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Mihail Fărcăşanu (b. November 10 1907, Bucharest – d. July 14 1987, Washington, D.C.) was a Romanian journalist, diplomat and writer. He was president of the National Liberal Youth from 1940 to 1946. Pursued by the authorities due to his anticommunist actions, he managed to flee the country in 1946, and was later sentenced to death. He was member of the Romanian National Committee (Template:Lang-ro) and the League of Free Romanians (Template:Lang-ro) where he was elected as president in 1953. He was the first manager of the Europa Libera radio station, the Romanian language section. His most important work is The leaves are no longer the same (Template:Lang-ro), published in 1946 under the name of Mihail Villara. The work was given the Editura Cultura Naţională grand prize.

Ancestry

Fărcăşanu is a direct descendant of Popa Stoica from Fărcaş, Dolj County. Popa Stoica was a priest who abandoned the church and fought against the Turkish invaders in the army of Michael the Brave, who later named him agă, or supreme commander of the army. In 1595 Aga Fărcaş led an army across the Danube, conquering the Bulgarian citadel Nikopol and marching to Vidin where he was defeated by the Ottoman Turks, and where he eventually died.

After Aga Fărcaş, the family had a succession of such dignitaries as Radu Fărcăşanu (captain in 1639, treasurer in 1654, stolnic in 1657 and mare vornic), Barbu Fărcăşanu (logothete and treasurer in 1674), Matei Fărcăşanu (great stolnic in 1731), Constantin Fărcăşanu (serdar) and Enache Fărcăşanu (grand panetier named ispravnic of Romanaţi).

Youth and studies

Mihail Fărcăşanu was born November 10, 1907 in Bucharest, son of Gheorghe Fărcăşanu and Mariei Fărcăşanu (née Vasilescu). His father had a bachelor's degree in law but he never practiced. Besides Mihail, the parents had another three boys, Gheorghe, Paul (adopted by an uncle Paul Zotta) and Nicu, and two girls Margareta (married Bottea) and Mia (married Lahovari). His parents lived in Râmnicu Vâlcea, where Fărcăşanu attended primary school and then high school at Alexandru Lahovari High School (now Alexandru Lahovari National College), graduating in 1927 magna cum laude. In 1935 he attended the London School of Economics, where he studied under Harold Laski; Laski would go on to become president in 1945–1946 of the Labour Party in the United Kingdom. Fărcăşanu often said that he was not so thrilled by the English study system and decided to take his doctorate exam in Berlin rather than in the UK.

He completed his legal studies in Germany at the Friedrich Wilhelm University (since 1948 Humboldt University) in Berlin. His doctoral dissertation Über die geistesgeschichtliche Entwicklung des Begriffes der Monarchie (On the History of the Development of the Concept of Monarchy) was completed under the guidance of professor Carl Schmitt. His thesis was later published by the Konrad Tiltsch printing house in Würzburg. In Romania it was published in 1940 under the title Monarhia socială (Social monarchy) by Editura Fundaţiei pentru Literatură şi Artă Regele Carol II.

Upon returning to Romania after his studies, he became a member of the National Liberal Party (Brătianu). In 1938 he married Pia Pillat, the daughter of poet Ion Pillat and painter Maria Pillat Brateş, making him brother-in-law of literary critic Dinu Pillat and writer Cornelia Pillat. His wife was the granddaughter of Dinu Brătianu, president of the National Liberal Party.

Begining of his publishing activity

In 1939 he was named chief editor of Rumanian Quarterly magazine owned by the Anglo–Romanian Society. The president of the society was Nicolae Caranfil, with whom Fărcăşanu collaborated closely in the Romanian National Committee and the League of Free Romanians. Vice presidents of the society were Zoe Gheţu, George Cretzianu and Fr. Flow, and honorary secretaries were Nicolae Chrissoveloni, Paul Zotta, and Ion Mateescu. The magazine had the role of contributing to the knowledge of cultural values between the two countries and to evidence the spiritual interrelations between the two cultures. The magazine was comprised of articles signed by Romanian personalities such as Nicolae Iorga, Gheorghe Brătianu, Tudor Arghezi, Matila Ghyka, K. H. Zambaccian, Al. O. Teodoreanu, Cella Delavrancea, Militza Pătraşcu and foreign personalities such as Derek Patmore, Henry Baerlein, and journalist Sir Arthur Beverley Baxter. Fărcăşanu signed an important essay entitled The sense of the new political regime of Romania. The magazine stopped publishing due to the start of World War II.

In September 1940 he was named president of the National Liberal Youth by Dinu Brătianu. Although the political parties were suspended by General Ion Antonescu, the National Liberal Party continued its activities, especially its publishing activities. Between 1940 and 1944, Fărcăşanu was editor-in-chief of the Românul magazine, worked on the publishing committee of Pământul românesc magazine, and wrote articles in the anti-totalitarian newspaper Viaţa Nouă. In 1942 he published the essay Libertate şi existenţă (Freedom and existence). In 1943–1944 he was a war correspondent on the Eastern Front. He was almost captured by the Soviet Red Army at the Bend of the Don but managed to flee at the last moment.

After August 23, 1944

Right after the royal coup of August 23, 1944, the Viitorul newspaper was reborn and Mihai Fărcăşanu is appointed chief editor. The organ of the Liberal Party had been banned in 1938 by Carol II of Romania and then by Ion Antonescu. Fărcăşanu and the newspaper fought to save the Romanain cultural institutions threatened by the approach of the Red Army. In September 1944, at the proposal of Gheorghe Brătianu, he was reelected as president of the National Liberal Youth. After the liberation of Northern Transylvania, Ana Pauker went to Cluj-Napoca where, to appeal to and attract the ethnic Hungarian population to the Communist Party, she said that Hungarians are the majority populations in all the major cities in the northern Transylvania region. On November 19, 1944, Fărcăşanu presided over a reunion of the liberal youth where he criticised Pauker and her speech. This was the first time Pauker was criticised in public and this stirred a massive communist fightback, calling Fărcăşanu an agent of Nazi politician Joseph Goebbels, an enemy of the people and the working class, an adversary of the agriculture reform and a saboteur of the national industry. When Fărcăşanu published in the newspaper the translation of Ernest Hemingway's For Whom the Bell Tolls, the communist press called him a fascist.

Amongst the first measures that the communists took in their struggle to reach power was the "cleansing" of the police and safety services. Under pressure of the Soviets in the Ceasefire Commission, Nicolae Penescu (minister of the interior in the Sănătescu government) and Nicolae Rădescu had to kick out many loyal agents from the two services, to be replaced by communist agents. These actions were approved by the National Peasants' Party and the National Liberal Party, thinking that this would ensure a more favourable view of Romania from Moscow. Mihail Fărcăşanu was a strong adversary of these actions and he claimed that infiltrating communist agents into the state services would be fatal for the latter.

In January 1945 Fărcăşanu organised Conferinţa Pregătitoare a Congresului Tineretului Naţional Liberal (Preparatory Conference of the National Liberal Youth Congress). The conference took place in Sinaia and commemorated 11 years since the assassination of Ion G. Duca and the destruction of the commemorative plaque by the Iron Guard legionnaires. On February 11 General (and Prime Minister) Nicolae Rădescu, in the great hall of the ARO (Patria) theater, made a speech in which he explained the strategy that his government would apply, including a more radical agricultural reform than the previous communist reform. The communists wanted to stop the meeting, but it eventually took place because the meeting place was changed in the last minute. Relating events in Bucharest, Pravda published an article about Mihail Fărcăşanu entitled 'Fărcăşanu's gang in which he was accused of supporting General Rădescu.

On February 13, 1945, revolting against Rădescu, the communists yelled: Cerem arestarea lui Ţeţu! (We want the arrest of Ţeţu!), Cerem arestarea lui Fărcăşanu! (We want the arrest of Fărcăşanu!). In the later period of Rădescu's government. the communists tried to disestablish the historic political parties, attracting several members to the Blocul Partidelor Democrate (BPD, Democratic Bloc of Parties). The liberals, led by Gheorghe Tătărescu, and the peasants, led by Anton Alexandrescu, abandoned their independence as parties and joined the BPD. Such attempts were made even toward the youth sections of both parties. Fărcăşanu, president of the Liberal Youth, met with Nicolae Ceauşescu, president of the Union of Communist Youth (UTC). During this meeting in February 1945, Ceauşescu tried to convince Mihail Fărcăşanu to defect from his organisation and join the UTC, being offered a minister's seat in the next government. The meeting ended in a failure. The discussions about the attitude of the political parties continued even after the establishment of the Petru Groza government, Romania's first communist-dominated government. Iuliu Maniu proposed that the party maintain the opposition strategy it had adopted in the past, from the period whe he was a deputy in Budapest after World War I and even in the time when the parties were legally banned. This point of view was supported by Dinu Brătianu. Fărcăşanu wanted to convince them that this would be an error with grave consequences. Fărcăşanu said that if they thought the actions of the Communist Party would be suppressed by the Western countries, they were wrong. Maniu, Brătianu and many other political leaders paid with their lives for undermining of the Communist Party.

In autumn 1945, Fărcăşanu participated, as a representative of the National Liberal Youth, in organising a great rally in the Piaţa Palatului (now Revolution Square, Bucharest), on November 8, the king's birthday, a demonstration that was brutally repressed by the communist forces. On the last day of 1945 a delegation of the allied powers arrived in Bucharest, led by Archibald Clark Kerr, 1st Baron Inverchapel, W. Averell Harriman and Andrey Januaryevich Vyshinskiy. After the discussion Emil Haţieganu from the Peasants' Party and Mihail Romniceanu from the Liberal Party were assigned to the government as ministers without portfolio. In February 1946 the two parties were authorised to publish their own works. Because the name Viitorul for the party newspaper was owned by Gheorghe Tătărescu, the liberals decided to call their newspaper Liberalul, a name that had used in the past for many newspapers, notably one published in Iaşi under Nicolae Gane and George G. Mârzescu. Being watched by the authorities, Fărcăşanu did not assume the role of editor-in-chief seat, which was later occupied by Azra Berkowitz. In this period Fărcăşanu organised three conferences that had to be held in the grand hall of the Fundaţiei Carol I theater on May 12, 19 and 26, 1945. Inspired by a quote of Dinu Brătianu Libertăţile se cuceresc uneori fără jertfe. Dar ele nu se pot menţine decât cu jertfe (Liberties are gained without sacrifice. But maintaining them calls for sacrifice), the conferences, where ten associate professors announced their arrival, had the following program:

• I. Cucerirea libertăţii (Conquering freedom) – associate professors Mihail Fărcăşanu, Dan Amedeu Lăzărescu, Radu Câmpeanu;
• II. Pierderea libertăţii (Losing freedom) – associate professors George Fotino, Victor Papacostea, C.C. Zamfirescu;
• III. Recâştigarea libertăţii (Regaining freedom) – associate professors Alice Voinescu, Paul Dimitriu, Paul Zotta, Mihai Popescu.

At the first conference, after the first words spoken by Fărcăşanu, a group of communist activists started a general riot screaming Vi s-au luat moşiile! ("Your farms have been taken from you!"). Fărcăşanu tried in vain to talk to the agitators. The conference could not take place in a civilised manner, which was seen as a victory for the communists. This kind of disturbance proved that the leader of the communist youth Nicolae Ceauşescu and chief editor of Scânteia newspaper Silviu Brucan were not bold enough to confront Fărcăşanu in a public debate to back up their ideology. The Liberal Party's general secretary Dinu Brătianu, who had worked with Teohari Georgescu during the Rădescu government, convinced Fărcăşanu to reschedule the conferences to avoid disruption by the communists. On May 19 Fărcăşanu managed to organise his first conference, but by the order of the Ministry of the Interior the other two conferences were banned. This was the last time Fărcăşanu appeared in a public action in Romania. In May 1946, the General Police made a report about the National Liberal Party (Dinu Brătianu), although the police were not authorized to make political analyses. The report claimed that Mihail Romniceanu had given a secret order, which was delivered by his secretary Nicolae Magherescu to all the party organisations. This order said that the Liberal Party should initiate its own secret police to participate in all elections to ensure their proper organisation. The Liberal police would have been run by Fărcăşanu. A similar organisation would have been initiated by the Peasants' Party under Corneliu Coposu. These police organisations were never initiated but because of the General Police reports, Fărcăşanu had to leave the country to avoid capture.

Last years

After the death of Louise Gunther Fărcăşanu, Fărcăşanu donated the entire holdings of his Franklin Mott Gunther Foundation to the Adormirea Maicii Domnului (Dormition of the Theotokos) Church in Cleveland, Ohio and to the church's museum. The church was founded on August 15, 1904 as the first Romanian Orthodox church in the United States. He spent the last years of life in his house in the Georgetown district of Washington, D.C., being cared for by his sisters Margareta Bottea and Mia Lahovari and by his niece Domnica Bottea. He had a quiet life playing the violin daily and spending the majority of his time reading. He met frequently with Constantin Vişoianu, with whom he had collaborated to organise an Romanian resistance in exile. He never tried to write his memoirs or other literary works.

Mihail Fărcăşanu died on July 14, 1987 at the age of 79, not long before the fall of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989.

References

1. ^ "Mihail Fărcăşanu - Noua Arhivă Românească - revistă on-line de istorie, documente şi monografii locale" (in Romanian). Retrieved 2009-01-31. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
2. Familiile boiereşti române (in Romanian). Bucharest: Editura Minerva. 1899. {{cite book}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
3. ^ "Amintiri despre Mihail Fărcăşanu Convorbiri cu Pia Bader-Fărcăşanu". Amintiri despre Mihail Fărcăşanu Convorbiri cu Pia Bader-Fărcăşanu (in Romanian). Retrieved 2009-01-31. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
4. ^ Cicerone Ioniţoiu. "Tombes sans Croix Vol. 1" (in French). Retrieved 2009-01-31.
5. ^ Mihai Pelin (2005-09-08). "Discordiile interne ale opoziţiei după 23 august 1944" (in Romanian). Jurnalul Naţional. Retrieved 2009-01-31.
6. Dan Amedeu, Lăzărescu (2002). Dan Amedeu Lăzărescu (ed.). Anexa I la volumul Scrisori către tineretul român (in Romanian). Vol. 1. Bucharest: Editura Universal Dalsi.
7. "100 de ani de la atestarea documentară a comunităţii ortodoxe române din Cleveland". 100 de ani de la atestarea documentară a comunităţii ortodoxe române din Cleveland (in Romanian). Timopolis. 2004-09-16 (19). Retrieved 2009-01-31. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)

• 1907 births
• 1987 deaths
• Members of the Romanian National Liberal Party