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The '''Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising''' or simply the '''Ilinden Uprising''' of August 1903 ({{lang-bg|Илинденско-Преображенско въстание}}, ]: ''Ilindensko-Preobražensko vǎstanie''; {{lang-mk|Илинденско востание}}, ''Ilindensko vostanie''; {{lang-el|Εξέγερση του Ίλιντεν}}, ''Eksegersi tou Ilinden'') was an organized revolt against the ], which was prepared and carried out by the ].<ref>''The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920'', C. & B. Jelavich, 1977, pp 211–212</ref> The name of the uprising refers to Ilinden (Cyrillic script: Илинден), the Bulgarian and Macedonian name for ], and to Preobrazhenie (Cyrillic script: Преображение), which means ]. |
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The British journalist of the Balkans ] wrote in his book "Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future": ''The moment for which the Bulgarian population had been preparing for ten years, arrived on the festival of the ] — the evening of Sunday, August the 2nd, 1903.''<ref name="brailsford_book_macedonia_its_races_and_their_future_148">{{Citation | url=https://archive.org/details/macedoniaitsrac00braigoog|title=Macedonia: Its Races and their future | author=H. N. Brailsford | year=1906 | publisher=New York, Arno Press | location=London | pages=}}</ref> At the same time on the other end of the ]'s territory, in ], the leaders of the ] comitajis, had unanimously agreed that they were not ready for uprising, but out of a feeling of solidarity, had voted for a rising. So in ] the rising had begun on the ], August 19, 1903.<ref>For freedom and perfection. The Life of Yané Sandansky. Mercia MacDermott (Journeyman, London, 1988), p. 134.</ref> Evidences of the Bulgarian sentiments of the insurgents during the rising are abundant.<ref>Region, Regional Identity and Regionalism in Southeastern Europe, Klaus Roth, Ulf Brunnbauer, LIT Verlag Münster, 2009, {{ISBN|3-8258-1387-8}}, </ref> |
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The rebellion in the region of ] affected most of the central and southwestern parts of the ] receiving the support mainly of the local ]<ref>. . p. 286: {{quote|"... the revolution planned by the Macedonian committee, not only in Macedonia, but in the province of Adrianople. The insurgents were Macedonian Bulgarians, ..."}}</ref><ref>The Sydney Morning Herald. . {{quote|... refugees from Krushevo to sign a declaration to the effect that the outrages committed at Krushevo were the work of Macedonians, whereas the evidence showed that tho Turks plundered the houses of the richer Greeks, but spared the Bulgarian quarter, fearing that its houses were undermined, and because the valuable property they had contained..}}</ref> peasants and to some extent of the ] population of the region. Provisional government was established in the town of ] (to the west of ]), where the insurgents proclaimed the '']'' under the presidency of the school teacher ], which was overrun after just ten days, on August 12.<ref name=Khadziev1992/> On August 19, a closely related uprising organized by ] peasants in the ] led to the liberation of a large area in the ] near the ] coast, and the creation of a provisional government in ], the '']''. This lasted about twenty days before being put down by the Turks.<ref name=Khadziev1992/> |
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By the time the rebellion had started, many of its most promising potential leaders, including ] and ], had already been arrested or killed by the Ottomans, and the effort was quashed within a couple of months. The survivors managed to maintain a guerrilla campaign against the Turks for the next few years, but its greater effect was that it persuaded the European powers to attempt to convince the Ottoman sultan that he must take a more conciliatory attitude toward his ] subjects in Europe. |
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==Prelude== |
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At the turn of the 20th century, the ] was crumbling, and the lands they had held in Eastern Europe for over 500 years were passing to new rulers. Macedonia and Thrace were regions of indefinite boundaries, adjacent to the recently independent Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian states, but themselves still under the control of the Ottoman Turks. Each of the neighbouring states based claims to Macedonia and Thrace on various historical and racial grounds. But the population was highly mixed, and the competing historical claims were based on various empires in the distant past.<ref name=Gewehr1931>{{Citation |
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| title = The Rise of Nationalism in the Balkans, 1800–1930 |
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| isbn = 0-208-00507-2 |
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| first = W.M. | last = Gewehr |
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| year = 1967 |
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| publisher = Archon books}}, first published in 1931, by H. Holt & Co.</ref> |
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The competition for control took place largely by means of propaganda campaigns, aimed at winning over the local population, and took place largely through the churches and schools. Various groups of mercenaries were also supported, by the local population and by the three competing governments.<ref name=Gewehr1931/><ref name=Jelavich1983>{{Citation |
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| title = History of the Balkans |
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| volume = 2 |
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| first = B. | last = Jelavich |
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| publisher = Cambridge University Press |
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| year = 1983 |
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| isbn = 0-521-25448-5}}</ref> |
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] |
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The most effective group was the ] (IMARO), founded in ] in 1893. The group had a number of name changes prior to and subsequent to the uprising. It was predominantly Bulgarian and supported an idea for ] Macedonia and Adrianople regions within the Ottoman state with a motto of "Macedonia for the Macedonians".<ref name=Jelavich1983/> It rapidly began to be infiltrated by members of ], a group formed in 1894 in ], ]. This group was called the ''Supremists'', and advocated annexation of the region by Bulgaria.<ref name=Jelavich1977>{{Citation |
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| title = The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920 |
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| first1 = C. | last1 = Jelavich |
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| first2 = B. | last2 = Jelavich |
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| year = 1977 |
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| publisher = University of Washington Press |
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| isbn = 0-295-95444-2 }} Volume 8 of the 11 volume series ''A History of East Central Europe''.</ref> |
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Since the term ] was regularly used in relation to the ], it is essential to note its sense and reason. Its inspiration certainly belonged to the nineteenth-century ] practice whereby the powers maintained the fiction of Ottoman control over effectively independent states under the guise of autonomous status within the Ottoman state; (Serbia, 1829–1878; Romania, 1829–1878; Bulgaria, 1878–1908). ''Autonomy, in other words, was as good as independence.'' Moreover, from the Macedonian perspective, the goal of independence by autonomy had another advantage. More important, ] was aware that neither ] nor ] could expect to obtain the whole of Macedonia and, unlike Bulgaria, they both looked forward to and urged partition. Autonomy, then, was the best prophylactic against partition, that would preserve the Bulgarian character of ] population despite the separation from Bulgaria proper. The idea of Macedonian autonomy was strictly political and did not imply a secession from Bulgarian ethnicity.<ref>''The Macedoine: The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics'', by Ivo Banac, Cornell University Press, 1984, p. 314.</ref> |
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]s in ] before the uprising.]] |
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The two groups had different strategies. IMARO as originally conceived sought to prepare a carefully planned uprising in the future, but the Supremacists preferred immediate raids and guerilla operations to foster disorder and a precipitate interventions.<ref name=Gewehr1931/><ref name=Schevill1971>{{Citation |
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| title = The History of the Balkan Peninsula |
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| first = F. | last = Schevill |
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| year = 1971 |
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| isbn = 0-405-02774-5 |
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| publisher = Harcourt, Brace & Co }}, first printed in 1922.</ref><ref name="Crampton2005">{{Citation |
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| title = A concise history of Bulgaria |
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| first = R.J. | last = Crampton |
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| edition = 2nd |
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| year = 1997 |
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| publisher = Cambridge University Press |
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| isbn = 0-521-61637-9 }}</ref> On the other hand, a smaller group of conservatives in ] organized a ] (''Balgarsko Tayno Revolyutsionno Bratstvo''). The latter was incorporated in IMARO by 1902 but its members as ], were to exert a significant influence on the organization. They were to push for the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising and later became the core of IMRO right-wing faction.<ref>Революционното братство е създадено в противовес на вътрешната организация от еволюционистите. Уставът му носи дата март 1897 г. и е подписан с псевдонимите на 12 членове — основатели. Братството създава свои организации на някои места в Македония и Одринско и влиза в остър конфликт с вътрешната организация, но през 1899–1900 г. се постига помирение и то се присъединява към нея - Христо Караманджуков, "Родопа през Илинденско-Преображенското въстание" (Изд. на Отечествения Фронт, София, 1986).</ref> One of the founding leaders of IMARO, ], was a strong advocate for proceeding slowly, but the Supremacists pressed for a major uprising to take place in the summer of 1903. Delchev himself was killed by the Turks in May 1903. |
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Meanwhile, in late April 1903, a group of young anarchists from the ''Gemidzhii Circle'' - graduates from the ] launched a campaign of terror bombing, the so-called '']''. Their aim was to attract the attention of the Great Powers to Ottoman oppression in Macedonia and ]. As a response to the attacks, the Turkish Army and ''bashibozouks'' (irregulars) massacred many innocent ] in Thessaloniki, and later in ]. |
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]'s band in 1903.]] |
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By these circumstances the Supremacists' plan went ahead. Under a leadership from ] IMARO made a decision about military revolt. Garvanov, himself, did not participate in the uprising, because of his arrest and exile in ]. The day chosen for the uprising was August 2 (July 20 in the old Julian calendar), the feast day of St. Elias (Elijah). This holy day was known as ''Ilinden''. On 11 July, a congress at '']'' near ] set the date of 23 July for the uprising, then deferred it a bit more to 2 August. The ] region, around the ] was not ready, and negotiated for a later uprising in that region. |
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It is interesting to note the position of the Bulgarian government on the issue. Already during the discussions, ]'s government supported IMARO's position of an entirely internal character of the rebellion. Apart from Racho Petrov's personal warning to Gotse Delchev in January 1903 about delaying or even canceling the rebellion, the government sent out a ] to its diplomatic representations in ], ] and ], advising the population not to succumb to a pro-rebellion propaganda, as ''Bulgaria was not ready to support it''.<ref></ref> |
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==Ilinden Uprising== |
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{{History of Bulgaria}} |
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{{History of the Republic of Macedonia}} |
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] with the ] on it. |
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The inscription is also in Bulgarian. The insurgents flew Bulgarian flags everywhere.<ref>National military history museum of Bulgaria, fond 260</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?q=+Despite+these+promises+the+insurgents+flew+Bulgarian+flags+everywhere&btnG=Search+Books|title=Who are the Macedonians by Hugh Poulton - p. 57.|publisher=|accessdate=29 November 2014}}</ref>]] |
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] insurgent detachment.]] |
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The dates and details here are from an account by the anarchist author Georgi Khadziev, translated by ].<ref name=Khadziev1992>{{Citation |
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| url = http://www.savanne.ch/tusovka/en/will-firth/bulgaria.html |
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| title = Down with the Sultan, Long live the Balkan Federation! |
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| first = Georgi | last = Khadziev |
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| accessdate = 3 September 2007 |
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| year = 1992 }} An excerpt from the book ''"National Liberation and Libertarian Federalism"'' (Natsionalnoto osvobozhdeniye i bezvlastniyat federalizum), translated by Will Firth.</ref> |
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* On 28 July, the message was sent out the revolutionary movements, though the secret was kept until the last moment. |
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* The uprising began on the night of August 2, and involved large regions in around Bitola, around the south-west of what is now the ] and some of the north of Greece. |
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* On the night of August 2 and early morning of August 3, the town of ] was attacked and captured by 800 rebels. |
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* After three days of fighting and a siege from August 5, the town of ] was captured by the rebels. |
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* The town of ], near ], was taken by insurgents about August 5. |
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* On August 4 and 5, Turkish troops made an unsuccessful attempt to retake Kruševo. |
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* On August 4, under leadership of ], a local administration was set up, now called the ''Kruševo republic''. |
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* On August 12, following the ], an 18,000 people strong Ottoman force<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.mia.com.mk/default.aspx?mId=1&vId=66543986&lId=1&title=%d0%9c%d0%90%d0%9a%d0%95%d0%94%d0%9e%d0%9d%d0%98%d0%88%d0%90+-+%d0%92%d0%9d%d0%90%d0%a2%d0%a0%d0%95%d0%a8%d0%9d%d0%90+%d0%9f%d0%9e%d0%9b%d0%98%d0%a2%d0%98%d0%9a%d0%90|title=MIA|publisher=|accessdate=29 November 2014}}</ref> recaptured and burned Kruševo. It had been held by the insurgents for just ten days. |
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* On August 14, under the leadership of ], some bands near ] attacked and derailed a military train. |
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* In ] the population joined in the uprising. This was further east, in ] in present-day Bulgaria. |
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* Kleisoura was finally recaptured by the Ottomans on August 27. |
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* Other regions involved included ], ], and ]. In the ] region, operations were much more limited and without much local involvement, due in part to disagreements between the factions of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO). There was also no uprising in the ] area, immediately to the east of Bitola. |
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* Militias active in the region of ], led by ] and an insurgent detachment of the Supreme Committee, held down a large Turkish force. These actions began on the day of the ] (Krastovden in Bulgarian, September 27) and did not involve the local population as much as in other regions, and were well to the east of Monastir and to the west of Thrace. |
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==Preobrazhenie Uprising== |
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] |
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According to Khadziev, the main goal of the uprising in Thrace was to give support to the uprisings further west, by engaging Turkish troops and preventing them from moving into Macedonia. Many of the operations were diversionary, though several villages were taken, and a region in ] was held for around twenty days. This is sometimes called the Strandzha republic or Strandzha commune, but according to Khadziev there was never a question of state power in the Thrace region. In the ], ], the upspring expressed only in some cheta's diversions in the regions of ] and ].<ref>Петко Т. Карапетков, Славейно. Пловдив, 1948 г., стр 216—219.</ref> |
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* On the morning of August 19, attacks were made on villages throughout the region, including Vasiliko (now ]), Stoilovo (near ]), and villages near Edirne. |
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* On August 21, the harbor lighthouse at ] was blown up. |
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* Around September 3 a strong Ottoman force began reasserting their control. |
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* By September 8 the Turks had restored control and were mopping up. |
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==Aftermath== |
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] |
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The reaction of the Ottoman Turks to the uprisings was disproportionate, savage and involved overwhelming force. The only hope for the insurgents was outside intervention, and that was never politically feasible. Indeed, although Bulgarian interests were favoured by the actions, the Bulgarian government itself had been required to outlaw the Macedonian rebel groups prior to the uprisings, and sought the arrest of its leaders. This was a condition of diplomacy with Russia.<ref name=Crampton2005/> The waning Ottoman Empire dealt with the instability by taking vengeance on local populations that had supported the rebels. Casualties during the military campaigns themselves were comparatively small, but afterwards thousands were killed, executed or made homeless. Historian Barbara Jelavich estimates that about nine thousand homes were destroyed,<ref name=Jelavich1983/> and thousands of refugees were produced. According to Georgi Khadziev, 201 villages and 12,400 houses were burned, 4,694 people killed, with some 30,000 refugees fleeing to Bulgaria.<ref name=Khadziev1992/> |
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On September 29, the General staff of the Uprising sent the Letter N 534 to the ], appealing for immediate armed intervention: <blockquote> |
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"The General staff considers its duty to turn the attention of the respectable Bulgarian government to the disastrous consequences for the Bulgarian nation, if it does not carry out its duty towards its birth brothers here, in an impressive and active manner, as imposed by the power of the circumstances and the danger, which threatens the all-Bulgarian fatherland – through war."<ref>Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of History, Bulgarian Language Institute, "Macedonia. Documents and materials", Sofia, 1978, part III, No.92.</ref></blockquote> |
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Still, Bulgaria was unable to send troops to the rescue of the rebelling fellow Bulgarians in Macedonia and Adrianopol Thrace. When IMARO representatives met the Bulgarian Prime-Minister ], he showed them the ultimatums by Serbia, Greece and ], which he had just received and which informed him of those countries' support for Turkey, in case Bulgaria intervened to support the rebels.<ref>The Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising of 1903, Dedicated to the 105th. anniversary from the events, Professor Dimitar Gotsev — Macedonian Scientific Institute.</ref> |
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At a meeting in early October, the general staff of the rebel forces decided to cease all revolutionary activities, and declared the forces, excepting regular militias, to be disbanded.<ref name=Khadziev1992/> After the uprising, IMARO became more strongly associated with the Supremacists, and with the goal of hegemony by Bulgaria.<ref name=Crampton2005/> |
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The savagery of the insurrections and the reprisals did finally provoke a reaction from the outside world. In October, ] and ] met at ] and sponsored the ], which provided for foreign policing of the Macedonia region, financial compensation for victims, and establishment of ethnic boundaries in the region.<ref name=Jelavich1977/> The reforms achieved little practical result apart from giving more visibility to the crisis. The question of competing aspirations of Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and local advocates for political autonomy were not addressed, and the notion of ethnic boundaries was impossible to implement effectively. In any case, these concerns were soon overshadowed by the ] of 1908 and the subsequent dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. |
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==Subsequent history== |
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] following the devastations and cruelties perpetrated by the Turkish troops and bashibazouks, in view of the fact that these devastations and cruelties continue systematically, and that one cannot foresee how far they will reach; in view, furthermore, of the fact that here everything Bulgarian is running the risk of perishing and being obliterated without a trace by violence, hunger and by approaching poverty, the General Staff considers it its duty to draw the attention of the Esteemed Bulgarian Government to the fatal consequences for the Bulgarian nation, if it fails to discharge its duty to its own brothers here in an impressive and energetic manner, made imperative by force of circumstances and by the danger threatening the common Bulgarian homeland at the present moment ..."</ref>]] |
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]The ] of 1912 and 1913 subsequently split up Macedonia and Thrace. Serbia took the major portion of Slavic Macedonia, in the north, which roughly corresponds to the ]. Greece took ] in the south, and Bulgaria was only able to obtain a small region in the northeast: ].<ref name=Jelavich1977/> The Ottomans managed to keep the Edirne region, where the whole ] was put to total ] by the Ottoman Empire.<ref>Academician ], "The Destruction of Thracian Bulgarians in 1913", ], Sofia, State printing house, 1918. On-line publication of the phototype reprint of the first edition of the book in Bulgarian (in Bulgarian "Разорението на тракийските българи през 1913 година", Българска академия на науките, София, Държавна печатница, 1918 г.; II фототипно издание, Културно-просветен клуб "Тракия" - София, 1989 г., София).</ref> The rest of Thrace was divided between Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey following World War I and the ]. Most of the local Bulgarian political and cultural figures were persecuted or expelled from Serbian and Greek parts of Macedonia and Thrace, where all structures of the ] were abolished. Thousands of Macedonians left for Bulgaria, joining a still larger stream from devastated ], where the Greeks burned ], the center of Bulgarian politics and culture, as well as much of ] and ]. Bulgarian (including the Macedonian dialects) was prohibited, and its surreptitious use, whenever detected, was ridiculed or punished.<ref>"The immediate effect of the partition was the anti-Bulgarian campaign in areas under Serbian and Greek rule. The Serbians expelled Exarchist churchmen and teachers and closed Bulgarian schools and churches (affecting the standing of as many as 641 schools and 761 churches). Thousands of Macedonians left for Bulgaria, joining a still larger stream from devastated Aegean Macedonia, where the Greeks burned Kukush, the center of Bulgarian politics and culture, as well as much of Serres and Drama. Bulgarian (including the Macedonian dialects) was prohibited, and its surreptitious use, whenever detected, was ridiculed or punished.", Ivo Banac, in ''The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics'', pp. 307–328, Cornell University Press, 1984, retrieved on September 6, 2007.</ref> ] supported the Bulgarian army during the ] and World War I. After the post-World War I ], the combined Macedonian-Adrianopolitan revolutionary movement separated into two detached organizations: ] and ] and continued its struggle against Serbian and Greek regimes in the following period to 1934. |
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IMRO had ''de facto'' full control of Bulgarian Pirin Macedonia (the Petrich District of the time) and acted as a "state within a state", which it used as a base for hit and run attacks against ] and ]. IMRO began sending armed bands called ''cheti'' into Greek and Yugoslav Macedonia to assassinate officials and stir up the spirit of the oppressed population. |
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At the end of 1922, the Greek government started to expel large numbers of Bulgarians from ] into Bulgaria and the activity of the ] (ITRO) grew into an open rebellion. The organisation eventually gained full control of some districts along the Bulgarian border. In the summer of 1923, the majority of the Bulgarians had already been resettled to Bulgaria. Although detachments of the ITRO continued to infiltrate Western Thrace sporadically, the main focus of the activity of the organisation now shifted to the protection of the refugees into Bulgaria. IMRO's and ITRO's constant killings and assassinations abroad provoked some within Bulgarian military after the ] to take control and break the power of the organizations. |
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==Legacy== |
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] monument, dedicated to the Preobrazhenie Uprising, near ], ].]] |
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], ].]] |
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Portrayals of the insurrections by later historians often reflect ongoing national aspirations. Historians from the ] see them as a part of the move for an independent state as finally achieved by their own new nation. There is, in fact, very little historical continuity from the insurrections to the modern state, but Macedonian sources tend to emphasize the early goals of political autonomy when IMARO was established. The Supremacist faction pushed for the insurrections to take place in the summer of 1903, while the left wing argued for more time and more planning.<ref>Colliers Encyclopedia, ''Macedonia'', 1993 edition.</ref> Historians from Bulgaria emphasize the undoubted Bulgarian character of the rebels, but tends to downplay the moves for political autonomy that were a part of the IMARO organization prior to the insurrections. Western historians generally refer simply to the ''Ilinden uprising'', which marks the date on which uprising began. In Bulgaria it is more common to refer to the ''Ilinden-Preobrazhenie uprising'', giving equal status to the activities commenced at Preobrazhenie near to the Bulgarian coast of the Black Sea and limiting an undue focus on the Macedonian region. Some sources recognize these as two related but distinct insurrections, and name them the ''Ilinden uprising'' and the ''Preobrazhenie uprising''. Bulgarian sources tend to emphasize the moves within IMARO for hegemony with Bulgaria, as advocated by the Supremacist and the right wing factions. |
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The leaders of the ''Ilinden uprising'' are celebrated as heroes in the ]. They are regarded as Macedonian patriots and as founders of the drive for Macedonian independence in Macedonia. The names of the IMARO revolutionaries like ], ], ] and ] were included into the lyrics of the anthem of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia ] ("Today over Macedonia"). There are towns named after the leaders in both Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia. Today, 2 August is the ] in ], known as ],<ref>{{cite web | url=http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/2562/1/ | title=August 2nd, non-working for Macedonian citizens | publisher=macedoniaonline.eu | date=2008-07-29 | accessdate=30 July 2008}}</ref> which considers it the date of its first statehood in modern times. It is also the date on which, in 1944, a People's Republic of Macedonia was proclaimed at ] as a constituent republic of the ]. The ASNOM event is now referred as the 'Second Ilinden' in Republic of Macedonia, though there is no direct link to the events of 1903. In Bulgaria Ilinden and Preobrazhenie days as anniversaries of the uprising are publicly celebrated on a local level, primarily in the Pirin Macedonia and ] regions. |
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==Controversy== |
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There have been long going disputes between parties in Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia about the ethnic affiliation of the insurgents. The opinion of most Macedonian historians and politicians is that Preobrazhenie uprising was a Bulgarian uprising, not related with the Ilinden one, which was organized by ].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.makedonika.org/NarodnaVolja/September.2006/stat_link5.html|title=Интервју со д-р Васил Јотевски. Тешко е да се полемизира... Бранко Горгевски ("Дневник"), Народна волja броj 2050.|publisher=|accessdate=29 November 2014}}</ref> Nevertheless, some of the Macedonian historical scholarship and political élite have reluctantly acknowledged the Bulgarian ethnic character of the insurgents.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://geocities.com/mac_truth/secrets/ljubcho.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20091027085634/http://geocities.com/mac_truth/secrets/ljubcho.html|title=Кој со кого ќе се помирува? Лидерот на ВМРО-ДПМНЕ и Премиер на Република Македониjа, Љубчо Георгиевски одговара и полемизира на темата за национално помирување.|archivedate=27 October 2009|publisher=|accessdate=29 November 2014}}</ref><ref name="ivan">Академик Иван Катарџиев, "Верувам во националниот имунитет на македонецот", интервjу, "Форум": "ФОРУМ - Дали навистина Делчев се изјаснувал како Бугарин и зошто? КАТАРЏИЕВ - Ваквите прашања стојат. Сите наши луѓе се именувале како "Бугари"..."; also (in Macedonian; in English: "Academician Ivan Katardzhiev. I believe in Macedonian national immunity", interview, "Forum" magazine: "FORUM - Whether Gotse Delchev really defined himself as Bulgarian and why? KATARDZHIEV - Such questions exist. All our people named themselves as "Bulgarians"...")</ref><ref name="zoran">"Уште робуваме на старите поделби", Разговор со д-р Зоран Тодоровски, http://www.tribune.eu.com, 27. 06. 2005, also (in Macedonian; in English: "We are still in servitude to the old divisions", interview with Ph. D. Zoran Todorovski, published on http://www.tribune.eu.com, 27. 06. 2005.</ref> ], regarded nowadays in the Republic of Macedonia as one of the most prominent proponents of Macedonian nationalism of the early 20th century, states in his brochure ''On the Macedonian Matters'' (1903) that the uprising was supported and carried out primarily by that part of Macedonia's Slavic population which had ].<ref name="MisorkovMac">{{cite book|url=http://damj.manu.edu.mk/pdf/0005%20Za%20makedonckite%20raboti.pdf |title=За македонцките работи |trans-title=On the Macedonian Matters|first= Krste|last=Misirkov|year= 1903 |page = 17|publisher= Либералний клуб (The Liberal Club)|location= Sofia|language = Bulgarian, Macedonian}}</ref> The dominant view in Bulgaria is that at that time the ] and ] predominated in all regions of the uprisings and that Macedonian ethnicity did still not exist.<ref>"The Ilinden - Preobrazhenie Uprising of 1903". Authors: Hristo Hristov, Dimiter Kossev, Lyubomir Panayotov; Publisher: Sofia Press - 1983; in English language.</ref> It has also to be noted that some attempts from Bulgarian officials for joint actions and celebration of the Ilinden uprising were rejected from Macedonian side as unacceptable.<ref> {{dead link|date=May 2017|bot=medic}}{{cbignore|bot=medic}}</ref><ref> {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061020034258/http://www.bnr.bg/RadioBulgaria/Emission_Bulgarian/Theme_Bulgaria_i_Sveta/Material/040806_po_sasedski.htm |date=2006-10-20 }}</ref> That lasted until August 2, 2017, when Bulgarian Prime Minister ] and his Macedonian colleague ] placed wreaths at the grave of Gotse Delchev on the occasion of the 114th anniversary of the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising, after the previous day, both have signed a treaty for friendship and cooperation between the neighboring states.<ref></ref> The treaty also calls for a committee to "''objectively re-examine the common history''" of Bulgaria and Macedonia and envisages both countries will celebrate together events from their shared history.<ref>Macedonia, Bulgaria Sign Historic Treaty, Renounce Rivalry, </ref> |
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==Honour== |
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] on ] in the ], ] is named after the uprising. |
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==See also== |
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{{Commons category|Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising}} |
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==Footnotes== |
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{{Reflist|colwidth=40em}} |
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==Sources== |
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