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\, \two Mexican soldiers and wounded eight others, no other Mexican officer reported fatalities \ALAMO ROCKS!!!, settlers gathered in Gonzales to wait for Colonel James Fannin, commander of the only other garrison of Texian troops, to arrive with more troops. Impatient with waiting, on February 27, some of the men from Gonzales began their march towards Bexar. That same night, Travis ordered Samuel G. Bastian to go to Gonzales "to hurry up reinforcements". According to historian Thomas Ricks Lindley, Bastian soon found the group from Gonzales and volunteered to lead them to the Alamo. A Mexican patrol attacked, driving off four of the men, including Bastian. In the darkness, the Texians fired on the remaining 32 men, whom they assumed were Mexican soldiers. One man was wounded, and his English curses convinced the defenders to open the gates.

After days of indecision, Fannin had finally decided to offer assistance. On the morning of February 26, he led 320 men, 4 cannon, and several supply wagons on the 90 miles (140 km) march from Goliad to the Alamo. By the end of the day, they had traveled less than 1 mile (1.6 km). The following day the group returned to Presidio La Bahia. Fannin blamed the retreat on his officers, claiming they requested the journey's cancellation after learning that General Urrea's army was marching towards Goliad. The officers and men in the expedition maintained that Fannin decided on his own to abort the mission.

According to Lindley, after Fannin's aborted rescue mission up to 50 of his men, most of whom had belonged to the New Orleans Greys, left Goliad to rescue their former mates in the Alamo. On March 3, these men joined a group waiting at Cibolo Creek for Fannin. After Mexican reinforcements arrived in Bexar that day, Travis sent three men, including Davy Crockett, to find Fannin's force, which they still believed was en route. Lindley stated that just before midnight, Crockett reached Cibolo Creek and found the force of Texians waiting 20 miles (32 km) from the Alamo. Just before daylight on March 4, part of the Texian force managed to break through the Mexican lines and enter the Alamo. A second group was driven across the prairie by Mexican soldiers. Almonte's journal reported that there was an engagement that night, but that the Mexican troops had repulsed the assault.

Assault preparations

On March 3, The Texians watched from the walls as approximately 1000 Mexican troops, attired in dress uniform, marched into Bexar's military plaza to reinforce Santa Anna. The Mexican army celebrated loudly throughout the afternoon, both in honor of their reinforcements and at the news that troops under General Jose de Urrea had soundly defeated Texian Colonel Frank W. Johnson at the Battle of San Patricio on February 27. Most of the Texians in the Alamo believed that Sesma had been leading the Mexican forces during the siege, and they mistakenly attributed the celebration to the arrival of Santa Anna. The reinforcements brought the number of Mexican soldiers in Bexar to almost 2,400.

On March 4, the day after his reinforcements arrived, Santa Anna called his senior officers together and proposed an assault of the fort. Many of the participants recommended that the battle wait for the two 12 lb (5.4 kg) cannons, anticipated to arrive on March 7. A local woman, likely Juana Navarro Alsbury, approached Santa Anna that evening and attempted to negotiate a surrender for the Alamo defenders. According to many historians, this visit likely increased Santa Anna's impatience; as historian Timothy Todish noted, "there would have been little glory in a bloodless victory". The following morning, Santa Anna announced to his staff that the assault would take place early on March 6.

That evening, James Allen became the last courier to leave the Alamo. He carried personal messages from Travis and several of the other men. Legend holds that at some point on March 5, Travis gathered his men and explained that an attack was likely imminent, and that the Mexican Army would prevail. He supposedly drew a line in the sand and asked those willing to die for the Texian cause to cross and stand alongside him. A bedridden Bowie requested that Crockett and several others carry his cot over the line, leaving only one man, Louis "Moses" Rose on the other side. Explaining that he was not yet ready to die, Rose deserted that evening. This episode was first mentioned in a newspaper article written thirty-five years later by a reporter who said his parents heard the story directly from Rose. The reporter later admitted to embellishing pieces of the article, and as Rose had died by the time the story was published, the story could not be authenticated. Years after the story was published, Alamo survivors Susannah Dickinson and Enrique Esparza mentioned the incident, but many details conflicted.

At 10 pm, the Mexican artillery ceased their bombardment. As Santa Anna had planned, the exhausted Texians soon fell into the first uninterrupted sleep many had gotten since the siege began.

Final assault

Exterior fighting

Just after midnight on March 6 the Mexican army began preparing for the final assault. The troops were divided into four columns, commanded by Cos, Colonel Francisco Duque, Colonel Jose Marie Romero, and Colonel Juan Morales. Santa Anna would supervise the reserves, while the Mexican cavalry were positioned around the Alamo to prevent escape of either Texian or Mexican soldiers. Despite the bitter cold, the soldiers were ordered not to wear overcoats, which could impede their movements. Clouds concealed the moon, and thus the movements of the soldiers.

At 5:30 a.m. Santa Anna gave the order to advance. Troops silently moved forward, with veterans positioned on the outside of the columns to better control the new recruits in the middle. Cos and his men approached the northwest corner of the Alamo, while Duque led his men from the northwest to the breach in the Alamo's north wall. The column commanded by Romero marched towards the east wall, and Morales's column aimed for the low parapet by the chapel. In front of each column ranged several lines of light infantry, poised to "pick off any defenders who showed their heads". The three Texians sentinels stationed outside the walls were killed in their sleep.

The silence was soon broken by shouts of "Viva Santa Anna!" and music from the buglers. The Texians awakened and rushed to their posts. As Travis ran to his post, he shouted, "Come on boys, the Mexicans are upon us and we'll give them hell!" and, as he passed a group of Tejanos, "!No rendirse, muchachos!" ("No surrender, boys"). Most of the noncombatants gathered in the church sacristy for safety. By this point, the Mexican army was already within musket range.

In the initial moments of the assault Mexican troops were at a disadvantage. Their column formation allowed only the front rows of soldiers to safely fire. The untrained recruits in the ranks did not realize this, and "blindly fir their guns", injuring or killing the troops in front of them. The tight concentration of troops also offered an excellent target for the Texian artillery. Lacking canister shot, Texians filled their cannon with any metal they could find, including door hinges, nails, and chopped-up horseshoes, essentially turning the cannon into giant shotguns. According to the diary of José Enrique de la Peña, "a single cannon volley did away with half the company of chasseurs from Toluca". Duque fell from his horse after suffering a wound in his thigh and was almost trampled by his own men. General Manuel Castrillon quickly assumed command of Duque's column.

Although some in the front of the Mexican ranks wavered, soldiers in the rear pushed them on. As the troops massed against the walls, Texians were forced to lean over the walls to shoot, leaving them exposed to Mexican fire. Travis became one of the first defenders to die as he fired his shotgun into the soldiers below him. Few of the Mexican ladders reached the walls; those that arrived were poorly made. The few soldiers who were able to climb the ladders were quickly killed or beaten back. As the Texians discharged their previously loaded rifles, however, they found it increasingly difficult to reload while attempting to keep Mexican soldiers from scaling the walls.

Mexican soldiers withdrew and regrouped, but their second attack was again repulsed. Fifteen minutes into the battle, they attacked a third time. During the third strike, Romero's column, aiming for the east wall, were exposed to cannon fire and shifted to the north, mingling with the second column. Cos's column, under fire from Texians on the west wall, also veered north. When Santa Anna saw that the bulk of his army was massed against the north wall, he feared a rout; "panicked", he sent the reserves into the same area. The Mexican soldiers closest to the north wall realized that the makeshift wall contained many gaps and toeholds. One of the first to scale the 12 feet (3.7 m) wall was General Juan Amador; at his challenge, his men began swarming up the wall. Amador opened the postern in the north wall, allowing Mexican soldiers to pour into the complex. Others began climbing through gun ports in the west wall, which had few defenders. As the Texian defenders abandoned the north wall and the northern end of the west wall, Texian gunners at the south end of the mission turned their cannon toward the north and began firing into the incoming Mexican soldiers. This left the south end of the mission unprotected; within minutes Mexican soldiers had climbed the walls and killed the gunners, gaining control of the Alamo's eighteen-pounder cannon. By this time Romero's men had taken the east wall of the compound and were pouring in through the cattle pen.

Interior fighting

As previously planned, most of the Texians fell back to the barracks and the chapel. Holes had been carved in the walls so that the Texians could fire. The defenders in the cattle pen retreated into the horse corral. After discharging their weapons, the small band of Texians scrambled over the low wall, circled behind the church and raced on foot for the east prairie, which appeared empty. As the Mexican cavalry advanced on the group, Almeron Dickinson and his artillery crew turned a cannon around and fired into the cavalry, probably inflicting some casualties. Nevertheless, all of these escaping Texians were killed.

Unable to reach the barracks, another group of Texians, stationed along the west wall, headed west for the San Antonio River. When the cavalry charged, the Texians took cover and began firing from a ditch. Sesma was forced to send reinforcements, and the Texians were eventually killed. Sesma reported that this skirmish involved 50 Texians, but Edmondson believes that number was inflated.

The last Texian group to remain in the open were Crockett and his men, defending the low wall in front of the church. Unable to reload, they used their rifles as clubs and fought with knives. After a volley of fire and a wave of Mexican bayonets, the few remaining Texians in this group fell back toward the church. The Mexican army now controlled all of the outer walls and the interior of the Alamo compound except for the church and rooms along the east and west walls. Mexican soldiers turned their attention to a Texian flag waving from the roof of one building. Four Mexicans were killed before the flag of Mexico was raised in that location.

It took an hour for the Mexican army to secure complete control of the Alamo. Many of the remaining defenders were ensconced in the fortified barracks rooms. In the confusion, the Texians had neglected to spike their cannons before retreating. Mexican soldiers turned the cannons toward the barracks. As each door was blown off, Mexican soldiers would fire a volley of muskets into the dark room, then charge in for hand-to-hand combat. De la Pena's diary remarked that some Texians hung white flags through the doorways of their barracks rooms, but that they had no intentions of surrendering; a Mexican soldier who entered the room without firing would find himself attacked.

Too sick to participate in the battle, Bowie likely died in bed. Eyewitnesses to the battle gave conflicting accounts of his death. Some witnesses maintained that they saw several Mexican soldiers enter Bowie's room, bayonet him, and carry him, alive, from the room. Other witnesses claimed that Bowie shot himself or was killed by soldiers while too weak to lift his head. According to historian Wallace Chariton, the "most popular, and probably the most accurate" version is that Bowie died on his cot, "back braced against the wall, and using his pistols and his famous knife."

The last of the Texians to die were the eleven men manning the two twelve-pounder cannon in the chapel. A shot from the eighteen-pounder cannon destroyed the barricades at the front of the church, and Mexican soldiers entered the building after firing an initial musket volley. Dickinson's crew fired their cannon from the apse into the Mexican soldiers at the door. With no time to reload, the Texians, including Dickinson, Gregorio Esparza, and James Bonham, grabbed rifles and fired before being bayoneted to death. Texian Robert Evans, the master of ordnance, had been tasked with keeping the gunpowder from falling into Mexican hands. Wounded, he crawled towards the powder magazine but was killed by a musket ball with his torch only inches from the powder. Had he succeeded, the blast would have destroyed the church, killing the women and children hiding in the sacristy as well.

As soldiers approached the sacristy, one of the sons of defender Anthony Wolf stood to pull a blanket over his shoulders. In the dark, Mexican soldiers mistook him for an adult and killed him. Possibly the last Texian to die in battle was Jacob Walker, who attempted to hide behind Susannah Dickinson and the other women and was bayonetted in front of them. Another Texian, Brigido Guerrero, also sought refuge in the sacristy. Guerrero, who had deserted from the Mexican Army in December 1835, was spared after convincing the soldiers he was a Texian prisoner.

By 6:30 a.m. the battle for the Alamo was over. Mexican soldiers inspected each corpse, bayoneting any body that moved. Even with all of the Texians dead, Mexican soldiers continued to shoot, some killing each other in the confusion. Mexican generals were unable to stop the bloodlust and appealed to Santa Anna for help. Although he showed himself, the violence continued, and the buglers were finally ordered to sound a retreat. For 15 minutes after that, soldiers continued to fire into dead bodies.

Aftermath

Casualties

According to many accounts of the battle, between five and seven Texians surrendered. Incensed that his orders had been ignored, Santa Anna demanded the immediate execution of the survivors. Weeks after the battle, stories began to circulate that Crockett was among those who surrendered. However, Ben, a former American slave who served one of Santa Anna's officers, maintained that Crockett's body was found surrounded by "no less than sixteen Mexican corpses". Historians disagree on which version of Crockett's death is accurate.

Santa Anna ordered that the face of every corpse be wiped clean so that they could positively identify which soldiers were Mexican and which were Texian. According to Francisco Ruiz, possibly the alcade of Bexar, he was ordered by Santa Anna to identify the bodies of Travis, Bowie, and Crockett. Joe was also asked to point out Travis's body. With the identifications complete, Santa Anna ordered that the Texian bodies be stacked and burned. The only exception was the body of Gregorio Esparza, whose brother Francisco served in Santa Anna's army and received permission to give Gregorio a proper burial.

In his initial report Santa Anna claimed that 600 Texians had been killed, with only 70 Mexican soldiers killed and 300 wounded. His secretary, Ramon Martinez Caro, later remarked that he had not wished to make a false report but had done so under Santa Anna's orders. Other eyewitnesses counted between 182–257 Texians killed. Some historians believe that at least one Texian, Henry Warnell, successfully escaped from the battle. Warnell died several months later of wounds incurred either during the final battle or during his escape as a courier.

The ashes were left where they fell until February 1837, when Juan Seguin returned to Bexar to examine the remains. At Seguin's behest, the bells at the San Fernando Cathedral pealed all day. A simple coffin inscribed with the names Travis, Crockett, and Bowie was filled with ashes from the funeral pyres. According to a March 28, 1937 article in the Telegraph and Texas Register, Seguin buried the coffin under a peach tree grove. The spot was not marked and cannot now be identified. However, in 1899 Seguin claimed that he had placed the coffin in front of the altar at the San Fernando Cathedral. In July 1936 a coffin was discovered buried in that location, but according to historian Wallace Chariton it is unlikely to actually contain the remains of the Alamo defenders. Fragments of uniforms were found in the coffin, and it is known that the Alamo defenders did not wear uniforms.

Santa Anna reportedly told Captain Fernando Urizza that the battle "was but a small affair". Another officer, however, remarked that "with another such victory as this, we'll go to the devil". Estimates of the number of Mexican soldiers killed ranged from 60–2000, with an additional 250–300 wounded. Most Alamo historians agree that 400–600 Mexicans were killed or wounded. This would represent about one-third of the Mexican soldiers involved in the final assault, which Todish remarks is "a tremendous casualty rate by any standards". Santa Anna ordered that the Mexican soldiers be buried in the local cemetery, Campo Santo. Ruiz claimed that the graveyard was near full and that he instead threw some of the corpses in the river. However, Sam Houston reported on March 13 that all Mexicans were buried.

Texian survivors

Santa Anna spared several of the Texians found at the Alamo. He freed both Travis's slave, Joe, and Bowie's freedman, Sam, because they were or had been slaves, and he hoped the act of mercy would convince other slaves in Texas to support the Mexican government over the Texian rebellion. The surviving noncombatants were interviewed individually by Santa Anna on March 7. Impressed with Susanna Dickinson, Santa Anna offered to adopt her infant daughter Angelina and have the child educated in Mexico City. Susanna Dickinson refused the offer, which was not extended to Juana Navarro Alsbury for her son who was of similar age. Each woman was given a blanket and two silver pesos. The Tejano women were allowed to return to their homes in Bexar; Dickinson, her daughter, and Joe were sent to Gonzales, escorted by Ben. Before they were allowed to leave, Santa Anna ordered that the surviving members of the Mexican army parade in a grand review, in the hopes that Joe and Dickinson would deliver a warning to the remainder of the Texian forces that his army was unbeatable.

Impact on revolution

Within hours of the end of the battle, the new Texas provisional government received Travis's March 3 dispatch. Unaware that the fort had fallen, delegate Robert Potter called for the convention to adjourn and march immediately to relieve the Alamo. Sam Houston convinced the delegates to remain in Washington-on-the-Brazos to develop a constitution. After being reappointed commander of all Texian troops, Houston journeyed to Gonzales to take command of the 400 volunteers who had gathered to reinforce the Alamo. Shortly after his arrival on March 11, Andres Barcenas and Anselmo Bergaras arrived to report that the Alamo had fallen with all men slain. Hoping to halt a panic, Houston arrested the men as enemy spies. By the end of the day, however, Susannah Dickinson and Joe reached Gonzales. On hearing their news, Houston advised all civilians in the area to evacuate and ordered the army to retreat. This sparked a mass exodus of Texians from the Anglo settlements; even the government fled east.

Despite their losses at the Alamo the Mexican army in Texas outnumbered the Texian army by almost 6 to 1. Santa Anna assumed that all Texian resistance would crumble, and that Texian soldiers would quickly leave the territory. News of the Alamo's fall had the opposite effect, and men flocked to Houston's army. The New York Post editorialized that "had treated the vanquished with moderation and generosity, it would have been difficult if not impossible to awaken that general sympathy for the people of Texas which now impels so many adventurous and ardent spirits to throng to the aid of their brethren".

On the afternoon of April 21 the Texian army attacked Santa Anna's camp near Lynchburg Ferry. The Mexican army was taken by surprise, and the Battle of San Jacinto was essentially over after 18 minutes. During the fighting, many of the Texian soldiers repeatedly cried "Remember the Alamo!" Santa Anna was captured the following day, and reportedly told Houston: "That man may consider himself born to no common destiny who has conquered the Napoleon of the West. And now it remains for him to be generous to the vanquished." Houston replied, "You should have remembered that at the Alamo". Santa Anna was forced to order his troops out of Texas, ending Mexican control of the province and giving some legitimacy to the new Republic of Texas.

Legacy

Within Mexico, perceptions of the battle have often mirrored the country's view of Santa Anna. Many of the Mexican officers who participated in the battle left memoirs, although some were not written until decades later. Santa Anna had been disgraced following his capture at the Battle of San Jacinto, and many of the memoirs or other accounts of the battle were written by men who had been, or became, outspoken critics. Petite, and many other historians, believe that many of the stories, such as the execution of Crockett, may have been invented to further discredit Santa Anna. In Mexican history, the Texas campaign, including the Battle of the Alamo, was soon overshadowed by the Mexican-American War of the 1840s.

In San Antonio de Bexar, the largely Tejano population viewed the Alamo complex as more than just a battlesite; it represented decades of assistance—as a mission, a hospital, or a military post. As the English-speaking population increased, the battle gained more importance. Focus has become centered primarily on the Texian defenders, with little emphasis given to the role of the Tejano soldiers who served in the Texian army or the actions of the Mexican army. The Texas Legislature eventually purchased the property and appointed the Daughters of the Republic of Texas (DRT) as permanent caretakers of what is now an official state shrine to the Texian defenders. In front of the church, in the center of Alamo Plaza, stands a cenotaph, designed by Pompeo Coppini, which commemorates the Texians and Tejanos who died during the battle. According to Bill Groneman's Battlefields of Texas, the Alamo has become "the most popular tourist site in Texas".

The first histories of the battle were written and published by Texas Ranger and amateur historian John Henry Brown. The next major treatment of the battle was Reuben Potter's The Fall of the Alamo, published in The Magazine of American History in 1878. Potter based his work on interviews with many of the Mexican survivors of the battle. The first full-length, non-fiction book covering the battle was not published until 1948, when John Myers Myers's The Alamo was released.

According to Todish et al., "there can be little doubt that most Americans have probably formed many of their opinions on what occurred at the Alamo not from books, but from the various movies made about the battle." The first film version of the battle appeared in 1911, when Gaston Melies directed The Immortal Alamo. The battle gained a larger popularity after it was featured in the 1955 miniseries Walt Disney's Davy Crockett: King of the Wild Frontier, which was largely based on myth. Within several years, John Wayne directed and starred in one of the best-known, but least accurate, film version, 1960's The Alamo. In 2004 another film, also called The Alamo, was released. CNN described it as possibly "the most character-driven of all the movies made on the subject".

A number of songwriters have also been inspired by the Battle of the Alamo. Tennessee Ernie Ford's "The Ballad of Davy Crockett" spent 16 weeks on the country music charts, peaking at number 4 in 1955. Marty Robbins recorded a version of the song "The Ballad of the Alamo" in 1960 which spent 13 weeks on the pop charts, peaking at number 34.

See also

• List of Alamo defenders
• List of Texan survivors of the Battle of the Alamo
• List of Texas Revolution battles
• Notable last stands

Notes

1. Colonel Juan Almonte's journal did not mention any skirmishes that evening. In 1837, Santa Anna's secretary Roman Martinez Caro did report "two small reinforcements from Gonzales that succeeded in breaking through our lines and entering the fort. The first consisted of four men who gained the fort one night, and the second was a party of twenty-five". (Lindley (2003), p. 131.)
2. These Texian reinforcements were later dubbed the Immortal 32.
3. Susannah Dickinson mentioned this party in an interview in 1876.
4. Lieutenant Jose Maria Torres is credited with successfully raising the Mexican flag; he was mortally wounded in the process. (Todish et al (1998), p. 54.)
5. According to Edmondson, Wolf then ran into the room, grabbed his remaining son, and leaped with the child from the cannon ramp at the rear of the church; both were killed by musket shots before hitting the ground. (Edmondson (2000), p. 372.)
6. Edmondson speculates that these men might have been sick or wounded and were therefore unable to fight. (Edmondson (2000), p. 373)
7. According to Petite (1998), p. 124, "Every account of the Crockett surrender-execution story comes from an avowed antagonist (either on political or military grounds) of Santa Anna's. It is believed that many stories, such as the surrender and execution of Crockett, were created and spread in order to discredit Santa Anna and add to his role as villain."
8. Lindley believes that Ruiz was not in Bexar at the time. Lindley (2003), p. 278.
9. Cremating bodies was anathema at the time, as most people believed that a body could not be resurrected unless it were whole. (Petite (1998), p. 139.)
10. The identify of this officer is disputed. Edmondson (2000), p. 374 claims that this remark was made by Colonel Juan Almonte, and overheard by Almonte's cook, Ben. Todish et al (1998), p. 55. attributes the remark to Lieutenant Colonel José Juan Sanchez Navarro.
11. The convention had declared independence on March 2.
12. Historians J. Frank Dobie and Lon Tinkle demanded that they not be listed as historical advisors in the credits of The Alamo because of its disjunction from reality. (Todish et al, p. 188.)

References

1. Tinkle (1985), p. 162.
2. ^ Lindley (2003), p. 130.
3. Lindley (2003), p. 131.
4. Edmondson (2000), p. 340.
5. Edmondson (2000), p. 324.
6. Nofi (1992), p. 95.
7. Scott (2000), p. 100.
8. Scott (2000), p. 101.
9. Lindley (2003), p. 137.
10. Lindley (2003), p. 138.
11. Lindley (2003), p. 140.
12. Lindley (2003), p. 142.
13. Lindley (2003), p. 143.
14. Todish et al (1998), p. 47.
15. Edmondson (2000), p. 349.
16. Todish et al (1998), p. 48.
17. Edmondson (2000), p. 355.
18. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 49.
19. Edmondson (2000), p. 360.
20. Hopewell (1994), p. 126.
21. Chariton (1992), p. 195.
22. Groneman (1996), pp. 122, 150, 184.
23. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 51.
24. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 356.
25. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 357.
26. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 362.
27. Todish et al (1998), p. 50.
28. ^ Lord (1961), p. 160.
29. Hardin (1994), p. 138.
30. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 139.
31. ^ Tinkle (1985), p. 196.
32. Edmondson (2000), p. 363.
33. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 52.
34. Petite (1998), p. 113.
35. Hardin (1994), p. 146.
36. ^ Cite error: The named reference edmondson364 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
37. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 147.
38. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 53.
39. Petite (1998), p. 112.
40. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 366.
41. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 367.
42. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 368.
43. Edmondson (2000), p. 369.
44. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 54.
45. Petite (1998), p. 114.
46. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 370.
47. Groneman (1996), p. 214.
48. ^ Hopewell (1994), p. 127.
49. Chariton (1992), p. 74.
50. Petite (1998), p. 115.
51. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 371.
52. Tinkle (1985), p. 216.
53. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 372.
54. Tinkle (1985), p. 218.
55. ^ Lord (1961), p. 166.
56. Groneman (1990), p. 55–56.
57. ^ Tinkle (1985), p. 220.
58. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 373.
59. ^ Petite (1998), p. 123.
60. Hardin (1994), p. 148.
61. Tinkle (1985), p. 214.
62. ^ Petite (1998), p. 124.
63. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 374.
64. Hardin (1994), p. 156.
65. Nofi (1992), p. 133.
66. Edmondson (2000), p. 407.
67. Groneman (1990), p. 119.
68. Petite (1998), p. 131.
69. ^ Chariton (1990), p. 78.
70. Petite (1998), p. 132.
71. Lord (1961), p. 167.
72. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 55.
73. Hardin (1961), p. 155.
74. Nofi (1992), p. 136.
75. Lindley (2003), p. 277.
76. Petite (1998), p. 128.
77. Petite (1998), p. 127.
78. Edmondson (2000), p. 377.
79. Edmondson (2000), p. 375.
80. Nofi (1992), p. 138.
81. Edmondson (2000), p. 376.
82. Todish et al (1998), p. 67.
83. Todish et al (1998), p. 68.
84. Lord (1961), p. 190.
85. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 378.
86. Hardin (1994), p. 158.
87. Lord (1961), p. 169.
88. Todish et al (1998), p. 69.
89. ^ Todish et al (1998), p. 70.
90. ^ Glaser (1985), p. 98.
91. ^ Nofi (1992), p. 211.
92. Schoelwer (1985), p. 18.
93. Schoelwer (1985), pp. 52, 56.
94. Todish et al (1998), p. 199.
95. ^ Groneman (1998), p. 52.
96. Groneman (1998), p. 56.
97. ^ Lindley (2003), p. 106.
98. Cox, Mike (March 6, 1998), "Last of the Alamo big books rests with 'A Time to Stand'", The Austin-American Statesman
99. Todish et al (1998), p. 187.
100. ^ Nofi (1992), p. 213.
101. Todish et al (1998), p. 188.
102. Culpepper, Andy (April 8, 2004), A different take on 'The Alamo', CNN, retrieved 2008-05-22
103. Todish et al (1998), p. 194.
104. Todish et al (1998), p. 196.

Bibliography

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• Manchaca, Martha (2001), Recovering History, Constructing Race: The Indian, Black, and White Roots of Mexican Americans, The Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long Series in Latin American and Latino Art and Culture, Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, ISBN 0292752539
• Myers, John Myers (1948), The Alamo, Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, ISBN 0803257791
• Nofi, Albert A. (1992), The Alamo and the Texas War of Independence, September 30, 1835 to April 21, 1836: Heroes, Myths, and History, Conshohocken, PA: Combined Books, Inc., ISBN 0938289101
• Petite, Mary Deborah (1999), 1836 Facts about the Alamo and the Texas War for Independence, Mason City, IA: Savas Publishing Company, ISBN 188281035X
• Schoelwer, Susan Prendergast (1985), Alamo Images: Changing Perceptions of a Texas Experience, Dallas, TX: The DeGlolyer Library and Southern Methodist University Press, ISBN 0870742132
• Scott, Robert (2000), After the Alamo, Plano, TX: Republic of Texas Press, ISBN 9781556226915
• Tinkle, Lon (1985), 13 Days to Glory: The Siege of the Alamo, College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, ISBN 0890962383. Reprint. Originally published: New York: McGraw-Hill, 1958
• Todish, Timothy J.; Todish, Terry; Spring, Ted (1998), Alamo Sourcebook, 1836: A Comprehensive Guide to the Battle of the Alamo and the Texas Revolution, Austin, TX: Eakin Press, ISBN 9781571681522

Further reading

• Crisp, James E. (2005), Sleuthing the Alamo, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0195163494
• Hardin, Stephen L. (2001), The Alamo 1836: Santa Anna's Texas Campaign, Osprey Campaign Series #89, Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1841760900

External links

• Official website for the Alamo
• Alamo Sentry: The Popular Culture of The Alamo
• Alamo Studies

29°25′32″N 98°29′10″W / 29.42556°N 98.48611°W / 29.42556; -98.48611

• Battles of the Texas Revolution
• Conflicts in 1836
• History of San Antonio, Texas
• Sieges