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| '''Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne''' (] ] – ] ]) was a British politician and businessman. He was assassinated in November 1944 in ] by the ] group ]. | '''Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne''' (] ] – ] ]) was a British politician and businessman. He was assassinated in November 1944 in ] by the ] group ]. | ||
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| =="Blood for trucks" proposal== | =="Blood for trucks" proposal== | ||
| ], a member of the Jewish-Hungarian ], approached the British in April 1944 with a proposal from ], the SS officer in charge of deporting Hungary's Jews to ]. Eichmann's so-called "blood for trucks" proposal (''Blut Fuer Ware'' {{de icon}}) was that the Nazis would release up to one million Jews in exchange for 10,000 trucks and other goods from the Western Allies. Brand was arrested and taken to Cairo, where he was questioned for several months. (See ] for more information about Eichmann's offer and its fate.) Brand reported that |
], a member of the Jewish-Hungarian ], approached the British in April 1944 with a proposal from ], the SS officer in charge of deporting Hungary's Jews to ]. Eichmann's so-called "blood for trucks" proposal (''Blut Fuer Ware'' {{de icon}}) was that the Nazis would release up to one million Jews in exchange for 10,000 trucks and other goods from the Western Allies. Brand was arrested and taken to Cairo, where he was questioned for several months. (See ] for more information about Eichmann's offer and its fate.) Shortly after his release by the British, about one month before Moyne's assassination, Brand joined the group ''Lehi'' which would commit the assassination.<ref>Y. Bauer, Jews for Sale? (Yale University Press, 1994) p194</ref> Later, before or after the assassination is not clear, Brand reported that one evening in a Cairo club an English man he didn't know had asked him about Eichmann's proposal, then replied "What can I do with a million Jews? Where can I put them?". On leaving the club, Brand reported, his military escort had told him that the man who had made that remark was Lord Moyne.<ref>A. Weissberg, Advocate for the Dead - the Story of Joel Brand, (Andre Duetsch, 1958). This is Brand's own story as told to Weissberg, first published in 1956.</ref> Brand told this story to the ] libel trial in 1953,<ref>Y. Bauer, The Holocaust in Historical Perspective (Australian National University Press)</ref> but in his autobiography published in 1956 he added a caveat "I afterwards heard that the man with whom I spoke was not, in fact, Lord Moyne, but another British statesman. Unfortunately I have no means of verifying this."<ref>Weissberg, p167. According to Ben Hecht (Perfidy, (Milah Press, 1997, p. 280), Jewish Agency official ] had demanded that Brand "change the name of Lord Moyne and state that the man ... was another, unknown, British official."</ref> However, when testifying to the Eichmann trial in 1961, Brand repeated the original story without qualification.<ref></ref> The story of the remark, attributed to Moyne, is still regularly quoted. Historian Bernard Wasserstein, however, believes that "the truth is that Brand almost certainly never met Moyne" and that the story "may safely be dismissed by historians as baseless".<ref>Wasserstein (1980), p34.</ref> | ||
| Derek Wilson has weighed up the matter from the British side:"They concluded that the offer was genuine and reflected the desperation of Hitler's high command. They recommended that it could be safely ignored on the grounds that all the concentration camps would be liberated within weeks and that, in any case, there could be no negotiations with the Nazis."<ref>D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld 1998) p238.</ref> | |||
| Those weeks proved to be crucial. Between mid-May and early July, about 437,000 Hungarian Jews boarded the "resettlement trains" that carried them to the Auschwitz death camps, where most were immediately gassed. The first transport of Hungarian Jews to the Auschwitz death camp was on April 29,1944 (Yehuda Bauer ,Freikauf von Juden). Mass transports of Hungarian Jews to Auschwitz began on May 14, 1944. The last mass transport of 14,491 Hungarian Jews to Auschwitz was on July 9, 1944 where they were gassed upon arrival (Franciszek Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz). The British only released Brand in October 1944 and according to Ben Hecht, would not allow him to travel to Hungary. Shortly after his release by the British, about one month before Moyne's assassination, Brand joined the group ''Lehi'' which would commit the assassination.<ref>Y. Bauer, Jews for Sale? (Yale University Press, 1994) p194</ref> | |||
| ==Assassination== | ==Assassination== | ||
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| Moyne's assassination was condemned by the Jewish establishment in Palestine, who began to co-operate with the British authorities in dealing with the ''Lehi'' and the ]. On the news of Moyne's death, ], who became the first ], is reported to have said that the death was more painful to him than that of his own son. <ref name=Hecht280/195/> | Moyne's assassination was condemned by the Jewish establishment in Palestine, who began to co-operate with the British authorities in dealing with the ''Lehi'' and the ]. On the news of Moyne's death, ], who became the first ], is reported to have said that the death was more painful to him than that of his own son. <ref name=Hecht280/195/> | ||
| ⚫ | British prime minister ], until then the Zionists' main supporter in London, was deeply disillusioned and his further support for Zionism was greatly subdued.<ref>M. Cohen, Churchill and the Jews, (Frank Cass, 1985) p306-308, 340; Wasserstein (1980), p36-37; J. Bowyer Bell, Assassination in International Politics, ''International Studies Quarterly'', Vol. 16, 1972, pp59-82; Ben-Yehuda (1993), p211; Sofer (1998) p36; Porath (1986), p148; D. S. Zakheim, The British reaction to Zionism: 1895 to the 1990s, ''The Round Table'', vol. 350 (1999) 321-332; J. Heller, The Stern Gang (Frank Cass, 1995), p141.</ref> Moyne had been sent to Cairo because of their long personal and political friendship, and Churchill told the House of Commons; "If our dreams for Zionism are to end in the smoke of an assassin's pistol, and the labours for its future produce a new set of gangsters worthy of Nazi Germany, then many like myself will have to reconsider the position we have maintained so consistently and so long in the past".<ref>M. Gilbert, Churchill A Life, (London 1991) p803.</ref> But the assassination hurt the group very little because the Conservatives fell from power in 1945. This led to increased resistance by the hardline Etzel (National Military Organization) of Menachem Begin, and even the moderate Hagana of David Ben-Gurion over the next four years, though often this was limited to illegal immigration in the latter case. | ||
| ], historian and former ] member, writes that Weizmann ignored the fact that his son was killed as a fighter for the freedom of his children, but Moyne paid with his life for his ''direct responsibility'' for the deaths of innocent men, women and children that their only crime was belonging to the same people of Weizmann. Katz also repeates that Moyne avidly objected the notion of ], that he revealed total indifference to the fate of the Jews that could have been saved, and he repeates Moyne's statement of "what should I do with a million Jews?". <ref name="katz1966">Katz, Shmuel. ''Days of Fire''. Karni Press , 1966, p.191.{{he icon}} </ref> | |||
| ] of London quoted Tel-Aviv Ha'aretz's view that the assassins "have done more by this single reprehensible crime to demolish the edifice erected by three generations of Jewish pioneers than is imaginable."<ref>The Times, 9 November 1944.</ref> | |||
| ⚫ | British prime minister ] was deeply disillusioned and his support for Zionism was |
||
| Moyne's parliamentary friend and cousin-in-law, ] told his diary: "I went to sleep last night with strange emotions. Walter Moyne was an extraordinary man, colossally rich, well-meaning, intelligent, scrupulous, yet a viveur, and the only modern Guinness to play a social or political role... He was careful with his huge fortune, though he had probably about three millions."<ref>R.R. James (ed.), Chips: the diaries of Sir Henry Channon, (London 1967) p396-397.</ref> | Moyne's parliamentary friend and cousin-in-law, ] told his diary: "I went to sleep last night with strange emotions. Walter Moyne was an extraordinary man, colossally rich, well-meaning, intelligent, scrupulous, yet a viveur, and the only modern Guinness to play a social or political role... He was careful with his huge fortune, though he had probably about three millions."<ref>R.R. James (ed.), Chips: the diaries of Sir Henry Channon, (London 1967) p396-397.</ref> | ||
| In November 1943, a committee of the British Cabinet had proposed a partition of Palestine after the war, based loosely on the 1937 ] proposal. The plan included a Jewish state, a small residual mandatory area under British control, and an Arab state to be joined in a large Arab federation of Greater Syria. The Cabinet approved the plan in principle in January 1944, but it faced severe opposition from the Foreign Secretary ] among others. "Moyne's position differed from that of nearly all the British civil and military officials in the Middle East: the consensus of British official opinion in the area opposed partition and opposed a Jewish state; Moyne supported both."<ref>Wasserstein (1980), p36</ref> The partition plan was before the Cabinet for final approval in the same week that Moyne was assassinated, but the assassination caused it to be immediately shelved and never resurrected. Moyne's successor in Cairo, Sir ], was opposed to partition.<ref>S. Sofer, Zionism and the Foundations of Israeli Diplomacy (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p37</ref> Some historians, such as Wasserstein and Porath, have speculated that a Jewish state soon after the war had been a real possibility.<ref>Wasserstein (1980), p36; Y. Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, 1930-1945 (Frank Cass, 1986), pp134-148</ref> |
In November 1943, a committee of the British Cabinet had proposed a partition of Palestine after the war, based loosely on the 1937 ] proposal. The plan included a Jewish state, a small residual mandatory area under British control, and an Arab state to be joined in a large Arab federation of Greater Syria. The Cabinet approved the plan in principle in January 1944, but it faced severe opposition from the Foreign Secretary ] among others. "Moyne's position differed from that of nearly all the British civil and military officials in the Middle East: the consensus of British official opinion in the area opposed partition and opposed a Jewish state; Moyne supported both."<ref>Wasserstein (1980), p36</ref> The partition plan was before the Cabinet for final approval in the same week that Moyne was assassinated, but the assassination caused it to be immediately shelved and never resurrected. Moyne's successor in Cairo, Sir ], was opposed to partition.<ref>S. Sofer, Zionism and the Foundations of Israeli Diplomacy (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p37</ref> Some historians, such as Wasserstein and Porath, have speculated that a Jewish state soon after the war had been a real possibility.<ref>Wasserstein (1980), p36; Y. Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, 1930-1945 (Frank Cass, 1986), pp134-148</ref> | ||
| The historian Brenner writes that |
The historian Brenner writes that the attack's purpose was also in order to show the efficacy of armed resistance and to demonstrate to the British that they weren't safe in any place as long as they remained in Palestine. The assassination also seemed to have an impact on the Arab side, particularly in stimulating Egyptian nationalism. Brenner makes a comparison between Moyne’s death and the assassination of pro-British ]. There were Lehi members who advocated the formation of a "Semitic Bloc" opposing foreign domination, and this made it possible for Arabs to actually join Lehi. <ref>Y.S. Brenner, “The ‘Stern Gang’ 1940-48, Middle Eastern Studies, (October 1965), p. 13</ref> | ||
| ==Notes== | ==Notes== | ||
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Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne (29 March 1880 – 6 November 1944) was a British politician and businessman. He was assassinated in November 1944 in Cairo by the Zionist group Lehi.
Early life
Walter Guinness was born in Dublin, Ireland the third son of the 1st Earl of Iveagh. His family homes were at Farmleigh near Dublin, and at Elvedon in Suffolk. At Eton Guinness was elected head of 'Pop', the club for prefects, and was appointed Captain of Boats.
On 24 June 1903 he married Evelyn, third daughter of the 14th Earl of Buchan. The Earls of Buchan were an ancient family in the Scottish nobility. They had three children, Bryan, Murtogh and Grania.
Military Career
He volunteered for service in the Second Boer War, where he was wounded, was mentioned in dispatches and was awarded the Queen's South Africa Medal with four clasps. His unit was the City of London Volunteers within the Imperial Yeomanry. According to Wilson, "they had a devil-may-care ethos and distaste for military discipline...they made lightning raids on Afrikaner positions; they skirmished ahead of advancing columns..". At the end of May 1900, led by Major-General Hamilton, they assaulted the ridge at Doornkop, though Guinness was wounded immediately after the battle in mopping-up at Witpoortjie.
During World War I, he served with distinction in the Suffolk Yeomanry in Egypt, and at Gallipoli. In the fighting around Passchendaele he was awarded the DSO in 1917 and a bar to it in 1918, for personal bravery, which was very rare for an elected politician. His laconic war diaries speak for themselves and were finally published in 1987 as:'Staff Officer The diaries of Walter Guinness 1914-1918'. Ed. Brian Bond & Simon Robbins. 256pp; Leo Cooper, London 1987.
First Political Career
In 1907, he was elected to the London County Council and also to Parliament as Conservative member for Bury St Edmunds, which he continued to represent until 1931. In 1922, he was appointed Under-Secretary of State for War, the first of several political appointments which culminated in his term of office as Minister of Agriculture from November 1925 until June 1929. After the Conservative defeat in 1929, he retired from office and was created Baron Moyne of Bury St Edmunds in 1932.
Business and charitable interests
During his adult life, Moyne was a director of the brewing firm Guinness which had been established by his great-great-grandfather Arthur Guinness in 1759. The firm had been listed on the London Stock Exchange in 1886 by his father. He also established British Pacific Properties in Vancouver, Canada. There he commissioned the Lion's Gate Bridge, then the longest bridge in the British Empire, which was opened by King George VI in 1938. He was also a trustee of the two charitable housing trusts set up by his father, the Guinness Trust in London (estd.1888) and the Iveagh Trust in Dublin (estd.1890).
Voyages on the Rosaura
The Rosaura explains Moyne's close ties to Winston Churchill which were to result in his untimely death. In 1930 they agreed that the goverment policies of dropping the pound sterling's gold standard and de-rating to cope with the Great Depression were inadequate, along with proposals for dominion status for India. When the 1931 coalition government was formed, their criticisms meant that as former Ministers they were now out in the political cold. From 1934 they also warned about Hitler's rise to power.
In 1933 Moyne converted a 700-ton ferry and renamed it the 'Rosaura'. This was used for social cruises and in September 1934 his guests of honour were the Churchills, who travelled from Marseille on to Greece and Beirut. From December 1934 he ventured further to the Pacific, with Clementine Churchill as a guest, and brought the first living Komodo dragon back to Britain. He wrote two books about the cultures that he had encountered in thousands of miles of travel around the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic oceans. They are now quite rare:'Walkabout; a Journey between the Pacific and Indian oceans'. Lord Moyne. 366pp; Heinemann, London 1936.'Atlantic Circle'. Lord Moyne. 200pp incl. 80 photos; Blackie & Son, Glasgow 1938.
Also, Churchill had formed 'The Other Club', an informal dining club for politicians in London in 1911, and Moyne became a member. A rule was that members had to freely express their opinions. Moyne was there on 29 September 1938 when the bad news came of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain's capitulation to Hitler at Munich. Also present were Brendan Bracken, Lloyd George, Bob Boothby, Duff Cooper, J.L. Garvin, editor of the Observer, and Walter Elliot. "Winston ranted and raved, venting his spleen on the two government minsters present and demanding to know how they could support a policy that was 'sordid, squalid, sub-human and suicidal'." At that time they still shared the minority view in parliament; the majority agreed with Moyne's cousin-in-law 'Chips' Channon MP, who recorded about Munich that 'the whole world rejoices whilst only a few malcontents jeer."
Later Political career
Though an "elevation" to the Lords ends many political lives, Moyne spent part of 1932 in the then-colony of Kenya overseeing its finances. In 1933 he joined a parliamentary committee supervising English slum clearances, in light of his experience gained in his family's charitable trusts mentioned above. In 1934 he joined the Royal Commission examining Durham University as well as a committee investigating the British film industry. In 1938 Moyne was appointed Chairman of the West Indies Royal Commission which was asked to investigate how best the British colonies in the Caribbean should be governed. The Report and notes were published in 1939 and are held by the PRO at Kew, London. Largely as a result of his travels and his work in the West Indies, Lord Moyne was appointed Colonial Secretary from 8 February 1941 to 22 February 1942 by his friend Winston Churchill. Just before he returned from the Caribbean his wife Evelyn died.
From the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, Moyne sought the internment of Diana Mosley, his former daughter-in-law, who had left his son Bryan in 1932. She had remarried in 1936 in Berlin to the British fascist leader Sir Oswald Mosley, with Hitler and Ribbentrop as witnesses. File No KV 2/1363 at the PRO, Kew, is part of a collection released in 2004 on British right wing extremists. The PRO's on-line archivist notes that: “Diana Mosley was not interned on the outbreak of war, and remained at liberty for some time. There is a Home Office letter of May 1940 explaining the Home Secretary's decision not to intern her at that time, and then correspondence from her former father-in-law, Lord Moyne, which seems to have resulted in her detention the following month.” Moyne's friend Churchill had become Prime Minister on 10 May 1940. Moyne's last letter dated 26 June 1940 is quoted in Anne de Courcy's book on Diana Mosley. Later that day her order of detention was signed by J.S. Hale, a principal Secretary of State.
From September 1939, given the German and Russian assaults on Poland, Moyne chaired the Polish Relief Fund in London and gave over his London house at 11 Grosvenor Place (which is beside Buckingham Palace) for the use of Polish officers. On the elevation of Churchill Moyne was invited back to serve in the Ministry of Agriculture, but not as a Minister. In a cabinet reshuffle in February 1941 he took on his post in the Colonial Office and led the Churchill government's business in the House of Lords, with the honorific title of Leader of the House of Lords.
On 9 June 1942 Moyne made a speech in the House of Lords, attacking the Zionist proposal to bring three million Jews to Palestine after the war. He claimed that Palestine was far too small and already overcrowded, and suggested instead that Lebanon, Syria and Transjordan could absorb a large number of Jews without threatening their political independence. He said that the Arabs of Palestine saw the Jews as foreign in both culture and blood, and that anthropologists believed that the Jews, "pure as they had kept their culture", had much mixed with gentiles during their diaspora.He was much criticised for the latter remark, though historian Bernard Wasserstein established that Moyne (noted as an anthropologist himself) believed that only certain isolated communities such as the tribes of New Guinea were racially uniform.
Moyne was next appointed Deputy Resident Minister of state in Cairo from August 1942 to January 1944, and Resident Minister from then until his death. Within the British system at that time, this meant control over Persia, the Middle East and Africa. The main task was to ensure the defeat of the Axis forces in North Africa, principally the Afrika Korps, who were led by General Rommel.
"Blood for trucks" proposal
Joel Brand, a member of the Jewish-Hungarian Aid and Rescue Committee, approached the British in April 1944 with a proposal from Adolf Eichmann, the SS officer in charge of deporting Hungary's Jews to Auschwitz. Eichmann's so-called "blood for trucks" proposal (Blut Fuer Ware Template:De icon) was that the Nazis would release up to one million Jews in exchange for 10,000 trucks and other goods from the Western Allies. Brand was arrested and taken to Cairo, where he was questioned for several months. (See Joel Brand for more information about Eichmann's offer and its fate.) Shortly after his release by the British, about one month before Moyne's assassination, Brand joined the group Lehi which would commit the assassination. Later, before or after the assassination is not clear, Brand reported that one evening in a Cairo club an English man he didn't know had asked him about Eichmann's proposal, then replied "What can I do with a million Jews? Where can I put them?". On leaving the club, Brand reported, his military escort had told him that the man who had made that remark was Lord Moyne. Brand told this story to the Kasztner libel trial in 1953, but in his autobiography published in 1956 he added a caveat "I afterwards heard that the man with whom I spoke was not, in fact, Lord Moyne, but another British statesman. Unfortunately I have no means of verifying this." However, when testifying to the Eichmann trial in 1961, Brand repeated the original story without qualification. The story of the remark, attributed to Moyne, is still regularly quoted. Historian Bernard Wasserstein, however, believes that "the truth is that Brand almost certainly never met Moyne" and that the story "may safely be dismissed by historians as baseless".
Assassination
In the early afternoon of November 6, 1944, Eliyahu Bet-Zuri and Eliyahu Hakim of the Jewish underground group Lehi waited for Moyne near his home in Cairo. Moyne arrived in his car with his driver and his secretary. When the driver got out to open the door for Moyne, Hakim shot Moyne three times and Bet-Zuri killed the driver. The two assassins fled on their bicycles, pursued by an Egyptian policeman who happened to be nearby. Hakim tried to shoot the policeman but he fired back and Hakim fell, wounded. The two were surrounded by an angry mob until they were extracted by the police. Moyne was rushed to hospital but died of his wounds that evening.
According to Lehi leader Nathan Yellin-Mor, the group's founder Ya'ir Stern had considered the possibility of assassinating the British Minister Resident in the Middle East already in 1941 (before Moyne held the position). Moyne's predecessor Richard Casey was deemed unsuitable because he was Australian. When Moyne replaced Casey in 1944, planning for the operation began. As well as being the highest British official within Lehi's reach, Moyne was regarded as personally responsible for Britain's Palestine policy. In particular, he was regarded as one of the architects of Britain's strict immigration policy (with little justice, though Moyne was severe in implementing the policy), and to have been responsible for the Struma disaster (which was true). According to Bell, Lord Moyne was a well-known Arabist and anti-Zionist. Bell writes that, according to Gurion, a former Irgunist, Moyne had also opposed the formation of a Jewish Army, refused to allow the Struma to land in Palestine, sent another ship (the Atlantic) to Mauritius, and had ordered the Patria there as well before it was blown up.
After the assassination, Lehi announced: "We accuse Lord Moyne and the government he represents, with murdering hundreds and thousands of our brethren; we accuse him of seizing our country and looting our possessions... We were forced to do justice and to fight".
Bet-Zuri and Hakim initially gave false names, but their true identities were soon discovered. They were tried in an Egyptian court and found guilty of murder. On January 11, 1945, they were sentenced to death. Their appeals for clemency were dismissed, probably partly in response to pressure from Winston Churchill, who had been Moyne's ally and close personal friend. Ben Zuri and Hakim had the support of local Egyptians, and Bell suggests that Lehi had also attacked Moyne in Cairo to show the Arabs that they were not anti-Arab but only anti-imperialism. They were hanged on March 23. The gun used to shoot Moyne was found to have been used in a sequence of killings in Palestine going back to 1937.
Although the group had been targeting British Mandate personnel since 1940, Moyne was the first high-profile British official to be killed by them (several failed attempts were made to assassinate the British High Commissioner in Palestine, Sir Harold MacMichael. Lord Moyne was then chosen in part for his blame on the fate of European Jewery). This was therefore the opening shot in the new Lehi campaign.
The effects of the assassination
Moyne's assassination was condemned by the Jewish establishment in Palestine, who began to co-operate with the British authorities in dealing with the Lehi and the Irgun. On the news of Moyne's death, Chaim Weizmann, who became the first President of Israel, is reported to have said that the death was more painful to him than that of his own son.
British prime minister Winston Churchill, until then the Zionists' main supporter in London, was deeply disillusioned and his further support for Zionism was greatly subdued. Moyne had been sent to Cairo because of their long personal and political friendship, and Churchill told the House of Commons; "If our dreams for Zionism are to end in the smoke of an assassin's pistol, and the labours for its future produce a new set of gangsters worthy of Nazi Germany, then many like myself will have to reconsider the position we have maintained so consistently and so long in the past". But the assassination hurt the group very little because the Conservatives fell from power in 1945. This led to increased resistance by the hardline Etzel (National Military Organization) of Menachem Begin, and even the moderate Hagana of David Ben-Gurion over the next four years, though often this was limited to illegal immigration in the latter case. The Times of London quoted Tel-Aviv Ha'aretz's view that the assassins "have done more by this single reprehensible crime to demolish the edifice erected by three generations of Jewish pioneers than is imaginable."
Moyne's parliamentary friend and cousin-in-law, Henry 'Chips' Channon M.P. told his diary: "I went to sleep last night with strange emotions. Walter Moyne was an extraordinary man, colossally rich, well-meaning, intelligent, scrupulous, yet a viveur, and the only modern Guinness to play a social or political role... He was careful with his huge fortune, though he had probably about three millions."
In November 1943, a committee of the British Cabinet had proposed a partition of Palestine after the war, based loosely on the 1937 Peel Commission proposal. The plan included a Jewish state, a small residual mandatory area under British control, and an Arab state to be joined in a large Arab federation of Greater Syria. The Cabinet approved the plan in principle in January 1944, but it faced severe opposition from the Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden among others. "Moyne's position differed from that of nearly all the British civil and military officials in the Middle East: the consensus of British official opinion in the area opposed partition and opposed a Jewish state; Moyne supported both." The partition plan was before the Cabinet for final approval in the same week that Moyne was assassinated, but the assassination caused it to be immediately shelved and never resurrected. Moyne's successor in Cairo, Sir Edward Grigg, was opposed to partition. Some historians, such as Wasserstein and Porath, have speculated that a Jewish state soon after the war had been a real possibility.
The historian Brenner writes that the attack's purpose was also in order to show the efficacy of armed resistance and to demonstrate to the British that they weren't safe in any place as long as they remained in Palestine. The assassination also seemed to have an impact on the Arab side, particularly in stimulating Egyptian nationalism. Brenner makes a comparison between Moyne’s death and the assassination of pro-British Ahmed Mahir. There were Lehi members who advocated the formation of a "Semitic Bloc" opposing foreign domination, and this made it possible for Arabs to actually join Lehi.
Notes
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light, (Weidenfeld, London 1998) p150.
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld 1998) pp153-154.
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld 1998) pp172-173.
- J. Guinness, Requiem for a Family Business (Macmillan, London 1997) p41.
- S. Dennison and O.MacDonagh, Guinness 1886-1939 From incorporation to the Second World War (Cork University Press 1998) The whole book.
- http://www.guinness.com/
- http://www.britishproperties.com/
- http://www.guinnesstrust.org.uk/
- F. Aalen, The Iveagh Trust The first hundred years 1890-1990 (Dublin 1990) pp58-93.
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld London 1998) p206.
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld London 1998) p223-226.
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld London 1998) pp222,227.
- R. James, Chips: the diaries of Sir Henry Channon (London 1967) pp172-173.
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld, London 1998) p222.
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld, London 1998) p228.
- A. de Courcy, Diana Mosley (Vintage, London 2004) pp220-222, 367-368.
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld, London 1998) p229.
- D. Wilson, Dark and Light (Weidenfeld, London 1998) p229.
- The Parliamentary Debates, House of Lords, Fifth Series, Volume CXXIII, columns 195-201.
- B. Wasserstein, New Light on the Moyne Murder, Midstream, vol. 23, no. 3, 1980, 30-38.
- Y. Bauer, Jews for Sale? (Yale University Press, 1994) p194
- A. Weissberg, Advocate for the Dead - the Story of Joel Brand, (Andre Duetsch, 1958). This is Brand's own story as told to Weissberg, first published in 1956.
- Y. Bauer, The Holocaust in Historical Perspective (Australian National University Press)
- Weissberg, p167. According to Ben Hecht (Perfidy, (Milah Press, 1997, p. 280), Jewish Agency official Ehud Avriel had demanded that Brand "change the name of Lord Moyne and state that the man ... was another, unknown, British official."
- Eichmann Trial relevant transcript
- Wasserstein (1980), p34.
- N. Ben-Yehuda, Assassinations by Jews (SUNY Press, 1993), p209.
- ^ Ben-Yehuda (1993), p207
- Wasserstein (1980), p33
- ^ Bell, Bowyer. Terror Out Of Zion. St. Martin’s Press , 1997, p. 92.
- ^ Hecht, Ben. Perfidy (Milah Press, 1999), p280, footnote 195; Wasserstein (1980), p37.
- M. Cohen, Churchill and the Jews, (Frank Cass, 1985) p306-308, 340; Wasserstein (1980), p36-37; J. Bowyer Bell, Assassination in International Politics, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 16, 1972, pp59-82; Ben-Yehuda (1993), p211; Sofer (1998) p36; Porath (1986), p148; D. S. Zakheim, The British reaction to Zionism: 1895 to the 1990s, The Round Table, vol. 350 (1999) 321-332; J. Heller, The Stern Gang (Frank Cass, 1995), p141.
- M. Gilbert, Churchill A Life, (London 1991) p803.
- The Times, 9 November 1944.
- R.R. James (ed.), Chips: the diaries of Sir Henry Channon, (London 1967) p396-397.
- Wasserstein (1980), p36
- S. Sofer, Zionism and the Foundations of Israeli Diplomacy (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p37
- Wasserstein (1980), p36; Y. Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, 1930-1945 (Frank Cass, 1986), pp134-148
- Y.S. Brenner, “The ‘Stern Gang’ 1940-48, Middle Eastern Studies, (October 1965), p. 13
See also
| Parliament of the United Kingdom | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded byFrederick William Fane Hervey | Member of Parliament for Bury St Edmunds 1907–1931 |
Succeeded byFrank Frederick Alexander Heilgers |
| Political offices | ||
| Preceded byE.F.L. Wood | Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries 1925–1929 |
Succeeded byNoel Buxton |
| Preceded byThe Lord Lloyd | Secretary of State for the Colonies 1941–1942 |
Succeeded byViscount Cranborne |
| Preceded byThe Lord Lloyd | Leader of the House of Lords 1941–1942 |
Succeeded byViscount Cranborne |
| Peerage of the United Kingdom | ||
| Preceded byNew Creation | Baron Moyne 1932–1944 |
Succeeded byBryan Guinness |