19.9 | 1 | 10.5 | 1 | 3.3 | − | 12.6 | 1 | ||||||||
Segovia | 39.4 | 2 | 21.5 | 1 | 14.3 | − | 17.1 | − | 4.1 | − | ||||||||||
Seville | 25.2 | 3 | 34.0 | 5 | 19.0 | 2 | 13.0 | 2 | 5.7 | − | ||||||||||
Soria | 38.7 | 1 | 23.8 | 1 | 16.0 | − | 15.2 | − | 3.6 | − | ||||||||||
Tarragona | 12.2 | 1 | 15.8 | 1 | 20.7 | 1 | 14.2 | 1 | 17.5 | 1 | 15.3 | 1 | ||||||||
Teruel | 36.5 | 2 | 25.6 | 1 | 15.3 | − | 14.7 | − | 5.0 | − | ||||||||||
Toledo | 38.8 | 2 | 27.8 | 2 | 13.6 | 1 | 13.8 | 1 | 3.5 | − | ||||||||||
Valencia | 30.2 | 5 | 18.9 | 3 | 27.1 | 5 | 15.1 | 2 | 4.7 | − | ||||||||||
Valladolid | 37.0 | 2 | 21.6 | 1 | 15.2 | 1 | 17.1 | 1 | 5.5 | − | ||||||||||
Zamora | 42.6 | 2 | 23.0 | 1 | 14.0 | − | 12.9 | − | 4.9 | − | ||||||||||
Zaragoza | 30.3 | 3 | 22.3 | 2 | 19.2 | 1 | 17.8 | 1 | 6.5 | − | ||||||||||
Total | 28.7 | 123 | 22.0 | 90 | 20.7 | 69 | 13.9 | 40 | 3.7 | 2 | 2.4 | 9 | 2.2 | 8 | 1.2 | 6 | 0.9 | 2 | 0.3 | 1 |
Senate
For the Senate election, voters had one, two or three votes, depending on how many MPs were elected from their constituency. Totals below show constituency aggregated results for all parties, thus resulting in an apparent high number of votes.
Party | Election vote | Seats not up | Total seats | +/− | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | +/− | Seats | Before | 2011 | ||||
width="1" bgcolor="Template:People's Party (Spain)/meta/color" | | People's Party (PP) | 19,792,225 | 29.96 | 124 | 21 | 145 | 12 | 22 | |
bgcolor="Template:Spanish Socialist Workers' Party/meta/color" | | Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) | 15,088,727 | 22.84 | 47 | 19 | 66 | 7 | 8 |
width="1" bgcolor="Template:Podemos (Spanish political party)/meta/color" | | We Can (Podemos) | 12,170,910 | 18.42 | New | 16 | 7 | 23 | 15 | 21 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
width="1" bgcolor="Template:Podemos (Spanish political party)/meta/color" | | We Can (Podemos) | 7,448,351 | 11.28 | New | 9 | 5 | 14 | 9 | 14 | |
bgcolor="Template:En Comú Podem/meta/color" | | In Common We Can (ECP) | 2,013,288 | 3.05 | 4 | 1 | 5 | 3 | 3 | ||
bgcolor="Template:És el moment/meta/color" | | Commitment-We Can-It is time (És el moment) | 1,727,484 | 2.62 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 2 | ||
bgcolor="Template:En Marea/meta/color" | | In Tide (Podemos-En Marea-Anova-EU) | 981,787 | 1.49 | 2 | – | 2 | 2 | 2 |
Parties with less than 0.1% of the vote | 341,952 | 0.52 | – | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 2 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
width="1" bgcolor="Template:Més per Mallorca/meta/color" | | More for Majorca (Més) | 60,402 | 0.09 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Spanish Falange of the JONS/meta/color" | | Spanish Falange of the JONS (FE-JONS) | 37,772 | 0.06 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Proposta per les Illes/meta/color" | | Proposal for the Islands (El PI) | 30,480 | 0.05 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 |
Citizens of Democratic Centre (CCD) | 20,073 | 0.03 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | ||
We Are Valencian (SOMVAL) | 19,891 | 0.03 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:For a Fairer World/meta/color" | | For a Fairer World (PUM+J) | 19,849 | 0.03 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Internationalist Solidarity and Self-Management (SAIn) | 18,269 | 0.03 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | ||
bgcolor="Template:Humanist Party (Spain)/meta/color" | | Humanist Party (PH) | 10,996 | 0.02 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Extremaduran Coalition/meta/color" | | United Extremadura-Extremadurans (EU-eX) | 9,951 | 0.02 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 |
Land Party (PT) | 9,820 | 0.01 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country/meta/color" | | Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country (PREPAL) | 9,712 | 0.01 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
The Greens-Ecopacifists (Centro Moderado) | 9,365 | 0.01 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Republican Left of Catalonia/meta/color" | | Now, Valencian Country (Ara PV) | 7,820 | 0.01 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 |
bgcolor="Template:Individual Freedom Party/meta/color" | | Libertarian Party (P-LIB) | 7,746 | 0.01 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Canarias Decides (LV-UP-ALTER) | 6,328 | 0.01 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | ||
United for Gran Canaria (UxGC) | 5,880 | 0.01 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Navarrese Freedom (Ln) | 5,665 | 0.01 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Feminist Initiative (IFem) | 5,538 | 0.01 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Forward Valencians (Avant) | 4,923 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
In Positive (In Positiu) | 4,547 | 0.01 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Gomera Socialist Group (ASG) | 4,435 | 0.01 | New | 1 | – | 1 | 1 | 1 | |
bgcolor="Template:National Democracy (Spain)/meta/color" | | National Democracy (DN) | 4,411 | 0.01 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
We Are Menorca (Som Menorca) | 4,122 | 0.01 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | ||
Forward Badajoz (BA) | 4,014 | 0.01 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
United Free Citizens (CILUS) | 3,139 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Aragon Independents' Federation (FIA) | 2,697 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Andalusians of Jaén United (AJU) | 1,815 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Grouped Rural Citizens (CRA) | 1,606 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Ourselves and You Political Party (Nosotros) | 1,581 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Family and Life Party/meta/color" | | Family and Life Party (PFyV) | 1,568 | 0.00 | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
To Solution (Soluciona) | 1,566 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Social Justice, Citizen Participation (JS,PC) | 1,392 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Democrat Forum (FDEE) | 1,212 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Merindades of Castile Initiative (IMC) | 1,210 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
Aragonese Bloc (BAR) | 1,179 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
For the Left-The Greens (X Izda) | 978 | 0.00 | New | 0 | – | 0 | ±0 | ±0 | |
bgcolor="Template:Independent (politician)/meta/color" | | Independents | N/A | N/A | 0 | 1 | 1 | ±0 | 1 |
Blank ballots | 978,380 | 1.48 | |||||||
Total | 66,058,085 | 100.00 | 208 | 58 | 266 | ±0 | ±0 | ||
Valid votes | 24,068,320 | 96.78 | 0.48 | ||||||
Invalid votes | 800,897 | 3.22 | 0.48 | ||||||
Votes cast / turnout | 24,869,217 | 71.88 | 3.45 | ||||||
Abstentions | 9,731,126 | 28.12 | 3.45 | ||||||
Registered voters | 34,600,343 | ||||||||
Source(s): |
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|
The Spanish Senate at the time of the 2015 election was composed by 208 directly-elected seats and 58 seats appointed by the regional parliaments of the autonomous communities when a new Parliament resulting from a regional election convenes. The appointment process of these seats depended on the political composition of those regional assemblies, and as such, it could change each time regional elections were held.
Outcome
As opinion polls predicted, the PP was able to secure first place with a clear lead over its rivals despite the loss of the absolute majority it had held since 2011 in the Congress of Deputies. However, the PP found itself with a bare 123 seat-count with which to rely on, the worst result ever obtained by a winning party in a Spanish general election, which had been previously been 156 seats in 1996. In practice, however, the total PP seat count was reduced to 119, as UPN and FAC deputies announced they would go to the Mixed Group, and after one of the party's own members, Pedro Gómez de la Serna, was also expelled as a result of an ongoing investigation into possible political corruption. Its 28.7% of the total party vote was also slighly below the party's expected goal of obtaining at least 30%. The PP net loss of seats (64 fewer than 2011) and vote percentage (minus 16.3 percentage points) was the worst showing for a sitting government since 1982. Overall, it was also the worst result obtained by the PP in a general election since 1989. Nonetheless, as a result of the vote fragmentation, it was able to come out on top in 13 out of the 17 autonomous communities and in 39 out of the 52 electoral districts, which allowed it to retain an absolute majority of seats in the Senate.
The PSOE scored its worst election result in recent history, with just 22.0% of the total party vote and 90 seats. Losing 20 seats and nearly 7 percentage points to its already negative 2011 result, this was the first time since the Spanish transition to democracy that one of the two largest parties fell below the 100-seat mark. Overall, while able to hold on to its second place nationally in terms of votes and seats, it lost the second and first place to Podemos in 8 out of the 17 autonomous communities, and finished fourth in Madrid. Nonetheless, it was able to narrowly win in Andalusia and Extremadura—which it had resoundly lost to the PP in 2011—as well as in 6 out of the 52 districts (2 in 2011), thanks in part to the PP vote collapse in those regions. However, it lost Barcelona for the first time ever in a general election, and was reduced to third party status in its former stronghold of Catalonia.
The combined results for the top two parties was also the worst for any general election held since 1977, gathering just 50.7% of the total party vote and 213 seats, just slighly above the required 3/5 majority for an ordinary constitutional reform. The result was regarded as a loss for bipartisanship in Spain as a whole, as the era of bipartisan politics was declared officially over by newcomers Podemos and Citizens, as well as by both national and international media.
Podemos, which contested a general election for the first time after having being founded in January 2014, obtained an unprecedented 20.7% of the vote and 69 seats together with its regional alliances, the best result ever obtained by a third party in a Spanish election. With over 5 million votes, it came short by just 340,000 votes of securing its campaign goal of becoming the main left-wing party in Spain, but managed to finish second in 6 out of the 17 autonomous communities and came out on top in another two—the Basque Country and Catalonia—and in 4 out of the 52 districts. This result was way ahead of what initial pre-campaign and campaign opinion polls had predicted, and was in line with a late-campaign surge in support for the party. This marked the first time in Spain that a third party came close to overcoming one of the top two in terms of votes, and also the first time that a national party different than the top two won in at least one autonomous community and in more than one province at a time. In terms of vote share, the best previous result for a third party was that of IU in the 1994 European Parliament election, with 13.4%, and 10.8% and 23 seats for the PCE in the 1979 general election.
C's obtained an exceptionally high result for a national party in Spain, also breaking all previous established records with 13.9%, 40 seats and over 3.5 million votes. However, its fourth place was considered as a letdown for party leader Albert Rivera, mainly as a consequence of the high expectations that had been generated around his candidacy. Pre-election opinion polls had placed C's near 20% of the vote share, and many also suggested a strong possibilities of C's disputing the second place to PSOE. Finally, it only came ahead of either PSOE or PP in Madrid and Catalonia. The party also found itself in a weaker political position than predicted, as the "kingmaker" position predicted for C's by polls finally went to PSOE, with the Congress' fragmentation resulting from the election meaning that neither the PP-C's nor the PSOE-Podemos-IU blocs would be able to command a majority on their own.
Aftermath
The election produced a hung parliament, and a coalition was expected to be required. Mariano Rajoy said he would try to form an administration, but Pedro Sánchez called for a change in government, while recognising the PP's right to try and form a government first. Two possible coalitions, the PP with C's and PSOE with Podemos, would both come up short of a majority.
There was speculation around four possible outcomes:
- A grand coalition of PP and PSOE, which would be a new phenomenon in Spain politics but the only feasible two-party agreement that would be able to reach an absolute majority in the Congress of Deputies.
- PSOE, Podemos and C's.
- PSOE, Podemos and smaller regional parties.
- Parliamentary deadlock lasting for two months from the first failed investiture vote, resulting in a new general election to be held sometime in 2016.
C's leader Albert Rivera announced he would not actively support either PP or PSOE, but that he was willing to abstain and allow the PP to form a government. He did, however, state his opposition to any pact in which Podemos was involved. On the other hand, Pablo Iglesias from Podemos laid out stiff terms in order to even consider starting negotiations for a coalition with the PSOE. Podemos' Policy Secretary, Íñigo Errejón, also expressed the party's refusal to support Sánchez as a prospective candidate for prime minister, suggesting instead to search for "an independent candidate, above parties".
Attention focused on the PSOE as it became increasingly clear that it had been unexpectedly placed in a kingmaker scenario. The PSOE leadership had announced their intention to vote against a government headed by Mariano Rajoy and rejected the possibility of abstaining, but regional PSOE leaders, headed by Andalusia President Susana Díaz, warned Pedro Sánchez against reaching any kind of agreement with Podemos, seeing as "unaffordable" the conditions put forward by Pablo Iglesias, while several party regional premiers—such as Ximo Puig, Javier Fernández, Emiliano García-Page or Guillermo Fernández Vara—favoured letting the PP try to form a government on its own first. Both C's and PP pressured the PSOE to abstain to allow a PP minority cabinet to be formed, but Sánchez's team did not hide their concerns that supporting Rajoy, either directly or by abstaining, would leave Podemos as the de facto main opposition party.
PSOE regional leaders wanted a leadership race to be held by March 2016 to replace incumbent Secretary-General Pedro Sánchez with President of Andalusia Susana Díaz.On 23 December, Rajoy tried to reach an agreement with Sánchez that would allow the former to be appointed Prime Minister, but it was met with Sánchez's opposition and preference to study the possibilities of an alternative pact. Albert Rivera's proposal of an agreement between PP, PSOE and C's that promoted "the regeneration policy reforms that Spain needs" and explicitly excluding Podemos from it, went unheeded by Sánchez as well. Susana Díaz warned Sánchez that the party's pact policy had to be decided within a Federal Committee and not by the Secretary-General, in a move seen as disavowing Sánchez's decisions. The PSOE accused Iglesias of "filling the political space with red lines" and demanded that Podemos withdraw its condition to hold a self-determination referendum in Catalonia before discussing a pact, with Sánchez stating that he would not be Prime Minister "at any price". Others within the party pointed out that, even if the PSOE obtained Podemos's support, it would not command a majority without support from other parties.
The PSOE crisis deepened further when Sánchez suggested delaying the 39th Party Conference, due in February 2016 to renew the party leadership, until a new government was formed or a new election was held. The idea met with strong opposition from critics, who publicly proclaimed that the conference should be held "when it is due" and with several regional leaders demanding discussions on Sánchez's leadership in light of the party's negative election result, the worst in its recent history. Susana Díaz—reported to be leading the open rebellion within the party—was said to be seeking to replace Sánchez as party leader and to eventually lead the PSOE into a new general election. Among the supporters of this option were Valencian President Ximo Puig, who said in an interview that "if a new election is held the PSOE must analyze a change of candidate", and Castile-La Mancha President Emiliano García-Page commenting that "No one disputes Susana Diaz' abilities to be Prime Minister". On her end-year speech as President of Andalusia, Susana Díaz revealed her national interests and paved the way for the possibility of her turning into the PSOE icon at the national level.
The PP, Podemos and C's all took advantage of the PSOE's worsening internal situation to force Sánchez to the negotiating table. Pablo Iglesias questioned the feasibility of an agreement with the PSOE because people within the party "wouldn't allow Pedro be Prime Minister", noting that Sánchez "does not control" the party, and warning of the dangers of a "three-way grand coalition" between PP, PSOE and C's that Podemos would oppose. Rivera pointed out that his party was waiting "for to solve its internal affairs", while the PP reaffirmed its claim to lead the next Spanish government, seeking the PSOE's abstention in the investiture vote and even willing to eventually offer them "a grand coalition, as happens in Germany". Economy Minister Luis de Guindos suggested during an interview the possibility of a national unity government comprising PP, PSOE and C's. Both PSOE and C's feared that a new election could harm them and benefit the PP and Podemos.
By early January 2016, prominent PSOE figures took for granted that a new election would have to be held by late May–early June 2016, and that the party would hold a conference electing a new leadership by late March–early April. They believed that the seat distribution would make it impossible to solve the parliamentary deadlock and voiced concerns regarding Pedro Sánchez's attempts at getting elected Prime Minister through an "unnatural pact" with at least five political forces. As internal dissent kept growing, many of the party's sectors agreed on their perceived need to replace Sánchez with another leader, such as Susana Díaz, in time for a new election.
On 5 January 2016, PSOE spokesperson Antonio Hernando announced that the PSOE maintained its "definitive no" to the PP's proposal of a grand coalition.
Notes
- ^ Compared to the People's Party+Asturias Forum results in the 2011 election.
- ^ Aggregated data for Podemos, En Comú Podem, És el moment and En Marea.
- ^ Compared to the Initiative for Catalonia Greens-United and Alternative Left+Compromís seat results in the 2011 election.
- ^ Compared to the Plural Left results in the 2011 election, excluding Initiative for Catalonia Greens-United and Alternative Left and United Left of Galicia.
- ^ Compared to Initiative for Catalonia Greens-United and Alternative Left results in the 2011 election.
- ^ Compared to Compromís results in the 2011 election.
- Compared to United Left of Galicia results in the 2011 election.
- ^ Due to impossibility of direct comparison due to the dissolution of Convergence and Union, the political alliance between Democratic Convergence of Catalonia and Democratic Union of Catalonia in the 1978–2015 period, an unofficial comparison is calculated using the strength ratio (10:6) of both parties in Congress after the 2011 election.
- Compared to the Amaiur results in the 2011 election.
- ^ Compared to the Socialist Party of Majorca-Initiative Greens-Equo results in the 2011 election.
External links
- Media related to Spanish general election, 2015 at Wikimedia Commons
References
- Electoral Census Office. "DOWNLOADABLE – Number of voters living in Spain and abroad for constituencies to the Congress and the Senate. Census consultation" (in Spanish). National Institute of Statistics. Retrieved 2 November 2015.
- "Article 66 Summary". Retrieved 27 October 2015.
- "Effective threshold in electoral systems". Trinity College, Dublin. Retrieved 21 October 2015.
- "Royal Decree 977/2015, of 26 October, of dissolution of the Congress of Deputies and Senate and of the calling of elections" (PDF). Boletín Oficial del Estado number 257 of 27 October 2015 (in Spanish): 100784–100786. ISSN 0212-033X.
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(help) - "Provisional balance of the legislature: less unemployment but fewer jobs" (in Spanish). El País. 22 October 2015.
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(help) - "The 'B side' of Rajoy's numbers" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 26 October 2015.
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(help) - "The government removes the controversial Gallardón 'tasazo' to individuals" (in Spanish). El Economista. 27 February 2015.
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(help) - "Spain puts 'gag' on freedom of expression as senate approves security law". The Guardian. 12 March 2015.
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(help) - "The seven fundamental rights limited by the 'gag law'" (in Spanish). El Diario. 30 June 2015.
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(help) - "The government approves the most restrictive abortion law of democracy" (in Spanish). El País. 20 December 2013.
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(help) - "Spain government approves restrictive abortion law despite opposition" (in Spanish). The Guardian. 20 December 2013.
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(help) - "Outrage over the reform of the abortion law, from the social networks to the streets" (in Spanish). El País. 20 December 2013.
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(help) - "The opposition and feminist organizations charge against the reform" (in Spanish). El País. 20 December 2013.
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(help) - "Cabinet discredits Gallardón after failing to greenlight the abortion reform by the set deadline". BBC News. 19 September 2014.
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(help) - "Rajoy confirmed the withdrawal of the law of abortion due to lack of consensus" (in Spanish). El País. 23 September 2014.
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(help) - "Gallardón resigns after the abortion law's rejection" (in Spanish). El País. 23 September 2014.
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(help) - "Spain abortion: Rajoy scraps tighter law". BBC News. 23 September 2014.
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(help) - "Gallardón resigns and leaves politics" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 23 September 2014.
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(help) - "Ebola outbreak: Nurse infected in Spain". BBC News. 6 October 2014.
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(help) - "Mismanagement of Ebola virus, a new blow to the Spain Brand" (in Spanish). El Confidencial. 7 October 2014.
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(help) - "Ebola's days" (in Spanish). El País. 12 October 2014.
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(help) - "Ana Mato resigns after her implication in the 'Gürtel case' by judge Ruz" (in Spanish). El País. 26 November 2014.
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(help) - "Bárcenas paid undeclared bonuses to leading members of the PP for years" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 18 January 2013.
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(help) - "Bárcenas' secret accounts" (in Spanish). El País. 31 January 2013.
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(help) - "The SMS between Rajoy and Bárcenas" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 14 July 2013.
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(help) - "SMS Rajoy Barcenas, "Luis, be strong"" (in Spanish). El Diario. 14 July 2013.
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(help) - "SMS contradicts Rajoy's version in Congress on Bárcenas" (in Spanish). El País. 1 August 2013.
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(help) - "Rubalcaba, on the SMS supporting Barcenas 'Only for that you should go'" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 1 August 2013.
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(help) - "The judge accuses Infanta Cristina in the 'Urdangarín case'" (in Spanish). El País. 3 April 2013.
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(help) - "Spain's Princess Cristina in court over corruption case". BBC News. 8 February 2014.
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(help) - "Tax trial confirmed for Spain's Princess Cristina". BBC News. 7 November 2014.
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(help) - "Spanish king strips graft-accused sister of duchess title". Yahoo News. 11 June 2015.
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(help) - ^ "Abdication comes at low point for monarchy in opinion polls" (in Spanish). El País. 2 June 2014.
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(help) - "Moral breakdown". La Vanguardia. 28 October 2014.
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(help) - "Black October within the power's crannies". El País. 1 November 2014.
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(help) - "Black October of corruption". El Mundo. 2 November 2014.
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(help) - "Pujol acknowledges that his family had an undeclared fortune abroad" (in Spanish). El País. 25 July 2014.
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(help) - "Judge Ruz charges Jordi Pujol Ferrusola with alleged money laundering and tax fraud" (in Spanish). El Periódico. 29 July 2014.
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(help) - "Oleguer Pujol, released and accused of laundering and fraud charges after the search of his home" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 23 October 2014.
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(help) - "Ex-IMF chief targeted in Caja Madrid credit card investigation". El País. 8 October 2014.
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(help) - "Unlimited money in exchange for the directors' submission" (in Spanish). El País. 11 October 2014.
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(help) - "Judge Ruz summons Ángel Acebes to testify because of 'Barcenas' papers'" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 21 October 2014.
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(help) - "The PP paid another 750,000 euros in "B money" by the works at its headquarters in 2006" (in Spanish). El País. 24 October 2014.
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(help) - "Treasury concludes that the PP paid another 750,000 € in "black money" by works in Génova" (in Spanish). El Confidencial. 24 October 2014.
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(help) - "51 arrested in four autonomous communities in large anti-corruption operation" (in Spanish). El País. 27 October 2014.
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(help) - "Large operation against regional and municipal corruption with dozens arrested" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 27 October 2014.
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(help) - "Ruz believes Mato benefited from former husband's activities of 'Gürtel'" (in Spanish). El País. 26 November 2014.
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(help) - "Ana Mato resigns to save Mariano Rajoy" (in Spanish). El País. 26 November 2014.
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(help) - "The Congress of Deputies dawns shielded by police for the 25-S protest" (in Spanish). 20 Minutos. 25 September 2012.
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(help) - "Madrid fills with 'Dignity' and sets out with police charges" (in Spanish). Público. 22 March 2014.
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(help) - "Citizen Tides manifest in Madrid on Sunday against the troika" (in Spanish). Público. 21 February 2015.
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(help) - "Mas' challenge does not break Spain yet but opens a schism between PSOE and PSC" (in Spanish). El País. 27 February 2013.
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(help) - "Rubalcaba, to the drivers of Madina: "The PSOE is not on it"" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 18 April 2013.
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(help) - "PSOE leaders want Rubalcaba's dismissal now" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 8 November 2013.
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(help) - "Rubalcaba assured that "the PSOE has returned" and urges his people to go to the streets" (in Spanish). El País. 10 November 2013.
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(help) - "The PP clings on to economic recovery to save their campaign" (in Spanish). El País. 20 May 2014.
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(help) - "Rubalcaba throws in the towel and calls for an extraordinary party conference in July after the debacle" (in Spanish). El País. 26 May 2014.
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(help) - "The King abdicates" (in Spanish). El País. 2 June 2014.
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(help) - "Rajoy studies to exhaust the legal deadline in order for elections to be held in 2016". ABC. 12 May 2014.
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(help) - "The PP is planning to delay the election until February 2016 waiting for a stronger and more stable recovery". Vozpópuli. 22 September 2014.
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(help) - "Deputy PM asks for legal reports in order to delay the general election to 2016". El Plural. 22 September 2014.
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(help) - "Rajoy's PP crashes" (in Spanish). infoLibre. 25 May 2015.
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(help) - "The PP collapses and cedes the territorial power to the left" (in Spanish). El País. 25 May 2015.
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(help) - "24M: PP total collapse in a political map marked by leftist pacts" (in Spanish). Huffington Post. 25 May 2015.
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(help) - "Rajoy works with the days 22 or 29 November for the general election". Europa Press. Retrieved 27 May 2015.
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(help) - "Budget approval may delay the general election until 13 December" (in Spanish). Libertad Digital. Retrieved 4 August 2015.
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(help) - "Pablo Iglesias and Ada Colau look to seal a permanent coalition in Catalonia after 20-D" (in Spanish). El Periódico. 1 December 2015.
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(help) - "Podemos, Anova and EU register the En Marea coalition" (in Spanish). Europa Press. 7 November 2015.
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(help) - "Podemos and Compromís reach agreement for 20-D in Valencia" (in Spanish). Público. 6 November 2015.
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(help) - "Compromís imposes its name in the agreement with Podemos" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 7 November 2015.
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(help) - "Compromís and Podemos will contest the 20D in coalition without EUPV" (in Spanish). La Vanguardia. 6 November 2015.
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(help) - "Alberto Garzón does not want to be the gravedigger and Pablo Iglesias does not want to be the nurse" (in Spanish). El Diario. 6 October 2015.
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(help) - "Uralde emerges as head of Podemos and Equo list in the Basque Country for the general election" (in Spanish). El Diario. 6 October 2015.
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(help) - "'Un Tiempo Nuevo' broadcasts a six-way debate between the main parties" (in Spanish). La Opinión. 21 November 2015.
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(help) - "Podemos won the debate of 'Un Tiempo Nuevo' according to the poll of Cuatro.com" (in Spanish). Cuatro. 21 November 2015.
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(help) - "How to see and at what time is the 'Debate in 140 words' of Twitter" (in Spanish). Europa Press. 26 November 2015.
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(help) - "Political debate on Twitter with young people from the six main parties" (in Spanish). Cadena SER. 26 November 2015.
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(help) - "Iglesias and Rivera will assist a debate before university students to which Rajoy and Sánchez are also invited" (in Spanish). Europa Press. 5 November 2015.
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(help) - "Spain to Debate" (in Spanish). Asociación Demos. Retrieved 24 November 2015.
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(help) - "The first digital debate of democracy, on day 30" (in Spanish). El País. 6 November 2015.
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(help) - "Sánchez, Rivera and Iglesias, protagonists of the first electoral debate on Internet on the next 30 November" (in Spanish). Europa Press. 12 November 2015.
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(help) - "EL PAÍS did not accept Santamaría in its debate with party leaders" (in Spanish). El País. 25 November 2015.
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(help) - "The winner of the debate and mentions between candidates" (in Spanish). El País. 30 November 2015.
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(help) - "ATRESMEDIA makes history again with the most expected debate by citizens with the four main parties on 7D" (in Spanish). laSexta. 24 November 2015.
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(help) - "'The Decisive Debate', the most watched broadcast of the year on TV with 9.2 million viewers (48.2%)" (in Spanish). Vertele.com. 8 December 2015.
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(help) - "Pablo Iglesias, winner of Atresmedia's 'decisive debate'" (in Spanish). El Huffington Post. 8 December 2015.
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(help) - "Soraya 'decisive' and Iglesias moral winner" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 8 December 2015.
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(help) - "El Español ratings: Iglesias (7) wins and Sánchez (5.3) ranks fourth" (in Spanish). El Español. 8 December 2015.
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(help) - "The PP admits privately that Pablo Iglesias won the debate" (in Spanish). Cadena SER. 8 December 2015.
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(help) - "TVE will air a debate with eight parties on Wednesday 9 December" (in Spanish). El Televisero. 24 November 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2015.
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(help) - "The main candidates 'delegate' in TVE's nine-sided debate" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 7 December 2015.
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(help) - "RTVE offers its great election debate this wednesday between nine political parties" (in Spanish). RTVE.es. 7 December 2015.
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(help) - "Ratings Wednesday 2015/12/9" (in Spanish). Vertele. 10 December 2015.
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(help) - "DTT Ratings Wednesday 2015/12/9" (in Spanish). Vertele. 10 December 2015.
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(help) - "La Sexta gives the edge in the "bipartisan debate" aired on 13 channels" (in Spanish). El Huffington Post. 14 December 2015.
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(help) - "Rajoy and Sánchez will debate face-to-face on 14 December" (in Spanish). Levante-EMV. 24 November 2015.
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(help) - "The Rajoy-Sánchez debate, the most watched broadcast of the year with 9.7 millions and victory of laSexta" (in Spanish). Vertele.com. 15 December 2015.
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(help) - "Atresmedia poll: 34.5% vote "none of them" candidates has won" (in Spanish). Antena3.com. 15 December 2015.
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(help) - "A teen punches Mariano Rajoy in a street of Pontevedra" (in Spanish). Cadena SER. 16 December 2015.
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(help) - "Rajoy, assaulted with a punch in his face by a minor during a walk in Pontevedra" (in Spanish). La Sexta. 16 December 2015.
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(help) - "The youngster that assaulted Rajoy, son of a cousin of Viri, the Prime Minister's wife" (in Spanish). 20 Minutos. 17 December 2015.
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(help) - "Rajoy, wrapped by Merkel and Cameron in Brussels after the assault" (in Spanish). La Sexta. 17 December 2015.
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(help) - "Rajoy explains Merkel that Podemos can end up in second place" (in Spanish). El Periódico. 18 December 2015.
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(help) - "Podemos and Compromís fill 'la Fonteta'" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 18 December 2015.
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(help) - "'La Fonteta' is left small for the central rally of Compromís-Podemos" (in Spanish). ABC. 18 December 2015.
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(help) - "Pablo Iglesias sells out all tickets in the place that Pedro Sánchez could not fill in Valencia" (in Spanish). ABC. 16 December 2015.
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(help) - "PP will have 119 seats in the Congress after vetoing De la Serna and not adding up neither UPN nor Forum" (in Spanish). Europa Press. 29 December 2015.
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(help) - "The PP trusts in reaching 30% despite the attack's management and corruption" (in Spanish). La Información. 13 December 2015.
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(help) - "Spain entombs bipartisanship and leaves government in the air" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 20 December 2015.
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(help) - "Spain's general election weakens decades of bipartisan hegemony". Financial Times. 21 December 2015.
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(help) - "Spanish election: national newcomers end era of two-party dominance". The Guardian. 21 December 2015.
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(help) - "Citizens' expectations are diluted in the polls" (in Spanish). laSexta. 20 December 2015.
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(help) - "Why Citizens did not meet expectations" (in Spanish). El Español. 22 December 2015.
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(help) - ^ "Spain election: Tough talks ahead after historic result". BBC News. 21 December 2015.
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(help) - "The Ibex and big business bet on a PP-PSOE grand coalition" (in Spanish). La Información. 21 December 2015.
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(help) - "Who benefits and who loses from a scenario of a new election" (in Spanish). El Diario. 21 December 2015.
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(help) - "C's is left in fourth place" (in Spanish). El Boletín. 21 December 2015.
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(help) - "Pablo Iglesias sets out conditions for the agreement" (in Spanish). El Diario. 21 December 2015.
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(help) - "Iñigo Errejón discards to vote Pedro Sánchez and suggest "an independent, above parties"" (in Spanish). El Diario. 22 December 2015.
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(help) - "The PSOE will vote "no" to Rajoy's investiture and doesn't forsee abstention" (in Spanish). El Diario. 22 December 2015.
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(help) - "The 'old guard' and party regional leaders hold back Sánchez for a pact with Podemos" (in Spanish). La Información. 21 December 2015.
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(help) - "Susana Diaz maneuvers to avoid a pact with Podemos and to remove Sánchez" (in Spanish). El Español. 22 December 2015.
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(help) - "Citizens wants a PP minority government" (in Spanish). El Periódico. 22 December 2015.
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(help) - "Rajoy will propose today to the PSOE a reform of the Constitution and to preside the Congress" (in Spanish). El País. 22 December 2015.
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(help) - "PSOE regional leaders have decided for a conference in March with Susana Díaz as candidate to Prime Minister" (in Spanish). El Confidencial Digital. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - "Rajoy will propose today to the PSOE a reform of the Constitution and to preside the Congress" (in Spanish). El País. 22 December 2015.
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(help) - "Sánchez goes to Moncloa saying "no" to supporting Rajoy's investiture" (in Spanish). El País. 23 December 2015.
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(help) - "Rivera offers PP and PSOE a pact of reforms for the legislature" (in Spanish). El País. 23 December 2015.
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(help) - "PSOE regional leaders unite against Sánchez to limit his pacting power" (in Spanish). El País. 24 December 2015.
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(help) - "Pedro Sánchez will not try to be Prime Minister 'at any price' if Rajoy fails" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - ""Counts do not add up for a majority," claims a regional leader PSOE" (in Spanish). El País. 27 December 2015.
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(help) - "Susana Díaz rejects Sánchez's idea to delay the PSOE congress" (in Spanish). ABC. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - "The main regional leaders want to renew the PSOE leadership in February" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - "PSOE regional leaders demand an immediate conference to discuss Pedro Sánchez's leadership" (in Spanish). El Diario. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - "Pedro Sánchez and Susana Díaz move towards a train crash" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 27 December 2015.
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(help) - "PSOE regional leaders want a new election without Sánchez" (in Spanish). El Español. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - "PSOE divides because of the attempts of a sector to remove Sánchez" (in Spanish). El País. 29 December 2015.
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(help) - "if a new election is held the PSOE must analyze a change of candidate" (in Spanish). Las Provincias. 24 December 2015.
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(help) - "Emiliano García-Page: "No one disputes Susana Diaz' abilities to be Prime Minister"" (in Spanish). El Economista. 31 December 2015.
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(help) - "Susana Diaz reveals her national interests with an electioneering speech" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 31 December 2015.
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(help) - "They don't let Pedro" (in Spanish). El Huffington Post. 23 December 2015.
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(help) - "PP, Podemos and Citizens take advantage of the PSOE crisis to press Pedro Sánchez" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - "Iglesias waves the phantom of a "three-way grand coalition" after meeting Rajoy" (in Spanish). El País. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - "Rivera: "We face the need for the PSOE to move"" (in Spanish). El País. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - "The PP uses the PSOE rebellion to raise the pressure on Sánchez" (in Spanish). El País. 28 December 2015.
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(help) - "Guindos shows preference to a coalition government of PP, PSOE and Citizens" (in Spanish). La Vanguardia. 1 January 2016.
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(help) - "PP and Podemos would be the main beneficiaries should the election be repeated" (in Spanish). La Información. 2 January 2016.
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(help) - "PSOE regional leaders take for granted a repetition of elections" (in Spanish). El País. 2 January 2016.
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(help) - "PSOE heavyweights ask for Susana Díaz to replace Pedro Sánchez now" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 2 January 2016.
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(help) - "Pedro Sánchez, cornered by Susana Diaz, the regional leaders, the party's old guard and the PSM" (in Spanish). La Información. 2 January 2016.
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(help) - "PSOE answers Rajoy with a "definitive no" to investiture" (in Spanish). El Pais. 5 January 2016.
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