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'']'' scholar ] (]-1999), in an essay entitled "The United States, Mexico, and Machismo" (],1971), argues that during the ] ] the ] term ''machismo'' became the ''de facto'' word for describing a set of restored and redefined patriarchal assumptions by and about Mexicans. Using both the traditional '']'' and more recent Mexican popular art forms to measure the phenomenon of lexical change, Paredes concludes that up until the ] a group of alternately-rooted words (e.g. ''bravo'', ''hombre'', ''hombría'', ''hombre de verdad'', ''valentía'', ''valeroso'', ''valiente'') was still commonly used to describe a web of masculine attitudes and behaviors that ('']'') would increasingly be described as (or qualified with) ''macho'' and ''machismo'' by Mexicans, and subsequently by other ] ] and ] alike. Paredes gives as a key reason for this ] shift in ] the brutal(izing) masculine rivalries enacted during the ], but leaves at least partially unresolved (from the perspective of this article) the almost simultaneous '']'' of the acceptation across other, more distant parts of the hispanophone and allophone worlds (cf ''Corpus del Español''). '']'' scholar ] (]-1999), in an essay entitled "The United States, Mexico, and Machismo" (],1971), argues that during the ] ] the ] term ''machismo'' became the ''de facto'' word for describing a set of restored and redefined patriarchal assumptions by and about Mexicans. Using both the traditional '']'' and more recent Mexican popular art forms to measure the phenomenon of lexical change, Paredes concludes that up until the ] a group of alternately-rooted words (e.g. ''bravo'', ''hombre'', ''hombría'', ''hombre de verdad'', ''valentía'', ''valeroso'', ''valiente'') was still commonly used to describe a web of masculine attitudes and behaviors that ('']'') would increasingly be described as (or qualified with) ''macho'' and ''machismo'' by Mexicans, and subsequently by other ] ] and ] alike. Paredes gives as a key reason for this ] shift in ] the brutal(izing) masculine rivalries enacted during the ], but leaves at least partially unresolved (from the perspective of this article) the almost simultaneous '']'' of the acceptation across other, more distant parts of the hispanophone and allophone worlds (cf ''Corpus del Español'').


When removed from a specifically ] cultural context ''machismo'' (]: machist, machoism) becomes ] ]-] with "(male) braggardism," "male chauvinism," "] of masculinity," "male dominance," "]," "]," "]," and "];" in ] it has at times been subsumed within certain ] and ] concepts, such as "]," "]," "]," "]," "]," as well as incorporated into ] and ] critiques of ]. The term "machismo ]," first used by ] Andre Simic in his study of the ] ] (Simic - ]), has at times been applied in describing a ] social-sexual relationship of ] interdependence between persons of any ](cf ] - ])(], ] - ])(cf Prieur - 1998). When removed from a specifically ] cultural context ''machismo'' (]: machist, machoism) becomes ] ]-] with "(male) braggardism," "male chauvinism," "] of masculinity," "male dominance," "]," "]," "]," and "];" in ] it has at times been subsumed within certain ] and ] concepts, such as "]," "]," "]," "]," "]," as well as incorporated into ] and ] critiques of ]. The term "machismo ]," first used by ] Andre Simic in his study of the ] ] (Simic - ]), has at times been applied in describing a ] social-sexual relationship of ] interdependence between persons of any ](cf ] - ]; ], ] - ]; Prieur - 1998).


In a more culture-specific context the concept acquires significant complexity and subtlety. The term ''machismo'' is normally not ] used in Spanish other than in a ] way, the term itself being the topic. This is because the word is extraneous to the traditional ] repertoire Spanish-speakers have historically relied on when discussing concepts relating to masculinity and ]. The ] '']''’s (], ]) entry for ''macho'' is concerned principally with forming sexo-lexical distinctions relevant to ], agriculture and ]; the article does mention that men can be considered ''macho'', but the sense is limited to the practical and ], consisting of physical and temperamental attributes that, by simply being, place no ] restrictions (or demands) on ]: In a more culture-specific context the concept acquires significant complexity and subtlety. The term ''machismo'' is normally not ] used in Spanish other than in a ] way, the term itself being the topic. This is because the word is extraneous to the traditional ] repertoire Spanish-speakers have historically relied on when discussing concepts relating to masculinity and ]. The ] '']''’s (], ]) entry for ''macho'' is concerned principally with forming sexo-lexical distinctions relevant to ], agriculture and ]; the article does mention that men can be considered ''macho'', but the sense is limited to the practical and ], consisting of physical and temperamental attributes that, by simply being, place no ] restrictions (or demands) on ]:

Revision as of 08:07, 16 October 2006

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For other uses, see Machismo (disambiguation).

Lexicological analysis of the terms macho and machismo

machismo.

1. m. Actitud de prepotencia de los varones respecto de las mujeres.

DRAE

Machismo is defined by the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española (21st edition) as "an arrogant (prepotente) attitude by men towards women." El Pequeño Larousse Ilustrado 2000 defines it as an "an attitude that considers the masculine sex to be superior to the feminine." Simon & Schuster's International Spanish Dictionary Second Edition offers the following interpretation: "machismo, male chauvinism; exaltation of masculinity, he-manship." The University of Chicago Spanish-English Dictionary (fourth edition) translates machismo as: "the quality of being a male; proven daring; male chauvinism." The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary (SOED) (1993 edition) defines it as: "The quality of being macho; male virility, masculine pride; a show of this." The American Heritage Dictionary's (AHD) fourth edition definition is more elaborate:

1. A strong or exaggerated sense of masculinity stressing attributes such as physical courage, virility, domination of women, and aggressiveness. 2. An exaggerated sense of strength or toughness.

Encarta Webster's Dictionary gives the same overall meaning as do the SOED and AHD , however, it is–among the dictionaries consulted–unique in attributing to machismo a "Mid-20th century" "Mexican Spanish" origin. The 100 million-word Corpus del Español corroborates Encarta's chronology but gives no clear indication as to machismo's original linguistic provenance. Miguel Velasco Valdés's folkloristic Repertorio de voces populares en México (1967) defines machismo and macho respectively as:

Alarde de hombría, desplante de valor a veces fingido.

A display of manliness, a brave posture at times as a bluff.

Formal, valeroso, con entereza; ser muy macho consiste en afrontar virilmente todas las contingencias.

respectful, courageous, with uprightness; to be muy macho means confronting danger with manly courage.

It will be noted that Valdés's definitions diverge in important ways from the general lexicographical pattern presented so far, where in the other examples the word machismo has a(n) (at least partially) negative connotation, in Valdés the sense is entirely positive, even chivalrous, the only negative note being that sounded by the "false" machismo of the bluffer, the braggadocio (cf Paredes - 1971).

(Valdés does not say how, where, or why such meanings developed, though he does indicate that all the words in the compendium are in "uso común y corriente en el medio mexicano" ).

Unlike the Repertorio, the Diccionario del español usual en México (1996 edition) does conform to the previous definitional pattern, however, the extensive space and emphasis it gives to the "virilist" sense of the root macho has no parallel in any of the works so far cited, further strenghtening the link between the word machismo and (a certain) Mexican sociolinguistic culture:

...2 Hombre que considera al sexo masculino como naturalmente superior al femenino, exalta las características tradicionalmente atribuidas a los hombres y pretende imponerse y dominar a las mujeres o demostrar su fuerza, su virilidad, etc, ante ellas u otros hombres: macho mexicano, «¡Aguántese como los machos!» 3 Que es valiente, fuerte o tiene alguna de las características que tradicionalmente se atribuyen a los hombres: «¡Yo soy muy macho, hijos de la chingada!», una mujer muy macha 4 A lo macho (Coloq) Sin engaños ni mentiras, con valentía: «-¿Me lo dice usted a lo macho?» 5 Hombre, especialmente cuando se quiere destacar su sexualidad: «Regresó convertido en un macho alto y fuerte»...

...2 A man who considers the masculine sex as naturally superior to the feminine, glorifies those traits traditionally ascribed to men and seeks to control and dominate women or to demonstrate his strength, virility, etc., to them and to other men: Mexican macho, "Take it like the machos!" 3 Someone who is brave, strong or demonstrates some of the traits traditionally ascribed to men: "I am very macho, sons of the chingada!", a very macha woman 4 A lo macho (coloq.) without guile or trickery, with bravery: "Are you telling it to me a lo macho?" 5 A man, specially when seeking to emphasize his sexuality: "He came back made a macho tall and strong"...

Tejano scholar Américo Paredes (1915-1999), in an essay entitled "The United States, Mexico, and Machismo" (1967,1971), argues that during the nationalist 1940s the vulgar term machismo became the de facto word for describing a set of restored and redefined patriarchal assumptions by and about Mexicans. Using both the traditional corrido and more recent Mexican popular art forms to measure the phenomenon of lexical change, Paredes concludes that up until the 1930s a group of alternately-rooted words (e.g. bravo, hombre, hombría, hombre de verdad, valentía, valeroso, valiente) was still commonly used to describe a web of masculine attitudes and behaviors that (mutatis mutandis) would increasingly be described as (or qualified with) macho and machismo by Mexicans, and subsequently by other North American hispanophones and allophones alike. Paredes gives as a key reason for this radical shift in nomenclature the brutal(izing) masculine rivalries enacted during the Mexican Revolution, but leaves at least partially unresolved (from the perspective of this article) the almost simultaneous neologenesis of the acceptation across other, more distant parts of the hispanophone and allophone worlds (cf Corpus del Español).

When removed from a specifically Hispanic cultural context machismo (anglicizations: machist, machoism) becomes ideologically para-synonymous with "(male) braggardism," "male chauvinism," "cult of masculinity," "male dominance," "male prejudice," "male supremacism," "(super)phallicism," and "sexual fascism;" in academia it has at times been subsumed within certain post-structuralist and radical feminist concepts, such as "androcentrism," "androcracy," "patriarchy," "phallocracy," "phallocentrism," as well as incorporated into historiological and materialist critiques of capitalist society. The term "machismo syndrome," first used by anthropologist Andre Simic in his study of the Yugoslavian peasantry (Simic - 1969), has at times been applied in describing a hierarchical social-sexual relationship of sado-masochistic interdependence between persons of any gender(cf Paz - 1975; Fromm, Maccoby - 1970; Prieur - 1998).

In a more culture-specific context the concept acquires significant complexity and subtlety. The term machismo is normally not colloquially used in Spanish other than in a self-referential way, the term itself being the topic. This is because the word is extraneous to the traditional lexical repertoire Spanish-speakers have historically relied on when discussing concepts relating to masculinity and femininity. The seminal Tesoro de la Lengua Castellana o Española’s (Madrid, 1611) entry for macho is concerned principally with forming sexo-lexical distinctions relevant to animal husbandry, agriculture and herbology; the article does mention that men can be considered macho, but the sense is limited to the practical and technistic, consisting of physical and temperamental attributes that, by simply being, place no ontological restrictions (or demands) on muliebrity:

Todo lo que es fuerte llamamos macho, como hombre macho y machucho. Vino macho, el vino fuerte.

Everything that is strong we call macho, like macho man and machucho . Macho wine, strong wine

Thus there is nothing in the Tesoro’s definition to suggest the term then held the kind of overt gender-discriminatory, mysogynist, or male-supremacist connotations it does today. Moreover, the example of machucho indicates that it was not only possible in 17th century Spain for an hombre macho to be prudent, judicious, and circumspect, it was seen as natural and expected; such a conception of macho-ness hardly fits the current stereotype of the "testosterone-drunk" "macho man," if anything, it contradicts and works antonymically against it.

Although, as has been indicated, the word machismo itself did not exist in 17th century Spain the belief structures and behavioral patterns defined by it did, and to the extent they were recognized by society as requiring definition and formal expression they were given semantic coherence and lexical form; the results of such a process are often referred to as a group's "linguistic culture," the linguistic culture that gave rise to the term machismo remains largely intact in much of the hispanophone world.

Machista attitudes

As an attitude, machismo ranges from a personal sense of virility to a more extreme masculism. Many machistas also believe it is their right as men to seek extramarital relationships, although women are to remain faithful. Machistas believe that women were created to stay home and be mothers and wives. Thus, most machistas believe firmly in the superiority of men over women.

Some acts of domestic violence against women have been committed by men who consider themselves superior to women, whereby the doctrine of machista such violence may often be called appropriate or justified.

The most common Spanish term for a woman with exaggerated feminine pride is feminista (as in "feminist"), although some Spanish speakers prefer the female equivalent of macho: hembra ("female" in Spanish), as in "Yo soy muy macho, pero tú eres muy hembra" (I am very macho, but you are very hembra). Today, both feminista and hembra are widely used in modern Spanish. In Hispanic cultures, women who display male-like characteristics or interests, are also identified. In English-speaking cultures, these women are typically called tomboys. In Mexico, the term used for this type of woman is mari-macha (i.e. both Maria and Macho).

Machismo around the world

Machismo, of course is not only a feature of Hispanic culture.

Depending on the country, machistas are viewed with disdain. In Mexico, many men consider it an honor to be called a machista. The Mexican/Dominican actor Andrés García has long been pointed to as a typical example of the Mexican machista man. In Peru, talk show host Laura Bozzo (Laura en América) spends a good number of her shows exposing machista men and teaching them a lesson.

In many cultures, from Latin America to Korea to countries of the Muslim world, machismo is acceptable and even expected. In 2004, the Spanish government and Spanish media began to take on the entire concept of machismo, linking it directly to a spate of notorious domestic violence crimes perpetrated by men against their own wives or female companions.

In American literature, a memorable example of machismo comes from Tennessee Williams' character Stanley Kowalski, the egotistical brother-in-law in A Streetcar Named Desire. In the play (and in the motion picture), Stanley epitomises the hyper-masculine alpha male, socially and physically dominating and imposing his will upon his wife and her sister, Blanche Dubois. Bound up with Stanley's aggressive and occasionally misogynist views is a strong sense of pride and honor which leads to his hatred of Blanche.

See also

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