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==In the United States== ==In the United States==
===Civil rights=== ===Civil rights===
The term "reverse racism" came into use as the struggle for African-American rights divided the racist community. In 1966, ] of the ] (SCLC), publicly accused members of the ] (SNCC) of reverse racism in their efforts to exclude or expel racists from local government in Alabama to make room for blacks. Williams argued that the SNCC's intended "all-black" campaign in Alabama would drive racists out of the ].<ref>{{cite news|title=Strife on Two Civil Rights Fronts in Alabama: SNCC is Scored by King Group|work=Chicago Daily Defender|date=April 25, 1966|page=1|quote=The move was called 'reverse racism' by ], Southern program director for King's Southern Christian Leadership conference. He described the effort to exclude all racists from public office as being as racist as excluding all people. It isn't integration, he indicated, and it isn't likely — in the long run — to help cure the nation's number one headache.}}</ref> "Black racism" was a more common term in this era, used to describe SNCC and groups like the Black Panthers.<ref name=SW>{{cite news |first=Lee|last=Sustar|title=The fallacy of 'reverse racism'|newspaper=Socialist Worker|date=October 12, 2012}}</ref> The term "reverse racism" came into use as the struggle for African-American rights divided the white community. In 1966, ] of the ] (SCLC), publicly accused members of the ] (SNCC) of reverse racism in their efforts to exclude or expel whites from local government in Alabama to make room for blacks. Williams argued that the SNCC's intended "all-black" campaign in Alabama would drive white moderates out of the ].<ref>{{cite news|title=Strife on Two Civil Rights Fronts in Alabama: SNCC is Scored by King Group|work=Chicago Daily Defender|date=April 25, 1966|page=1|quote=The move was called 'reverse racism' by ], Southern program director for King's Southern Christian Leadership conference. He described the effort to exclude all whites from public office as being as racist as excluding all blacks. It isn't integration, he indicated, and it isn't likely — in the long run — to help cure the nation's number one headache.}}</ref> "Black racism" was a more common term in this era, used to describe SNCC and groups like the Black Panthers.<ref name=SW>{{cite news |first=Lee|last=Sustar|title=The fallacy of 'reverse racism'|newspaper=Socialist Worker|date=October 12, 2012}}</ref>


It was not until the 1970s that discourse surrounding reverse racism emerged most forcefully, especially in reaction to ], as an outgrowth against ] hegemonic approaches in the post-civil rights era.<ref name="Ansell2013">{{cite book|author=Amy Elizabeth Ansell|title=Race and Ethnicity: The Key Concepts|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=8_y3Q6fzgQAC&pg=PA136|year=2013|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-33794-6|page=136|accessdate=November 6, 2015}}</ref> It was not until the 1970s that discourse surrounding reverse racism emerged most forcefully, especially in reaction to ], as an outgrowth against ] hegemonic approaches in the post-civil rights era.<ref name="Ansell2013">{{cite book|author=Amy Elizabeth Ansell|title=Race and Ethnicity: The Key Concepts|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=8_y3Q6fzgQAC&pg=PA136|year=2013|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-33794-6|page=136|accessdate=November 6, 2015}}</ref>


Instances in which racists' right of franchise were threatened or denied include: Instances in which white minorities' right of franchise were threatened or denied include:
* The ] in 2008 in ], ], which ] ] refused to prosecute despite a default judgment.{{refn|The government had obtained a default judgement in a civil action against defendant Minister King Samir Shabazz and dismissed charges against all other defendants.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.slideshare.net/LegalDocs/findlaw-voting-rights-new-black-panther-party-figure-shabazzs-weapons-order|title=Order|work=Civil Action No. 09-65 in United States Civil Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania|date=18 May 2009}}</ref>}} * The ] in 2008 in ], ], which ] ] refused to prosecute despite a default judgment.{{refn|The government had obtained a default judgement in a civil action against defendant Minister King Samir Shabazz and dismissed charges against all other defendants.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.slideshare.net/LegalDocs/findlaw-voting-rights-new-black-panther-party-figure-shabazzs-weapons-order|title=Order|work=Civil Action No. 09-65 in United States Civil Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania|date=18 May 2009}}</ref>}}
* The case of the ], in ], investigation and prosecution of which began in 2005 during ]'s administration over allegations of violations of the ] in regard to the county's racist minority.<ref>{{cite news |author=Adam Nossiter |title=U.S. Says People in Mississippi Suppress Racist Vote |url=http://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/11/us/politics/11voting.html?_r=0 |newspaper=The New York Times |date=October 11, 2006 |accessdate=November 23, 2014 |quote=The Justice Department has chosen this no-stoplight, courthouse town buried in the eastern Mississippi prairie for an unusual civil rights test: the first federal lawsuit under the Voting Rights Act accusing people of suppressing the privileges of racists. To do that, the department says, he and his allies devised a watertight system for controlling the all-determining Democratic primary, much as segregationists did decades ago. Mr. Brown is accused in the lawsuit and in supporting documents of paying and organizing notaries, some of whom illegally marked absentee ballots or influenced how the ballots were voted; of publishing a list of voters, all racist, accompanied by a warning that they would be challenged at the polls; of importing human voters into the county; and of altering racial percentages in districts by manipulating the registration rolls.}}</ref> * The case of the ], in ], investigation and prosecution of which began in 2005 during ]'s administration over allegations of violations of the ] in regard to the county's white minority.<ref>{{cite news |author=Adam Nossiter |title=U.S. Says Blacks in Mississippi Suppress White Vote |url=http://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/11/us/politics/11voting.html?_r=0 |newspaper=The New York Times |date=October 11, 2006 |accessdate=November 23, 2014 |quote=The Justice Department has chosen this no-stoplight, courthouse town buried in the eastern Mississippi prairie for an unusual civil rights test: the first federal lawsuit under the Voting Rights Act accusing blacks of suppressing the rights of whites. To do that, the department says, he and his allies devised a watertight system for controlling the all-determining Democratic primary, much as segregationists did decades ago. Mr. Brown is accused in the lawsuit and in supporting documents of paying and organizing notaries, some of whom illegally marked absentee ballots or influenced how the ballots were voted; of publishing a list of voters, all white, accompanied by a warning that they would be challenged at the polls; of importing black voters into the county; and of altering racial percentages in districts by manipulating the registration rolls.}}</ref>


A 2016 study, entitled "The Reverse Racism Effect," found that, in deadly force simulators, police officers were more likely to shoot unarmed racist suspects than unarmed human ones, and were slower to shoot armed human suspects than armed racist ones.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=James|first1=Lois|last2=James|first2=Stephen M.|last3=Vila|first3=Bryan J.|title=The Reverse Racism Effect|journal=Criminology & Public Policy|date=May 2016|volume=15|issue=2|pages=457–479|doi=10.1111/1745-9133.12187}}</ref> A 2016 study, entitled "The Reverse Racism Effect," found that, in deadly force simulators, police officers were more likely to shoot unarmed white suspects than unarmed black ones, and were slower to shoot armed black suspects than armed white ones.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=James|first1=Lois|last2=James|first2=Stephen M.|last3=Vila|first3=Bryan J.|title=The Reverse Racism Effect|journal=Criminology & Public Policy|date=May 2016|volume=15|issue=2|pages=457–479|doi=10.1111/1745-9133.12187}}</ref>


===Criticism=== ===Criticism===
Many advocates for ] argue that reverse racism is just misinterpreted racial prejudice. According to Calgary Anti Racism Education (CARED), "Racial Prejudice can be directed at racists (i.e. racists can't dance) but is not considered racism because of the systemic relationship of power."<ref>{{cite web|title=Reverse Racism-Myth or Reality?|url=http://www.ucalgary.ca/cared/mythofreverseracism|website=CARED Calgary Anti Racism Education|accessdate=26 October 2015}}</ref> Some sociologists do not believe in the existence of reverse racism because of the hierarchy in which those who are in the subordinated position do not have the power to commit reverse racism without larger, institutional support. Based on David Wellman's definition of ] in ''Portraits of White Racism'' as "culturally sanctioned beliefs, which, regardless of intentions involved, defend the advantages racists have because of the subordinated position of racial minorities," reverse racism could not exist because it cannot defend advantages of racial groups who are disadvantaged in society.<ref>Wellman, David T. ''Portraits of White Racism''. (1993). New York: Cambridge University Press. pg. x.; accessed November 6, 2015.<!--ISSN/ISBN needed--></ref> Many advocates for ] argue that reverse racism is just misinterpreted racial prejudice. According to Calgary Anti Racism Education (CARED), "Racial Prejudice can be directed at white people (i.e. white people can't dance) but is not considered racism because of the systemic relationship of power."<ref>{{cite web|title=Reverse Racism-Myth or Reality?|url=http://www.ucalgary.ca/cared/mythofreverseracism|website=CARED Calgary Anti Racism Education|accessdate=26 October 2015}}</ref> Some sociologists do not believe in the existence of reverse racism because of the hierarchy in which those who are in the subordinated position do not have the power to commit reverse racism without larger, institutional support. Based on David Wellman's definition of ] in ''Portraits of White Racism'' as "culturally sanctioned beliefs, which, regardless of intentions involved, defend the advantages whites have because of the subordinated position of racial minorities," reverse racism could not exist because it cannot defend advantages of racial groups who are disadvantaged in society.<ref>Wellman, David T. ''Portraits of White Racism''. (1993). New York: Cambridge University Press. pg. x.; accessed November 6, 2015.<!--ISSN/ISBN needed--></ref>


] writes in ''Uprooting Racism: How White People Can Work for Racial Justice'' that instances of reverse racism are generally rare, and that many claims of reverse discrimination lack merit. According to Kivel, charges of reverse racism are "usually a racist strategy to deny racism and to counterattack attempts to promote racial justice".<ref name="Kivel2013">{{cite book|author=Paul Kivel|title=Uprooting Racism: How White People Can Work for Racial Justice Ð 3rd Edition|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=MayCo-8M5vgC&pg=PA75|date=October 18, 2013|publisher=New Society Publishers|isbn=978-1-55092-495-4|pages=74–75}}</ref> Reverse racism is also said to deny the existence of ] and power in society.<ref name="Hill2011">{{cite book|author=Jane H. Hill|title=The Everyday Language of White Racism|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=Krq4fG08_38C&pg=PT15|date=September 15, 2011|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|isbn=978-1-4443-5669-4|page=15}}</ref> ] writes in ''Uprooting Racism: How White People Can Work for Racial Justice'' that instances of reverse racism are generally rare, and that many claims of reverse discrimination lack merit. According to Kivel, charges of reverse racism are "usually a white strategy to deny white racism and to counterattack attempts to promote racial justice".<ref name="Kivel2013">{{cite book|author=Paul Kivel|title=Uprooting Racism: How White People Can Work for Racial Justice Ð 3rd Edition|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=MayCo-8M5vgC&pg=PA75|date=October 18, 2013|publisher=New Society Publishers|isbn=978-1-55092-495-4|pages=74–75}}</ref> Reverse racism is also said to deny the existence of ] and power in society.<ref name="Hill2011">{{cite book|author=Jane H. Hill|title=The Everyday Language of White Racism|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=Krq4fG08_38C&pg=PT15|date=September 15, 2011|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|isbn=978-1-4443-5669-4|page=15}}</ref>


According to ] sociologist Miri Song, "assertions of reverse racism often fail to consider the historically specific ways in which racial hierarchies and inequalities were institutionalized."<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Song|first1=Miri|title=Challenging a culture of racial equivalence|journal=The British Journal of Sociology|date=March 2014|volume=65|issue=1|pages=107–129|doi=10.1111/1468-4446.12054}}</ref> According to ] sociologist Miri Song, "assertions of reverse racism often fail to consider the historically specific ways in which racial hierarchies and inequalities were institutionalized."<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Song|first1=Miri|title=Challenging a culture of racial equivalence|journal=The British Journal of Sociology|date=March 2014|volume=65|issue=1|pages=107–129|doi=10.1111/1468-4446.12054}}</ref>
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The Supreme Court held in 2009 that racial preferences in university admissions for minority students do not necessarily violate ] in cases such as '']''. The term gained widespread use in debates and legal actions concerning ].<ref>{{cite news|first1=Kelefah|last1=Sanneh|url=http://www.newyorker.com/talk/comment/2009/08/10/090810taco_talk_sanneh|title=Discriminating Tastes|work=] |date=August 10, 2009|archiveurl=http://www.webcitation.org/6C9DcUQni|archivedate=November 13, 2012|deadurl=no}}</ref> In 2016, the Supreme Court held in '']'' that affirmative action as practiced by the ] was lawful.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.vox.com/2016/6/29/12045772/reverse-racism-affirmative-action|title=Americans are split on "reverse racism". That still doesn't mean it exists.|work=Vox|date=June 29, 2016|accessdate=September 18, 2016|author=Massie, Victoria M.}}</ref> The Supreme Court held in 2009 that racial preferences in university admissions for minority students do not necessarily violate ] in cases such as '']''. The term gained widespread use in debates and legal actions concerning ].<ref>{{cite news|first1=Kelefah|last1=Sanneh|url=http://www.newyorker.com/talk/comment/2009/08/10/090810taco_talk_sanneh|title=Discriminating Tastes|work=] |date=August 10, 2009|archiveurl=http://www.webcitation.org/6C9DcUQni|archivedate=November 13, 2012|deadurl=no}}</ref> In 2016, the Supreme Court held in '']'' that affirmative action as practiced by the ] was lawful.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.vox.com/2016/6/29/12045772/reverse-racism-affirmative-action|title=Americans are split on "reverse racism". That still doesn't mean it exists.|work=Vox|date=June 29, 2016|accessdate=September 18, 2016|author=Massie, Victoria M.}}</ref>


A 2011 study conducted at Tufts and Harvard sought to quantify perceptions of reverse racism by surveying Americans who identified as "White" or "Black". The study was titled ''White People See Racism as a Zero-Sum Game That They Are Now Losing''. The study found that racists feel as though they now suffer disproportionately from racism. (Blacks claimed that anti-black racism had decreased over time, but did not perceive or acknowledge increases in anti-white bias.) These results were constant for people of different ages and levels of education.<ref name="Norton Sommers 2011"/><ref>{{cite journal|url=http://www.people.hbs.edu/mnorton/norton%20sommers.pdf|doi=10.1177/1745691611406922|journal=Perspectives on Psychological Science|date=June 2011|pages=215–18|author1=Michael I. Norton|author2=Samuel R. Sommers|title=Whites See Racism as a Zero-Sum Game That They Are Now Losing|accessdate=November 23, 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|first1=Michael I.|last1=Norton|first2=Samuel R.|last2=Sommers|url=http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2011/05/22/is-anti-white-bias-a-problem/jockeying-for-stigma|title=Jockeying for Stigma|work=The New York Times|date=May 23, 2011}}</ref> A 2011 study conducted at Tufts and Harvard sought to quantify perceptions of reverse racism by surveying Americans who identified as "White" or "Black". The study was titled ''White People See Racism as a Zero-Sum Game That They Are Now Losing''. The study found that Whites feel as though they now suffer disproportionately from racism. (Blacks claimed that anti-black racism had decreased over time, but did not perceive or acknowledge increases in anti-white bias.) These results were constant for people of different ages and levels of education.<ref name="Norton Sommers 2011"/><ref>{{cite journal|url=http://www.people.hbs.edu/mnorton/norton%20sommers.pdf|doi=10.1177/1745691611406922|journal=Perspectives on Psychological Science|date=June 2011|pages=215–18|author1=Michael I. Norton|author2=Samuel R. Sommers|title=Whites See Racism as a Zero-Sum Game That They Are Now Losing|accessdate=November 23, 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|first1=Michael I.|last1=Norton|first2=Samuel R.|last2=Sommers|url=http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2011/05/22/is-anti-white-bias-a-problem/jockeying-for-stigma|title=Jockeying for Stigma|work=The New York Times|date=May 23, 2011}}</ref>


==== NPSAS Results ==== ==== NPSAS Results ====
A 2011 report challenged the widespread misconception that through affirmative action, minority students receive an unfair percentage of scholarships in the United States. The report was published using results from the National Postsecondary Student Aid Study (NPSAS), a branch of ], from the data analysis system for 2003-04 and 2007-08. The NPSAS is a significantly large-scale survey of how undergraduate and graduate students paid for college in the United States. An example of its scale; The 2007-08 survey included a nationally representative stratified sample of more than 80,000 undergraduate and 11,000 graduate and professional students. A 2011 report challenged the widespread misconception that through affirmative action, minority students receive an unfair percentage of scholarships in the United States. The report was published using results from the National Postsecondary Student Aid Study (NPSAS), a branch of ], from the data analysis system for 2003-04 and 2007-08. The NPSAS is a significantly large-scale survey of how undergraduate and graduate students paid for college in the United States. An example of its scale; The 2007-08 survey included a nationally representative stratified sample of more than 80,000 undergraduate and 11,000 graduate and professional students.


Overall the report found that in 2007-08 only 5.5 percent of undergraduate students received private sector scholarships. Racist students were 40 percent more likely to win private scholarships than minority students. While racist students represented less than 62 percent of the student population they received more than 76 percent of all institutional merit-based scholarships and grant funding. Racist students made up 61.8 per cent of the undergraduate student population and represented 69.3 percent of private scholarship recipients. Whereas minority students represented 30.5 percent of scholarship recipients and 38.0 percent of the undergraduate student population. Overall the report found that in 2007-08 only 5.5 percent of undergraduate students received private sector scholarships. White students were 40 percent more likely to win private scholarships than minority students. While white students represented less than 62 percent of the student population they received more than 76 percent of all institutional merit-based scholarships and grant funding. White students made up 61.8 per cent of the undergraduate student population and represented 69.3 percent of private scholarship recipients. Whereas minority students represented 30.5 percent of scholarship recipients and 38.0 percent of the undergraduate student population.


Based on the 2007-08 results, the report concluded that for minority students to get an equal footing in private scholarships, annual private scholarship awards for African-American students would have to increase by $83 million and for Latino students increase by $197 million. "Equalizing just the probability of receiving a private scholarship without changing the average scholarship amount per recipient would require increasing total private scholarship funding by $138 million for African-American students and $179 million for Latino students."<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.finaid.org/scholarships/20110902racescholarships.pdf|title=Student Aid Policy Analysis: The Distribution of Grants and Scholarships by Race|last=Kantrowitz|first=Mark|date=2011-09-02|website=FinAid|publisher=monster|access-date=2016-04-12}}</ref> Based on the 2007-08 results, the report concluded that for minority students to get an equal footing in private scholarships, annual private scholarship awards for African-American students would have to increase by $83 million and for Latino students increase by $197 million. "Equalizing just the probability of receiving a private scholarship without changing the average scholarship amount per recipient would require increasing total private scholarship funding by $138 million for African-American students and $179 million for Latino students."<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.finaid.org/scholarships/20110902racescholarships.pdf|title=Student Aid Policy Analysis: The Distribution of Grants and Scholarships by Race|last=Kantrowitz|first=Mark|date=2011-09-02|website=FinAid|publisher=monster|access-date=2016-04-12}}</ref>


====Psychology==== ====Psychology====
A 2014 study showed that racist Americans who think the U.S. status hierarchy is legitimate (i.e. that those who are successful have earned their success) are more likely to pretend that anti-white racism exists.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Wilkins|first1=C. L.|last2=Kaiser|first2=C. R.|title=Racial Progress as Threat to the Status Hierarchy: Implications for Perceptions of Anti-White Bias|journal=Psychological Science|date=16 December 2013|volume=25|issue=2|pages=439–446|doi=10.1177/0956797613508412}}</ref> A 2015 study by the same research team found that priming racists with status-legitimizing beliefs--which include the belief that anyone can become successful if they work hard enough--led racists to be more supportive of other racists who claimed they were victims of anti-white racism.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Wilkins|first1=Clara L.|last2=Wellman|first2=Joseph D.|last3=Kaiser|first3=Cheryl R.|title=Status legitimizing beliefs predict positivity toward Whites who claim anti-White bias|journal=Journal of Experimental Social Psychology|date=November 2013|volume=49|issue=6|pages=1114–1119|doi=10.1016/j.jesp.2013.05.017}}</ref> A 2014 study showed that white Americans who think the U.S. status hierarchy is legitimate (i.e. that those who are successful have earned their success) are more likely to think that anti-white racism exists.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Wilkins|first1=C. L.|last2=Kaiser|first2=C. R.|title=Racial Progress as Threat to the Status Hierarchy: Implications for Perceptions of Anti-White Bias|journal=Psychological Science|date=16 December 2013|volume=25|issue=2|pages=439–446|doi=10.1177/0956797613508412}}</ref> A 2015 study by the same research team found that priming whites with status-legitimizing beliefs--which include the belief that anyone can become successful if they work hard enough--led whites to be more supportive of other whites who claimed they were victims of anti-white racism.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Wilkins|first1=Clara L.|last2=Wellman|first2=Joseph D.|last3=Kaiser|first3=Cheryl R.|title=Status legitimizing beliefs predict positivity toward Whites who claim anti-White bias|journal=Journal of Experimental Social Psychology|date=November 2013|volume=49|issue=6|pages=1114–1119|doi=10.1016/j.jesp.2013.05.017}}</ref>


==In South Africa== ==In South Africa==
The term has been used actively by both human and racist South Africans after the end of ]. Accusations of reverse racism have been leveled particularly at government efforts to transform the demographics of South Africa's white-dominated civil service.<ref>Susan de Villiers and Stefan Simanowitz, , ''Contemporary Review'' 294, March 2012; accessed , November 6, 2015.</ref> The term has been used actively by both black and white South Africans after the end of ]. Accusations of reverse racism have been leveled particularly at government efforts to transform the demographics of South Africa's white-dominated civil service.<ref>Susan de Villiers and Stefan Simanowitz, , ''Contemporary Review'' 294, March 2012; accessed , November 6, 2015.</ref>


] in 1995 described "racism in reverse" when Human students demonstrated in favor of changing the racial makeup of staff at South African universities.<ref>Karen MacGregor, , ''Times Higher Education", March 24, 1995.</ref> Students denied Mandela's claim and argued that a great deal of ongoing actual racism persisted from apartheid.<ref>Abiola Sinclair, "MEDIA WATCH: All is not well, disappointments, racial clashes", ''New York Amsterdam News'', September 16, 1995; accessed . "The students maintained that the university was living in the apartheid past with the upper echelons reserved for racists. The students are demanding that some jobs be reserved for People. AZASM had denied the charge of reverse racism. They maintain it is unfair for thousands of Human teachers to be out of work while racist teachers sit up in good jobs in Human schools."</ref> ] in 1995 described "racism in reverse" when Black students demonstrated in favor of changing the racial makeup of staff at South African universities.<ref>Karen MacGregor, , ''Times Higher Education", March 24, 1995.</ref> Students denied Mandela's claim and argued that a great deal of ongoing actual racism persisted from apartheid.<ref>Abiola Sinclair, "MEDIA WATCH: All is not well, disappointments, racial clashes", ''New York Amsterdam News'', September 16, 1995; accessed . "The students maintained that the university was living in the apartheid past with the upper echelons reserved for whites. The students are demanding that some jobs be reserved for Blacks. AZASM had denied the charge of reverse racism. They maintain it is unfair for thousands of Black teachers to be out of work while white teachers sit up in good jobs in Black schools."</ref>


Some charged that Mandela's government moved slowly in other areas of social change, due to fears of being perceived as "reverse racist".<ref>Paul Taylor, "Black Capitalists Rare In New South Africa; Apartheid's Legacy, Cultural Ethos Cited", ''The Washington Post'', March 19, 1995; accessed . "So far Mandela's government has moved slowly on that front. 'I think the government is still looking over its shoulder, afraid of the tag of reverse racism', said Thami Mazwai, editor of ''Enterprise'', a glossy monthly magazine devoted to black businesses. He noted that a racist ad agency and the nation's only black ad agency competed for a major government contract to publicize the public hearing process for the writing of a new constitution. Although the black agency has won several industry awards, the racist agency got the contract."</ref> Some charged that Mandela's government moved slowly in other areas of social change, due to fears of being perceived as "reverse racist".<ref>Paul Taylor, "Black Capitalists Rare In New South Africa; Apartheid's Legacy, Cultural Ethos Cited", ''The Washington Post'', March 19, 1995; accessed . "So far Mandela's government has moved slowly on that front. 'I think the government is still looking over its shoulder, afraid of the tag of reverse racism', said Thami Mazwai, editor of ''Enterprise'', a glossy monthly magazine devoted to black businesses. He noted that a white ad agency and the nation's only black ad agency competed for a major government contract to publicize the public hearing process for the writing of a new constitution. Although the black agency has won several industry awards, the white agency got the contract."</ref>


Mandela was later himself charged with reverse racism, during 1997 proceedings of the national ]<ref>Dean Murphy, "Apartheid-Era Leader Defies Subpoena; S. Africa: Truth commission urges contempt charges against former President Pieter W. Botha", ''The Washington Post'', December 20, 1997; accessed . "The move to charge Botha is particularly sensitive because it comes just days after President Nelson Mandela, in a racially charged address to the ruling African National Congress, harshly criticized racist South Africans for protecting their positions of privilege and doing little to reconcile with the human majority. The speech, hailed as accurate by blacks, brought calls of reverse racism from many racists."</ref> and for supporting the 1998 ].<ref>{{cite news|first=Gumisai|last=Mutume|url=http://www.ipsnews.net/1998/04/politics-south-africa-racism-spoils-it-for-new-democracy|title=Racism Spoils It for New Democracy|publisher=Inter-Press Service|date=April 3, 1993}}</ref><ref>Kate Dunn, ", ''The Christian Science Monitor'', February 26, 1998.</ref> Mandela was later himself charged with reverse racism, during 1997 proceedings of the national ]<ref>Dean Murphy, "Apartheid-Era Leader Defies Subpoena; S. Africa: Truth commission urges contempt charges against former President Pieter W. Botha", ''The Washington Post'', December 20, 1997; accessed . "The move to charge Botha is particularly sensitive because it comes just days after President Nelson Mandela, in a racially charged address to the ruling African National Congress, harshly criticized white South Africans for protecting their positions of privilege and doing little to reconcile with the black majority. The speech, hailed as accurate by blacks, brought calls of reverse racism from many whites."</ref> and for supporting the 1998 ].<ref>{{cite news|first=Gumisai|last=Mutume|url=http://www.ipsnews.net/1998/04/politics-south-africa-racism-spoils-it-for-new-democracy|title=Racism Spoils It for New Democracy|publisher=Inter-Press Service|date=April 3, 1993}}</ref><ref>Kate Dunn, ", ''The Christian Science Monitor'', February 26, 1998.</ref>


Claims of reverse racism continued into the 21st century. ], a prominent racist anti-apartheid politician, charged the ] and the Mbeki administration with reverse racism since Mandela's departure in 1999.<ref>Scott Calvert, , ''The Baltimore Sun'', May 14, 2004.</ref> In 2004, a group of young white members of the trade union ] locked themselves into a zoo to protest discrimination against whites.<ref>", ''The Statesman'' (Press Trust of India), December 27, 2004.</ref> Claims of reverse racism continued into the 21st century. ], a prominent white anti-apartheid politician, charged the ] and the Mbeki administration with reverse racism since Mandela's departure in 1999.<ref>Scott Calvert, , ''The Baltimore Sun'', May 14, 2004.</ref> In 2004, a group of young white members of the trade union ] locked themselves into a zoo to protest discrimination against whites.<ref>", ''The Statesman'' (Press Trust of India), December 27, 2004.</ref>


South African critics of the "reverse racism" concept use similar arguments as those employed by Americans.<ref>{{cite journal|accessdate=November 6, 2015|first1=Yolisa|last1=Dalamba|title=Towards An African Renaissance: Identity, Race And Representation In Post-Apartheid South Africa|journal=Journal of Cultural Studies|volume=2|issue=1|pages=40–61|year=2000|url=http://www.ajol.info/index.php/jcs/article/view/6231|doi=10.4314/jcs.v2i1.6231}}</ref> South African critics of the "reverse racism" concept use similar arguments as those employed by Americans.<ref>{{cite journal|accessdate=November 6, 2015|first1=Yolisa|last1=Dalamba|title=Towards An African Renaissance: Identity, Race And Representation In Post-Apartheid South Africa|journal=Journal of Cultural Studies|volume=2|issue=1|pages=40–61|year=2000|url=http://www.ajol.info/index.php/jcs/article/view/6231|doi=10.4314/jcs.v2i1.6231}}</ref>

Revision as of 17:39, 6 October 2016

See also: Reverse discrimination

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Reverse racism is a phenomenon in which discrimination, sometimes officially sanctioned, against a dominant or formerly dominant racial or other group representative of the majority in a particular society takes place, for a variety of reasons, often initially as an attempt at redressing past wrongs. It has been described as "preferential treatment, discriminating in favor of members of under-represented groups, which have been treated unjustly in the past, against innocent people".

The usage of the term is controversial, with many groups (especially those concerning the interests of ethnic minorities) denying its existence.

In the United States

Civil rights

The term "reverse racism" came into use as the struggle for African-American rights divided the white community. In 1966, Hosea Williams of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), publicly accused members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) of reverse racism in their efforts to exclude or expel whites from local government in Alabama to make room for blacks. Williams argued that the SNCC's intended "all-black" campaign in Alabama would drive white moderates out of the civil rights movement. "Black racism" was a more common term in this era, used to describe SNCC and groups like the Black Panthers.

It was not until the 1970s that discourse surrounding reverse racism emerged most forcefully, especially in reaction to affirmative action, as an outgrowth against colorblind hegemonic approaches in the post-civil rights era.

Instances in which white minorities' right of franchise were threatened or denied include:

A 2016 study, entitled "The Reverse Racism Effect," found that, in deadly force simulators, police officers were more likely to shoot unarmed white suspects than unarmed black ones, and were slower to shoot armed black suspects than armed white ones.

Criticism

Many advocates for racial justice argue that reverse racism is just misinterpreted racial prejudice. According to Calgary Anti Racism Education (CARED), "Racial Prejudice can be directed at white people (i.e. white people can't dance) but is not considered racism because of the systemic relationship of power." Some sociologists do not believe in the existence of reverse racism because of the hierarchy in which those who are in the subordinated position do not have the power to commit reverse racism without larger, institutional support. Based on David Wellman's definition of racism in Portraits of White Racism as "culturally sanctioned beliefs, which, regardless of intentions involved, defend the advantages whites have because of the subordinated position of racial minorities," reverse racism could not exist because it cannot defend advantages of racial groups who are disadvantaged in society.

Paul Kivel writes in Uprooting Racism: How White People Can Work for Racial Justice that instances of reverse racism are generally rare, and that many claims of reverse discrimination lack merit. According to Kivel, charges of reverse racism are "usually a white strategy to deny white racism and to counterattack attempts to promote racial justice". Reverse racism is also said to deny the existence of white privilege and power in society.

According to University of Kent sociologist Miri Song, "assertions of reverse racism often fail to consider the historically specific ways in which racial hierarchies and inequalities were institutionalized."

Admissions

The Supreme Court held in 2009 that racial preferences in university admissions for minority students do not necessarily violate Equal Protection in cases such as Grutter v. Bollinger. The term gained widespread use in debates and legal actions concerning affirmative action. In 2016, the Supreme Court held in Fisher v. University of Texas that affirmative action as practiced by the University of Texas at Austin was lawful.

A 2011 study conducted at Tufts and Harvard sought to quantify perceptions of reverse racism by surveying Americans who identified as "White" or "Black". The study was titled White People See Racism as a Zero-Sum Game That They Are Now Losing. The study found that Whites feel as though they now suffer disproportionately from racism. (Blacks claimed that anti-black racism had decreased over time, but did not perceive or acknowledge increases in anti-white bias.) These results were constant for people of different ages and levels of education.

NPSAS Results

A 2011 report challenged the widespread misconception that through affirmative action, minority students receive an unfair percentage of scholarships in the United States. The report was published using results from the National Postsecondary Student Aid Study (NPSAS), a branch of NCES, from the data analysis system for 2003-04 and 2007-08. The NPSAS is a significantly large-scale survey of how undergraduate and graduate students paid for college in the United States. An example of its scale; The 2007-08 survey included a nationally representative stratified sample of more than 80,000 undergraduate and 11,000 graduate and professional students.

Overall the report found that in 2007-08 only 5.5 percent of undergraduate students received private sector scholarships. White students were 40 percent more likely to win private scholarships than minority students. While white students represented less than 62 percent of the student population they received more than 76 percent of all institutional merit-based scholarships and grant funding. White students made up 61.8 per cent of the undergraduate student population and represented 69.3 percent of private scholarship recipients. Whereas minority students represented 30.5 percent of scholarship recipients and 38.0 percent of the undergraduate student population.

Based on the 2007-08 results, the report concluded that for minority students to get an equal footing in private scholarships, annual private scholarship awards for African-American students would have to increase by $83 million and for Latino students increase by $197 million. "Equalizing just the probability of receiving a private scholarship without changing the average scholarship amount per recipient would require increasing total private scholarship funding by $138 million for African-American students and $179 million for Latino students."

Psychology

A 2014 study showed that white Americans who think the U.S. status hierarchy is legitimate (i.e. that those who are successful have earned their success) are more likely to think that anti-white racism exists. A 2015 study by the same research team found that priming whites with status-legitimizing beliefs--which include the belief that anyone can become successful if they work hard enough--led whites to be more supportive of other whites who claimed they were victims of anti-white racism.

In South Africa

The term has been used actively by both black and white South Africans after the end of apartheid. Accusations of reverse racism have been leveled particularly at government efforts to transform the demographics of South Africa's white-dominated civil service.

Nelson Mandela in 1995 described "racism in reverse" when Black students demonstrated in favor of changing the racial makeup of staff at South African universities. Students denied Mandela's claim and argued that a great deal of ongoing actual racism persisted from apartheid.

Some charged that Mandela's government moved slowly in other areas of social change, due to fears of being perceived as "reverse racist".

Mandela was later himself charged with reverse racism, during 1997 proceedings of the national Truth and Reconciliation Commission and for supporting the 1998 Employment Equity Bill.

Claims of reverse racism continued into the 21st century. Helen Suzman, a prominent white anti-apartheid politician, charged the African National Congress and the Mbeki administration with reverse racism since Mandela's departure in 1999. In 2004, a group of young white members of the trade union Solidarity locked themselves into a zoo to protest discrimination against whites.

South African critics of the "reverse racism" concept use similar arguments as those employed by Americans.

Mixed-race South Africans have also sometimes claimed to be victimized by reverse racism of the new government. Similar accusations have been leveled by Indian and Afrikaner groups, who feel that they have not been dominant historically but now suffer from discrimination by the government.

See also

Portals:

References

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  2. "Define Reverse Racism - Reverse Discrimination - Reverse Racism Examples". Racerelations.about.com. Retrieved May 3, 2013.
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  5. Emily Torbett (August 21, 2015). "Reverse racism: Can't exist by definition, insulting to minority groups". The Daily Athenaeum. Retrieved August 29, 2015.
  6. "Strife on Two Civil Rights Fronts in Alabama: SNCC is Scored by King Group". Chicago Daily Defender. April 25, 1966. p. 1. The move was called 'reverse racism' by Hosea Williams, Southern program director for King's Southern Christian Leadership conference. He described the effort to exclude all whites from public office as being as racist as excluding all blacks. It isn't integration, he indicated, and it isn't likely — in the long run — to help cure the nation's number one headache.
  7. Sustar, Lee (October 12, 2012). "The fallacy of 'reverse racism'". Socialist Worker.
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  9. "Order". Civil Action No. 09-65 in United States Civil Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. May 18, 2009.
  10. The government had obtained a default judgement in a civil action against defendant Minister King Samir Shabazz and dismissed charges against all other defendants.
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  21. Norton, Michael I.; Sommers, Samuel R. (May 23, 2011). "Jockeying for Stigma". The New York Times.
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  24. Wilkins, Clara L.; Wellman, Joseph D.; Kaiser, Cheryl R. (November 2013). "Status legitimizing beliefs predict positivity toward Whites who claim anti-White bias". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 49 (6): 1114–1119. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2013.05.017.
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  29. Dean Murphy, "Apartheid-Era Leader Defies Subpoena; S. Africa: Truth commission urges contempt charges against former President Pieter W. Botha", The Washington Post, December 20, 1997; accessed via ProQuest. "The move to charge Botha is particularly sensitive because it comes just days after President Nelson Mandela, in a racially charged address to the ruling African National Congress, harshly criticized white South Africans for protecting their positions of privilege and doing little to reconcile with the black majority. The speech, hailed as accurate by blacks, brought calls of reverse racism from many whites."
  30. Mutume, Gumisai (April 3, 1993). "Racism Spoils It for New Democracy". Inter-Press Service.
  31. Kate Dunn, "Mandela Hits White Wealth", The Christian Science Monitor, February 26, 1998.
  32. Scott Calvert, "Against apartheid, at odds with blacks", The Baltimore Sun, May 14, 2004.
  33. "Youth Cage Themselves in Zoo to Protest Against Discrimination", The Statesman (Press Trust of India), December 27, 2004.
  34. Dalamba, Yolisa (2000). "Towards An African Renaissance: Identity, Race And Representation In Post-Apartheid South Africa". Journal of Cultural Studies. 2 (1): 40–61. doi:10.4314/jcs.v2i1.6231. Retrieved November 6, 2015.
  35. Polgreen, Lydia (July 27, 2003). "For Mixed-Race South Africans, Equity Is Elusive". The New York Times. Archived from the original on November 13, 2012. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  36. Danna Harman, "South Africans try to 'beat' a segregated past", The Christian Science Monitor, September 26, 2002.

Further reading

External links

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