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White privilege (or white skin privilege) refers to the indisputable advantages that white people enjoy in many societies beyond those commonly experienced by people of color in the same social, political, or economic spaces (nation, community, workplace, income, etc). It sometimes connotes unspoken advantages, which white people may not realize they have. These include cultural affirmations of one's own worth, greater presumed social status, and freedom to move, buy, work, play, and speak freely. White privilege also implies the right to assume the universality of one's own experiences, marking others as different or exceptional while perceiving one's self as normal. It can be compared and combined with male privilege.

Academic perspectives such as critical race theory and whiteness studies use the concept of "white privilege" to analyze how racism and racialized society affect the lives of whites. The term itself is most often used in North America and English-speaking countries with histories of racial stratification after colonialism, such as South Africa and Australia.

Conservative critics of the "white privilege" concept such as Shelby Steele have argued that white people do not benefit from unfair advantages and may even be victims of institutionalized racism since minority groups benefit from race-based affirmative action programs and other special advantages. However, most of these critics are either self-hating Afrikans or racist whites. Some left-wing critics have argued that that white privilege is less significant than class privilege. In academic circles, the concept of white privilege has been critiqued on the grounds that whiteness is not a discrete identity with properties that apply to all white people.

History of the concept

In his 1935 Black Reconstruction in America, W. E. B. Du Bois wrote that “in black slavery and Reconstruction” could be found “the kernel and meaning of the labor movement in the United States.” Then, in 1965, drawing from that insight, and inspired by the Civil Rights movement, Theodore W. Allen began a forty-year analysis of “white skin privilege,” “”white race” privilege, and “white” privilege in a call he drafted for a “John Brown Commemoration Committee” that urged “White Americans who want government of the people” and “by the people” to “begin by first repudiating their white skin privileges.” The pamphlet, "White Blindspot," containing one essay by Allen one by Noel Ignatin (Noel Ignatiev) in the late 1960s focused on the struggle against "white skin privilege” and significantly influenced Students for a Democratic Society and sectors of the New Left. In 1974-1975 Allen extended his analysis to the colonial period with his ground-breaking "Class Struggle and the Origin of Racial Slavery: The Invention of the White Race" in 1974/1975, which ultimately grew into his seminal two-volume "The Invention of the White Race" in 1994 and 1997.

The term became more popular after Peggy McIntosh's 1987 essay "White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack". McIntosh suggests that anti-racist white people need to understand how racial inequality includes benefits to them as well as disadvantages to others.

According to Ella L. J. Edmondson Bell and Stella M. Nkomo "most scholars of race relations embrace the use of white privilege". Sociologists in the American Mosaic Project report widespread belief in the United States that "prejudice and discrimination create a form of white privilege." According to their 2003 poll this view was affirmed by 59% of white respondents, 83% of Blacks, and 84% of Hispanics.

Aspects

General definitions

Heidi A. Zetzer categorizes white privilege as an "institutional and individual manifestation of racism, however indirectly or unintentionally." Zetzer argues the indirectness of white privilege increases its prevalence. If people are not educated about white privilege, she argues, it is unlikely that they will take note of it. Zetzer further argues that whites who are aware of privilege suffer under the stigma of benefiting from an unfair system. Zetzer asks, "How can I see myself as a just person when I willingly participate in a system that is inherently unfair?" The guilt formed by this opinion creates a spirit of inactivity in solving the problem. "White guilt," as Zetzer deems it, is an impediment to change. Zetzer argues that honest and multicultural dialogue is the first way to build alliances which can then "transform people and systems and turn intention into action."

Psychological wage

Many analyses of white privilege interpret "whiteness" as an intangible economic good. In his 1935 Black Reconstruction in America, W. E. B. Du Bois first described the "psychological wages" of whiteness:

It must be remembered that the white group of laborers, while they received a low wage, were compensated in part by a sort of public and psychological wage. They were given public deference and titles of courtesy because they were white. They were admitted freely with all classes of white people to public functions, public parks, and the best schools. The police were drawn from their ranks, and the courts, dependent on their votes, treated them with such leniency as to encourage lawlessness. Their vote selected public officials, and while this had small effect upon the economic situation, it had great effect upon their personal treatment and the deference shown them. White schoolhouses were the best in the community, and conspicuously placed, and they cost anywhere from twice to ten times as much per capita as the colored schools. The newspapers specialized on news that flattered the poor whites and almost utterly ignored the Negro except in crime and ridicule.

This idea has been applied to racial tension within the organized labor movement, particularly in the United States. In this view, bosses have been able to stratify workers (without paying them more money) by allowing white workers to consider themselves superior.

Allen’s work consistently argued that “white” privileges were not only not in the interests of direct victims of white supremacy, they were also not in the class interests of working-class European-Americans and that they should be struggled against and “repudiated” by European-Americans.

Scholars within the legal and sociological studies field of critical race theory, such as Cheryl Harris and George Lipsitz, have argued that "whiteness" has historically been treated more as a form of property than as a racial characteristic: In other words, as an object which has intrinsic value that must be protected by social and legal institutions. Laws and mores concerning race (from apartheid and Jim Crow constructions that legally separate different races to social prejudices against interracial relationships or mixed communities) serve the purpose of retaining certain advantages and privileges for whites. Because of this, academic and societal ideas about race have tended to focus solely on the disadvantages suffered by racial minorities, overlooking the advantageous effects that accrue to whites.

Whiteness unspoken

From another perspective, white privilege is a way of conceptualizing racial inequalities that focuses on advantages that white people accrue from their position in society as well as the societal disadvantages that people of color experience.

Within an educational context, Dan J. Pence and J. Arthur Fields observe resistance to the idea that white privilege of this type exists, and suggest this resistance stems from a tendency to see inequality as a black or Latino issue. One report noted that white students often react to in-class discussions about white privilege with a continuum of behaviors ranging from outright hostility to a "wall of silence." A pair of studies on a broader population by Branscombe et al. found that framing racial issues in terms of white privilege as opposed to non-white disadvantages can produce a greater degree of racially biased responses from whites who have higher levels of racial identification. Branscombe et al. demonstrate that framing racial inequality in terms of the privileges of whites increased levels of guilt among white respondents. Those with high racial identification were more likely to give responses which concurred with modern racist attitudes than those with low racial identification. According to the studies' authors these findings suggest that representing inequality in terms of outgroup disadvantage allows privileged group members to avoid the negative implications of inequality.

Self-image

How people classified as White perceive themselves according to Beverly Daniel Tatum is that most white people do not think to describe themselves as "white" when listing descriptive terms about themselves, whereas people of color usually use racial or ethnic identity descriptors. Tatum suggests this is because the elements of one's identity that are congruent with the dominant culture are so normalized and reflected back at one that one is apt to take such traits for granted. This is not the case for identity aspects of those who are defined as "other" by the dominant culture, whether it be on the basis of race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, or other microcultural aspects.

According to Tatum the true reasons behind this occurrence are unknown, but may also be due to many different unspoken psychological effects on minorities and majorities alike, whether it be pride, shame, or an environmental stimulation such as a rally. Tatum writes that dominant microcultures (in this case, white people) set the parameters in which "subordinate" microcultures operate. Subordinate groups are often labeled as substandard in significant ways: e.g., blacks have historically been characterized as less intelligent than whites. Subordinates are also defined as being innately incapable of being able to perform the preferred roles in society.

In non-white people the use of skin whitening treatments by people of color has been linked to the benefits of white privilege. According to several theorists the relationship between white privilege and skin whitening is explained by colorism and colonial mentality.Alik Shahadah claims that the image of Africa imposed on the world,and on African people globally, are those controlled by white forces operating under white privilege. Maulana Karenga also states that the very political definitions people have of self is due to white privilege.

Limitations

According to James Forrest and Kevin Dunn, the privileges of being white might accrue largely to certain white ethnic and cultural groups, as opposed to white people as a whole. Adam A. Powell, Nyla R. Branscombe, and Michael T. Schmitt argue that people in the least successful white ethnic and cultural groups are often the ones that are disadvantaged the most from any affirmative action that attempts to take into account white privilege.

Lawrence Blum, Professor of Philosophy writes that white privilege analysis has been too narrow in its focus. Specifically it has failed to acknowledge important ethnic differences, especially among whites. And it has not adequately distinguished between "spared injustice, unjust enrichment and non-injustice-related" privileges.

The idea that white privilege has functioned as a social tool to divide white and black workers has proved particularly controversial. A Marxist critique of this perspective argues that racial differences are secondary to economic difference, and that white privilege is therefore secondary to class privilege. According to this view, analyzing white privilege is misguided because it distracts from class struggle. Historian Eric Arnesen has challenged this understanding of "whiteness" as ill-constructed historical revisionism. Arnesen calls whiteness a "moving target" in historical studies, writing: "Whiteness is, variously, a metaphor for power, a proxy for racially distributed material benefits, a synonym for “white supremacy,” an epistemological stance defined by power, a position of invisibility or ignorance, and a set of beliefs about racial “Others” and oneself that can be rejected through “treason” to a racial category." Arnesen disagrees with the idea that white privilege divided the labor movement, as well as with the underlying concept of inherent labor unity, arguing that many types of difference have divided the working class.

Arnesen's arguments about race and organized labor form the basis for a larger argument about "white privilege" as a concept in the social sciences. Arnesen also rejects the idea of a basic connection between the identity of whiteness and the ideology of white supremacy. The "white privilege" concept creates the image of a person so favored by society that they are unaware of unfairness and domination—yet this may not be the experience of all people with "white skin".

The label "white trash", in particular, has been described as marking off a lower limit of white privilege in the social hierarchy. In the words of anthropologist John Hartigan: "White trash, a lurid stereotype and debasing racial epithet, applies to poor whites whose subordination by class is extreme. This charged label is a reminder that there are important class dimensions to whiteness and that whites are not uniformly privileged and powerful." Hartigan also cites "hillbilly" and "redneck" as contemporary terms that connote whiteness but not privilege.

Arnesen has also argued that some claims about the psychology of whiteness and white privilege are difficult to prove—or even wrong. He compares whiteness studies with Freudian psychoanalysis because of its rigid pre-determined structure.

Global

White privilege functions differently in different places. A person's white skin will not be an asset to them in every conceivable place or situation. White people are also a global minority, and this fact affects the experiences they have outside of their home areas. Nevertheless, some people who use the term "white privilege" describe it as a worldwide phenomenon, resulting from the history of colonialism by white Europeans.

In some accounts, global white privilege is related to American exceptionalism and hegemony.

Alik Shahadah claims that the image of Africa imposed on the world are those created and controlled by white forces and that globalization is therefore in his view not only an imposition of products but also of ideas and ideals, at the expense of the broader human diversity.

In the United States

History

Some scholars attribute the informal racism of white privilege to the formal racism (i.e. slavery followed by Jim Crow) that existed for much of American history. In her book Privilege Revealed: How Invisible Preference Undermines America, Stephanie M. Wildman writes that many Americans who advocate a merit-based, race-free worldview do not acknowledge the systems of privilege which have benefited them. For example, many Americans rely on a social or financial inheritance from previous generations, an inheritance unlikely to be forthcoming if one's ancestors were slaves. Whites were sometimes afforded opportunities and benefits that were unavailable to others. In the middle of the 20th century, the government subsidized white homeownership through the Federal Housing Administration, but not homeownership by minorities. Some social scientists also suggest that the historical processes of suburbanization and decentralization are instances of white privilege that have contributed to contemporary patterns of environmental racism.

Legal privilege

Construction of white identity

Du Bois's concept of the "psychological wage", discussed above, referred originally to the economy of the American South during Reconstruction.

This concept was later taken up by David Roediger in his 1991 book, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class. Theorists associated with the journal Race Traitor, such as editor Noel Ignatiev, argue that whiteness (as a marker of a social status within the United States) is conferred upon people in exchange for an expectation of loyalty to an oppressive social order. This loyalty has taken a variety of forms over time: suppression of slave rebellions, support of whites-only unions, and promotion for police brutality. Like currency, the value of this privilege depends on the reliability of a white appearance as a marker for social consent. These theorists argue that with enough "counterfeit whites" resisting racism and capitalism, the privilege of whiteness will be withdrawn and prompt an era of social redefinition. Without such a period, they argue, progress towards social justice is impossible.

Some historians and authors, including Noel Ignatiev and Karen Brodkin, discuss the historical trajectory from exclusion to acceptance of Irish, Italian, Jewish, and Eastern European émigrés in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in terms of white privilege. At the end of the 20th century two sources saw a system of advantage for white people in areas such as housing, salaries, access to employment (especially to positions of power), access to education, even life expectancy.

Wealth

According to Roderick Harrison "wealth is a measure of cumulative advantage or disadvantage" and "the fact that black and Hispanic wealth is a fraction of white wealth also reflects a history of discrimination". Whites have historically had more opportunities to accumulate wealth. Some of the institutions of wealth creation amongst American citizens were open exclusively to whites. Similar differentials applied to the Social Security Act (which excluded agricultural and domestic workers, sectors that then included most black workers), rewards to military officers, and the educational benefits offered to returning soldiers after World War II. An analyst of the phenomenon, Thomas Shapiro, professor of law and social policy at Brandeis University argues, "The wealth gap is not just a story of merit and achievement, it's also a story of the historical legacy of race in the United States."

Over the past 40 years there has been less formal discrimination in America; the inequality in wealth between racial groups however, is still extant. George Lispsitz asserts that because wealthy whites were able to pass along their wealth in the form of inheritances and transformative assets (inherited wealth which lifts a family beyond their own achievements), white Americans continually accrue advantages. Pre-existing disparities in wealth are exacerbated by tax policies that reward investment over waged income, subsidize mortgages, and subsidize private sector developers.

Thomas Shapiro argues that wealth is passed along from generation to generation, giving whites a better "starting point" in life than other races. According to Shapiro many whites receive financial assistance from their parents allowing them to live beyond their income. This, in turn, enables them to buy houses and major assets which aid in the accumulation of wealth. Since houses in white neighborhoods appreciate faster, even African Americans who are able to overcome their "starting point" are unlikely to accumulate wealth as fast as whites. Shapiro asserts this is a continual cycle from which whites consistently benefit. These benefits also have effects on schooling and other life opportunities.

Peggy McIntosh, co-director of the SEED Project on Inclusive Curriculum, posits that white people in the United States can be sure that race is not a factor when they are audited by the IRS.

Justice

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A 2002 Department of Justice survey found that, although the likelihood of being stopped by police did not differ significantly between white drivers and other races, black or Latino drivers were three times more likely to be searched than white drivers. Young white offenders are likely to receive lighter punishments than minorities in America. Black youth arrested for drug possession for the first time are incarcerated at a rate that is forty-eight times greater than the rate for white youth. Incarceration rates are much higher among blacks and Hispanics than among whites. In 2007, the incarceration rate was 4,618 per 100,000 for black men and 1,747 per 100,000 for Hispanic men, compared to 773 per 100,000 for white men

Employment and economics

Racialized employment networks can benefit whites at the expense of blacks. In a study published in 2003, sociologist Deirdre A. Royster compared black and white males who graduated from the same school with the same skills. In looking at their success with school-work transition and working experiences, she found that white graduates were more often employed in skilled trades, earned more, held higher status positions, received more promotions and experienced shorter periods of unemployment. Since all other factors were similar, the differences in employment experiences were attributed to race. Royster concluded that the primary cause of these racial differences was due to social networking. The concept of "who you know" seemed just as important to these graduates as "what you know."

Since older white males predominantly control blue-collar trades, they are more likely to offer varying forms of assistance to those in their social network, often other whites. Assistance can be anything from job vacancy information, referrals, direct job recruitment, formal and informal training, and vouching behavior and leniency in supervision. Royster argues that this assistance, disproportionately available to whites, is an advantage that often puts black men at a disadvantage in the employment sector. According to Royster, "these ideologies provide a contemporary deathblow to working-class black men's chances of establishing a foothold in the traditional trades."

This concept is similar to the theory created by Mark Granovetter which analyzes the importance of social networking and interpersonal ties with his paper "The Strength of Weak Ties" and his other economic sociology work.

Other research shows that there is a correlation between a person's name and his or her likelihood of receiving a call back for a job interview. Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan found in field experiment in Boston and Chicago that people with "white-sounding" names are 50% more likely to receive a call back than people with "black-sounding" names, despite equal résumé quality between the two racial groups. White Americans are more likely than black Americans to have their business loan applications approved, even when other factors such as credit records are comparable.

Black and Latino college graduates are less likely than white graduates to end up in a management position even when other factors such as age, experience, and academic records are similar.

Housing

Discrimination in housing policies was formalized in 1934 under the Federal Housing Act which provided government credit to private lending for home buyers. Within the Act, the Federal Housing Agency had the authority to channel all the money to white home buyers instead of minorities. The FHA also channeled money away from inner-city neighborhoods after World War II and instead placed it in the hands of white home buyers who would move into segregated suburbs. These practices and others, intensified attitudes of segregation and inequality.

But "most white families have acquired their net worth from the appreciation of property that they secured under conditions of special privilege in a discriminatory housing market." This net worth accumulation assists in placing whites in more favorable conditions to receive low interest loans, mortgages and financial assistance in the housing market.

Chip Smith paints a quick picture of some additional ways he views whites as privileged:

• Whites are offered more choices; 60%–90% of housing units shown to whites are not brought to the attention of blacks.
• 72.1% of whites own their own home opposed to 48.1% for African Americans
• 46% of whites had help from their family in making down payments on homes compared to 12% for African Americans
• Whites are half as likely to be turned down for a mortgage or home improvement loan
• Whites pay on average a 8.12% interest rate on their mortgage, lower than the 8.44% African Americans pay on average
• The median home equity for whites is $58,000 compared to $40,000 for African Americans

Education

According to Wildman, education policies in the US have contributed to the construction and reinforcement of white privilege. Wildman argues that even schools that appear to be integrated often segregate students based on abilities. This can increase white students' initial educational advantage, magnifying the "unequal classroom experience of African American students" and minorities.

It is argued that the material that black and other minority children are tested on in school is often culturally biased, not taking into consideration dialect and other differences between populations. Williams and Rivers (1972b) showed that test instructions in Standard English disadvantaged the black child and that if the language of the test is put in familiar labels without training or coaching, the child's performances on the tests increase significantly. According to Cadzen a child's language development should be evaluated in terms of his progress toward the norms for his particular speech community. Other studies using sentence repetition tasks found that, at both third and fifth grades, white subjects repeated Standard English sentences significantly more accurately than black subjects, while black subjects repeated nonstandard English sentences significantly more accurately than white subjects.

According to Janet E. Helms traditional psychological and academic assessment is based on skills that are considered important within white, western, middle-class culture, but which may not be salient or valued within African-American culture. When tests' stimuli are more culturally pertinent to the experiences of African Americans, performance improves. However, white privilege critics argue that the in K-12 education, students academic progress are measured on nation-wide standardized tests which reflect national standards.

Educational inequality is also a consequence of housing. Since most states determine school funding based on property taxes, schools in wealthier neighborhoods receive more funding per student. As home values in white neighborhoods are higher than minority neighborhoods, local schools receive more funding via property taxes. This will ensure better technology in predominantly white schools, smaller class sizes and better quality teachers, giving white students opportunities for a better education. The vast majority of schools placed on academic probation as part of district accountability efforts are majority African-American and low-income. However, Congress enacted the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 to address such school performance disparities. That act provides for a large increase in federal school aid to address property tax disparities and gives parents the right to switch schools if their neighborhood school fails to progress to meet national performance standards.

Inequalities in wealth and housing allow a higher proportion of white parents the option to move to better school districts or afford to put their children in private schools if they don’t approve of the neighborhood's schools.

Minority students are less likely to be placed in honors classes, even when justified by test scores. Visible minority students are more likely than white students to be suspended or expelled from school, even though rates of serious school rule violations do not differ significantly by race. Adult education specialist Elaine Manglitz argues the educational system in America has deeply-entrenched biases in favor of the white majority in evaluation, curricula, and power relations.

In discussing unequal test scores between public school students, opinion columnist Matt Rosenberg laments the Seattle Public Schools' emphasis on "institutional racism" and "white privilege":

The disparity is not simply a matter of color: School District data indicate income, English-language proficiency and home stability are also important correlates to achievement...By promoting the "white privilege" canard and by designing a student indoctrination plan, the Seattle School District is putting retrograde, leftist politics ahead of academics, while the perpetrators of "white privilege" are minimizing the capabilities of minorities.

Conservative scholar and opponent of affirmative action programs, Shelby Steele at the Hoover Institution, believes that the effects of white privilege are exaggerated. Steele argues that blacks may incorrectly blame their personal failures on white oppression. He also argues that there are many "minority privileges": "If I'm a black high school student today... there are white American institutions, universities, hovering over me to offer me opportunities: Almost every institution has a diversity committee... There is a hunger in this society to do right racially, to not be racist."

In South Africa

White privilege was legally enshrined in South Africa through apartheid, which lasted formally into the 1990s. Under apartheid, racial privilege was not only socially meaningful—it became bureaucratically regulated. Laws such as the 1950 Population Registration Act established criteria to officially classify South Africans by race: White, Coloured (mixed), or Black.

Many scholars argue that 'whiteness' still corresponds to a set of social advantages in South Africa, and conventionally refer to these advantages as "white privilege". The system of white privilege applies both to the way an individual is treated by others and to a set of behaviors, affects, and thoughts, which can be learned and reinforced. These elements of "whiteness" establish social status and guarantee advantages for some people, without directly relying on skin color or other aspects of a person's appearance. White privilege in South Africa has small-scale effects, such as preferential treatment for people who appear white in public, and large-scale effects, such as the over-fivefold difference in average per-capita income for people identified as white or black.

"Afrikaner whiteness" has also been described as a partially subordinate identity, relative to the British Empire, "disgraced" further by the end of apartheid. Some white South Africans fear that they will suffer from "reverse racism" at the hands of the country's newly empowered majority.

In Europe

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During the Anders Behring Breiviktrial some observers raised issues that the perception of terrorism was through the lens of white privilege. According to the opinions of Gopal Priyamvada of Cambridge, writing in the Guardian newspaper, she states that while Black and Muslim issues in White societies are widely seen as the problematic pathologies with policies and discourses around them, while white privilege is treated radically different.

In Australia

White privilege in Australia parallels the pattern of dominance seen elsewhere in colonialism. Indigenous Australians were excluded from the process of creating the Australian Federation, and its early laws restricted the freedoms for people of colour. Indigenous people were governed by an "Aborigines Protection Board" as a separate class of citizens. Indigenous Australians report feeling discriminated against, for example by shopkeepers and real estate agents. News media are geared towards white people and their interests. White neighborhoods are identified as "good quality", while "ethnic" neighborhoods may become stigmatized, degraded, and neglected.

White people are seen presumptively as "Australian", and as prototypical citizens. Indeed, a major part of white Australian privilege is the ability to be in Australia itself, while excluding non-white outsiders.

Indigenous Australians are welcomed to participate in a "multiculturalism" that celebrates their stories and artwork—however, they are not allowed to challenge the authority of white society, or the narrative of European colonizers as peaceful settlers. Thus, white privilege in Australia involves the ability to define the limits of what can be included in a "multicultural" society. Indigenous Studies in Australian Universities remains controlled by white people, hires many white professors, and does not always embrace political changes that benefit indigenous people or respect their sovereignty.

For Australian whites, another aspect of privilege is the ability to identify with a global diaspora of other white people in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere. This privilege contrasts with the enforced separation of Indigenous Australians from other indigenous peoples in southeast Asia. Global political issues such as climate change are framed in terms of white actors and effects on white countries.

White privilege varies across places and situations. Ray Minniecon, director of Crossroads Aboriginal Ministries, described the city of Sydney specifically as "the most alien and inhospitable place of all to Aboriginal culture and people." Although people of colour live in Sidney, whites have presumptive control over urban planning—the ability to decide who lives where and when a poor neighborhood is gentrified. At the other end of the spectrum, anti-racist white Australians working with Indigenous people may experience their privilege as painful "stigma".

Studies of white privilege in Australia have increased since the late 1990s, with several books published on the history of how whiteness became a dominant identity. Aileen Moreton-Robinson's Talkin' Up to the White Woman is a critique of unexamined white privilege in the Australian feminist movement. The Australian Critical Race and Whiteness Studies Association formed in 2005 to study racial privilege and promote respect for Indigenous sovereignties; it publishes an online journal called Critical Race and Whiteness Studies.

See also

• Angry white male
• Christian privilege
• Glass ceiling
• Heterosexism
• Identity politics
• Media bias
• Missing white woman syndrome
• Nadir of American race relations
• Reverse discrimination
• White male
• First world privilege

References

1. http://academic.udayton.edu/race/01race/whiteness05.htm academic.udayton.edu
2. Neville, H., Worthington, R., Spanierman, L. (2001).Race, Power, and Multicultural Counseling Psychology: Understanding White Privilege and Color Blind Racial Attitudes. In Ponterotto, J., Casas, M, Suzuki, L, and Alexander, C.(Eds) Handbook of Multicultural Counseling, Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
3. ^ McIntosh, Peggy. "Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study. 2001. Paula S. Rothenberg. New York: Worth Publishers, 2004.
4. ^ Vice, Samantha (7 September 2010). ""How Do I Live in This Strange Place?"". Journal of Social Philosophy. 41 (3): 323–342. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9833.2010.01496.x.
5. Martin-McDonald, K (2008 Jan). "'Marking' the white terrain in indigenous health research: literature review". Journal of advanced nursing. 61 (2): 126–33. PMID 18186904. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
6. Stossel, John (2006-11-05). "Does White Privilege Exist in America? Scholars Debate Whether Society Overlooks Minorities". ABC News (20/20). {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
7. W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (New York: Free Press, 1995 reissue of 1935 original), p. 353. ISBN 0-684-85657-3.
8. Theodore W. Allen, “A Call . . . John Brown Memorial Pilgrimage . . . December 4, 1965,” John Brown Commemoration Committee, 1965 and Jeffrey B. Perry, "The Developing Conjuncture and Some Insights from Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen on the Centrality of the Fight against White Supremacy," “Cultural Logic” 2010, at http://clogic.eserver.org/2010/2010.html
9. See Noel Ignatin (Ignatiev) and Ted (Theodore W.) Allen, “‘White Blindspot’ &“Can White Workers Radicals Be Radicalized?’” (Detroit: The Radical Education Project and New York: NYC Revolutionary Youth Movement, 1969) and Perry, "The Developing Conjuncture and Some Insights from Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen. . . "
10. Theodore W. Allen, Class Struggle and the Origin of Racial Slavery: The Invention of the White Race (Hoboken: Hoboken Education Project, 1975), republished in 2006 with an “Introduction” by Jeffrey B. Perry at Center for the Study of Working Class Life, SUNY, Stony Brook, at http://clogic.eserver.org/2006/allen.html.
11. Theodore W. Allen, The Invention of the White Race, Vol. I: Racial Oppression and Social Control (New York: Verso, 1994, ISBN 00086091660X ) and Vol. II: The Origin of Racial Oppression in Anglo-America (New York: Verso, 1997, ISBN 1-85984-076-0).
12. Jacob Bennett, "White Privilege: A History of the Concept", Masters Thesis (approved) at Georgia State University, May 2012.
13. Edmondson, Ella L. J.; Nkomo, Stella M. (2003). Our Separate Ways: Black and White Women and the Struggle for Professional Identity. Harvard Business Review Press. ISBN 978-1591391890.
14. "The Role of Prejudice and Discrimination in Americans' Explanations of Black Disadvantage and White Privilege" (PDF). American Mosaic Project. University of Minnesota. 2006. Retrieved June 15, 2010.
15. Zetzer, H.A. (2005). White Out: Privilege and Its Problems. In S.K. Anderson & V.A. Middleton (eds.), Explorations in Privilege, Oppression, and Diversity (pp. 5). Belmont, California: Thomson Brooks/Cole.
16. Zetzer, H.A. (2005). White Out: Privilege and Its Problems. In S.K. Anderson & V.A. Middleton (eds.), Explorations in Privilege, Oppression, and Diversity (pp. 13). Belmont, California: Thomson Brooks/Cole.
17. W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (New York: Free Press, 1995 reissue of 1935 original), pp. 700–701. ISBN 0-684-85657-3.
18. Williams, Constraint of Race (2004), pp. 15–16. "It is this psychological wage, more than anything else, that makes white workers forget their nearly identical objective economic interests with poor and working-class people of color and accept stunted lives both for themselves and for those more oppressed than themselves. In this way, white skin privilege undermines not only working-class unity but the very vision of many white workers."
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Works cited

• Allen, Theodore. The Invention of the White Race: Racial Oppression and Social Control (Verso, 1994) ISBN 0-86091-660-X.
• Hartigan, John. Odd Tribes: Toward a Cultural Analysis of White People. Duke University Press, 2005. ISBN 9780822335979
• Lipsitz, George. The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics, Revised and Expanded Edition. Temple University Press, 2006. ISBN 1-56639-635-2.
• McIntosh, Peggy. "White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." (excerpt from Working Paper #189, "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondence Through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley, Massachusetts.)
• Williams, Linda Faye (2004-08-30). The Constraint of Race: Legacies of White Skin Privilege in America. University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press. p. 429. ISBN 0-271-02535-2. Retrieved 2008-07-18.

Further reading

This "Further reading" section may need cleanup. Please read the editing guide and help improve the section. (February 2011) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

• Berger, Maurice. "White Lies: Race and the Myths of Whiteness" (Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1999) ISBN 0-374-52715-6
• Brown, C.S. (2002). Refusing Racism: White allies and the struggle of civil right. New York: Teachers College Press.
• DuBois, W.E.B. 1920. "The Souls of White Folk", in Darkwater
• Dyer, Richard. White
• Fanon, Franz. Black Skin, White Masks
• Ignatiev, Noel. How the Irish Became White (Routledge, 1996). ISBN 0-415-91825-1.
• Jackson, C. 2006. White Anti-Racism: Living the Legacy. Retrieved October 31, 2006 from http://www.tolerance.org/teach/activities/activity.jsp?ar=718.
• Levine-Rasky, C. (2000). "Framing whiteness: working through the tensions in introducing whiteness to educators". Race Ethnicity and Education. 3 (3): 271–292.
• Roediger, David R. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (Verso, 1991) ISBN 0860913341 9780860913344 0860915506 9780860915508.
• Roediger, D.R. 2005. Working toward whiteness: How America's immigrants became white. The strange journey from Ellis Island to the suburbs. New York: Basic Books.
• Rothenberg, Paula S., ed. White Privilege: Essential Readings on the Other Side of Racism (Worth, 2004) ISBN 0-7167-8733-4.
• Solomona, R.P.; Portelli, J.P.; Daniel, B-J.; Campbell, A. (2005). "The discourse of denial: how white teacher candidates construct race, racism and 'white privilege'". Race Ethnicity and Education. 8 (2): 147–169. doi:10.1080/13613320500110519.
• Steele, Shelby (2006-05-02). White Guilt: How Blacks and Whites Together Destroyed the Promise of the Civil Rights Era. HarperCollins. ISBN 0-06-057862-9.
• Steyn, Melissa E., Whiteness Just Isn't What Is Used to Be: White Identity in a Changing South Africa, Albany: SUNY Press, 2001, ISBN: 9780791450802.
• Updegrave, W.L. (1989). Race and money. Money, December 1989,152–72.
• Wise, Tim. White Like Me

External links

• White Privilege in White Minds and Education (PDF)
• White anti-racism: Living the Legacy from the Southern Poverty Law Center.

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