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except for the Prilep sub-dialects, Bitola sub-dialects have two phonemic lateral consonants (/ɫ/ and /l/, continuants of Proto-Slavic *l and *ĺ):
ex. Proto-Slavic *kĺučь > in Bitola sub-dialects, in Prilep sub-dialects
while most Macedonian dialects have a phonemic /f/ (in loanwords), many sub-dialects of the Prilep-Bitola dialect—with the exception of urban prestige dialects—instead have /v/:
the palatal affricates are typically prepalatalized: свеќа /ˈsvɛca/ ('candle') is realized as , меѓа /ˈmɛɟa/ ('border, frontier') is realized as ;
a similar features occurs with the palatal nasal: јадење /ˈjadɛɲɛ/ ('food') is realized as ;
the etymological /v/ in initial position has been lost in a number of instances:
in the sequences *vs- and *vz-, as is the case in the standard; e.g. сè /sɛ/ ('all') from the earlier *все, зема /ˈzɛma/ ('to take') from the earlier *взема;
in a handful of words where the pronunciation was "evened up" with that of their antonyms: натре /ˈnatrɛ/ from the earlier внатре /ˈvnatrɛ/ ('inside') as per надвор /ˈnadvɔr/ ('outside'), ногу /ˈnɔɡu/ from the earlier многу /ˈmnɔɡu/ ('much, a lot') as per малку /ˈmalku/ ('a little');
intervocalic consonant elision is typical of this dialect, and elided forms are in free variation with non-elided forms:
elision of the intervocalic /v/:
in the plural forms of monosyllabic nouns, e.g. лебо(в)и:
/ˈlɛbɔvi/ → /ˈlɛbɔi/ (realized as ~ )
and in most other positions, e.g. то(в)ар:
/ˈtɔvar/ → /ˈtɔar/ (realized as )
certain short words (conjunctions, pronouns, determiners, etc.) have undergone further elision, ex.:
/ˈsɛɡa/ (→ /ˈsɛa/) → ('now')
*/ˈtɔva/ (→ /ˈtɔa/) → (indic. pron. 'that')
/ˈkɔɡa/ (→ /ˈkɔa/) → (interr. pron. 'when')
insertion of /t/ and /d/ into consonant clusters -/sr/- and -/zr/-, respectively; for example, /stram/ from the earlier /sram/ (срам, 'shame') and /zdrɛl/ from the earlier /zrɛl/ (зрел, 'ripe').
In the sub-dialect of Bukovo-Orehovo, especially among the oldest generations:
while is an allophone of /l/ in most dialects (occurring in all positions except before front vowels and /j/), in this dialect is used instead; ex.:
for (глава, 'head') and for (слама, 'straw')
the phoneme /a/ mutates (is raised) to ( ~ ) when preceding an affricate or iotated consonant with the exception of suffixes; ex.:
чаша /ˈt͡ʃaʃa/ ('cup') is realized as
жаба /ˈʒaba/ ('frog') is realized as
the Proto-Slavic syllabic *l̥ has reflexed into /ə/, e.g. *sъlnьce > /ˈsənt͡sɛ/ ('sun'), *vьlkъ > /vək/ ('wolf').
no distinction between masculine and feminine short possessive pronouns, i.e. consistent use of му and го for both genders and also the plural third person.
Also considered a dialect of Bulgarian. Considered to be a part of the transitional Torlak dialect and as a subdialect of Bulgarian, Macedonian, and Serbo-Croatian.
