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This article is about the historical worship of Yahweh in the Levant during the Iron Age. For faction in modern Christianity which insists on using the name "Yahweh" instead of the conventional LORD, see Sacred Name Movement.
Image on a pithos sherd found at Kuntillet Ajrud below the inscription "Yahweh and his Asherah", depicting the two as bulls with the androgynous Egyptian deity Bes

Yahwism is the modern term used to describe the historic worship of Yahweh in the ancient Israelite kingdoms of Judah and Samaria (Israel) – and thus the primitive, formative stages of Judaism.

Despite modern Judaism and Yahwism both being the veneration of Yahweh, the distinctions between the two belief systems are quite clear. Unlike the religions that would descend from it, Yahwism was characterized by lax monotheism, or more specifically henotheism/monolatrism, which recognized Yahweh as the national god of Israel, but nevertheless allowed faith in (though not necessarily worship of) other gods of West Semitic mythology, such as Baal, Moloch, Asherah, and Astarte. The exact transition between what would be considered 'Yahwism' and what would be considered 'Judaism' is somewhat unclear, however it is evident that the event began with the reforms of Hezekiah and Josiah and had been fulfilled by the end of the Babylonian captivity, where the recognition of Yahweh as the sole god of the universe had finally secured a majority of the Jewish people.

History

While the Hebrew Bible would imply that historic Jewish worship was always a monotheistic belief, this is not the case. The archaeological record of the Levant during 'biblical times' (i.e. Bronze Age/Iron Age II) shows that the Israelites, or at the very least the Canaanite groups that they would emerge from, were very much polytheistic. It is almost certain that whatever historical group progenitated the Israelites worshiped the Canaanite pantheon of gods, including the supreme Canaanite god El.

It is unclear how, where, or why Yahweh appeared in the Levant, even his name is a point of confusion. Regardless, the Israelites emerged as an 'independent' community when Yahweh was given worship above all gods. This did not, however, preclude the veneration of other deities, as it is clearly shown that Yahweh was worshiped alongside and in conjunction with a number of other gods. This theme is present both in and out of the Biblical accounts of the era, but with noticeable differences. While the Bible indeed shows the worship of Yahweh alongside other deities, it not only describes this as accepted heresy, which it clearly was not considered in this time, but also neglects to reflect this tradition in earlier eras. The Bible's accounts of the formative stages of Judaism records Yahweh originated under the aegides of Abraham, Moses, etc. – thus obviously leaving historical accounts out, leading the only records regarding this non-monotheistic worship of Yahweh confined solely to the era of the prophets such as Elijah, when Yahwism was on decline. In any event, Yahweh was worshiped alongside other Canaanite deities for several centuries, though none were truly elevated to his position. In the Iron Age, Yahweh was the national god of the Jewish kingdoms,. In the early tribal period, each tribe would have had its own patron god; however when kingship emerged, the state promoted Yahweh as the national god of Israel, supreme over the other gods.

Israelite monotheism was the result of unique historical circumstances. During an era of religious syncretism, it became accepted among the Israelite people to consider the aforementioned Canaanite god El as the same as Yahweh. This is arguably the beginning of the end for Yahwism and the very beginnings of Judaism. Indeed, as this idea became prevalent in the Jewish people's religion, El soon was thought to have always been the same deity as Yahweh, as evidenced by Exodus 6:3, which reads:

I appeared to Abraham, to Isaac and to Jacob as El Shaddai, but by my name Yahweh I did not make myself fully known to them.

Specifically, this verse was probably written to reconcile the fact that the ancestors of the Israelites did indeed worship El.

After the 9th century BCE the tribes and chiefdoms of Iron Age I were replaced by ethnic nation states. In each kingdom the king was also the head of the national religion and thus the viceroy on Earth of the national god; in Jerusalem this was reflected each year when the king presided over a ceremony at which Yahweh was enthroned in the Holy Temple. The Hebrew Bible gives the impression that the Jerusalem Temple was always meant to be the central, or even sole, temple of Yahweh, but this was not the case: the earliest known Israelite place of worship is a 12th-century open-air altar in the hills of Samaria featuring a bronze bull reminiscent of Canaanite "Bull-El" (El in the form of a bull), and the archaeological remains of further temples have been found at Dan on Israel's northern border and at Arad in the Negev and Beersheba, both in the territory of Judah. Shiloh, Bethel, Gilgal, Mizpah, Ramah and Dan were also major sites for festivals, sacrifices, the making of vows, private rituals, and the adjudication of legal disputes.

The fall of Yahwism and birth of Judaism drew even closer, with prophets signalling an era of new ideals and practices. Reforms made by the Hebrew kings Hezekiah and Josiah worked to abolish worship of any god but Yahweh, however their reforms were oft reversed by their successors who favored the monolatristic Yahwism that was common.

The worship of Yahweh alone began at the earliest with Elijah in the 9th century BCE, and at the latest with Hosea in the 8th; but even then it remained the concern of a small party before gaining ascendancy in the exilic and early post-exilic period. The early supporters of this faction are widely regarded as being monolatrists rather than true monotheists, as instead of believing that Yahweh was the only god in existence, they instead believed that he was the only god the people of Israel should worship, a noticeable departure from the traditional beliefs of the Israelites nonetheless. It was during the national crisis of the exile that the followers of Yahweh went a step further and finally outright denied that the other deities aside from Yahweh even existed, thus marking the transition from monolatrism to true monotheism, and from Yahwism to Judaism.

Thanks to surviving the earlier Assyrian captivity, Samaritanism carried on Yahwism past the transition to Judaism, and in some senses still carry it on today, though the worship of any god but Yahweh is just as heretical there as it is in Judaism today.

Beliefs and Practices

Remains of an altar built by Jeroboam in 931 BC, where Yahweh was worshiped in the form of a bull statue

As stated, Yahwism is distinguished from Judaism by its allowance of the worship of other gods alongside Yahweh. As such, Yahwism shares some practices with Judaism, but not others.

The deity most commonly worshiped alongside Yahweh (without adherents breaking off and joining Canaanite faiths instead) was Asherah, venerated as Yahweh's consort or mother. In the Canaanite pantheon, Asherah was El's consort, and later Baal (also her son, explaining the variance in her coupling with Yahweh) in the period where he dethroned El as the supreme god of the Canaanites. While it's true other gods, such as Baal, were indeed worshiped rather commonly alongside Yahweh, this wasn't always consistent practice, as Baal for example only saw true prominence in the time of Elijah, and never again thereafter. Various biblical passages indicate that statues of Asherah were kept in his temples in Jerusalem, Bethel, and Samaria. A goddess called the "Queen of Heaven" was also worshiped, probably a fusion of Astarte and the Mesopotamian goddess Ishtar, possibly a title of Asherah. Worship of Baal and Yahweh coexisted in the early period of Israel's history, but they were considered irreconcilable after the 9th century BCE, following the efforts of King Ahab and his queen Jezebel to elevate Baal to the status of national god, although the cult of Baal did continue for some time.. Outside of Israel, Yahweh also appropriated the Egyptian goddess Anat as a consort, as 5th century BCE records from the Jewish colony at Elephantine in Egypt account that a goddess "Anat-Yahu" was worshiped in the settlement's temple to Yahweh.

The Holy of Holies in a ruined temple at Tel Arad, with two incense pillars and two stele, one to Yahweh, and one most likely to Asherah. The temple was probably destroyed as a part of Josiah's reforms.

Yahweh worship was famously aniconic, meaning that the god was not depicted by a statue or other image. This is not to say that he was not represented in some symbolic form, and early Israelite worship probably focused on standing stones, but according to the Biblical texts the temple in Jerusalem featured Yahweh's throne in the form of two cherubim, their inner wings forming the seat and a box (the Ark of the Covenant) as a footstool, while the throne itself was empty. No satisfactory explanation of Israelite aniconism has been advanced, and a number of recent scholars have argued that Yahweh was in fact represented prior to the reforms of Hezekiah and Josiah late in the monarchic period: to quote one recent study, "early aniconism, de facto or otherwise, is purely a projection of the post-exilic imagination".

Practices of Yahwism are largely characteristic of other Semitic religions of the time(s). Such practices that were preserved in Judaism were festivals, sacrifices, the making of vows, private rituals, and the adjudication of legal disputes. Prayer itself played little role in official worship.

Animal sacrifices played a big role in Yahwism and Judaism (prior to the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE) on altars, with the subsequent burning and the sprinkling of their blood, a practice described in the Bible and a daily Temple ritual for the Jewish people. Sacrifice was presumably complemented by the singing or recital of psalms, but the details are scant. Some scholars have concluded that the rituals detailed in Leviticus 1–16, with their stress on purity and atonement, were acctually followed only after the Babylonian exile and the Yahwism/Judaism transition, and that in reality any head of a family was able to offer sacrifice as occasion demanded.

In addition to the sacrificial priests, a great role in Yahwism, and still later Judaism, were played by prophets and epic heroes, reflected in the modern Jewish texts by legends about Samson, Elijah, and/or Joshua. Worship was preformed on literal 'high places', with the Jerusalem Temple sitting on Mount Moriah/Mount Zion (hence, the Temple Mount), and the Samaritans' temple sitting on Mount Gerizim – though this may just be more of a coincidence than an intentional practice. Talismans and the mysterious "teraphim" were also probably used. It's also quite possible Yahwism employed ecstatic cultic rituals (compare the Biblical tale of David dancing naked before the Ark of the Covenant) at times where they became popular, and potentially even human sacrifice. Human sacrifice is a contentious issue in terms of pinpointing what the rituals of Yahwism entailed, as it's unclear if it was ever preformed by Yahwists, perhaps by those that worshiped Moloch alongside Yahweh, and if that is the case, whether or not the sacrifice was actually to Yahweh or to Moloch, which seems the more likely option.

The center of Yahweh's worship lay in three great annual festivals coinciding with major events in rural life: Passover with the birthing of lambs, Shavuot with the cereal harvest, and Sukkot with the fruit harvest. These probably pre-dated the arrival of the Yahweh religion, but they became linked to events in the national mythos of Israel: Passover with the exodus from Egypt, Shavuot with the law-giving at Sinai, and Sukkot with the wilderness wanderings. The festivals thus celebrated Yahweh's salvation of Israel and Israel's status as his holy people, although the earlier agricultural meaning was not entirely lost.

References

Citations

  1. Vriezen & van der Woude 2005, p. 18. sfn error: no target: CITEREFVriezenvan_der_Woude2005 (help)
  2. Kaiser 2017, p. unpaginated.
  3. Smith 2002, p. 7.
  4. Miller 1986, p. 110.
  5. Gnuse 1997, p. 214.
  6. Miller 2000, p. 90.
  7. Petersen 1998, p. 23.
  8. ^ Davies 2010, p. 112.
  9. Dever 2003a, p. 388.
  10. ^ Bennett 2002, p. 83.
  11. Albertz 1994, p. 61.
  12. Eakin 1971, pp. 70 and 263. sfn error: no target: CITEREFEakin1971 (help)
  13. McKenzie 1990, p. 1287. sfn error: no target: CITEREFMcKenzie1990 (help)
  14. Betz 2000, p. 917.
  15. Niehr 1995, pp. 54, 57.
  16. Barker 2012, pp. 80–86.
  17. ^ Ackerman 2003, p. 395.
  18. Barker 2012, pp. 154–157.
  19. Barker 2012, p. 41.
  20. Smith 2002, p. 47.
  21. Smith 2002, p. 74.
  22. Day 2002, p. 143.
  23. Mettinger 2006, pp. 288–90.
  24. MacDonald 2007, pp. 21, 26–27.
  25. Cohen 1999, p. 302.
  26. Davies & Rogerson 2005, pp. 158–65.
  27. Davies & Rogerson 2005, pp. 151–52.
  28. Gnuse 1997, p. 118.
  29. ^ Albertz 1994, p. 89.
  30. Gorman 2000, p. 458. sfn error: no target: CITEREFGorman2000 (help)

Bibliography

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