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What is commonly known as the One-child Policy in the West is a term used to describe the birth control (Simplified Chinese: 计划生育, sometimes translated as The Planned Birth) policies by the government of the People's Republic of China.
Though controversial both inside and outside of China, China's pandemic overpopulation problem required the government to take drastic measures.
Overview
The term is based on a popular misconception that the birth control policy of the PRC requires all couples in mainland China to have no more than one child. In reality, though having one child has been promoted as an ideal and the limit has been strongly enforced in urban areas, the actual implementation varies from location to location. In most rural areas, families are allowed to have two children, if the first child is female . Second children are subject to birth spacing (usually 3 or 4 years). Additional children result in fines, or more frequently the families are required to pay economic penalties, and cannot receive bonuses from the birth control program. Some children who are in one-child families pay less than the children in other families.
Moreover, in accordance with PRC's affirmative action policies towards ethnic minorities, all non-Han ethnic groups are subjected to different rules and are usually allowed to have two children in urban areas, and three or four in rural areas; in addition, some couples simply pay a fine, or "social maintenance fee" to have more children . Thus the overall fertility rate of mainland China is, in fact, closer to two children per family than to one child per family (1.8). The steepest drop in fertility occurred in the 1970s before one child per family was implemented in 1979. This is due to the fact that population policies and campaigns have been ongoing in China since the 1950s. During the 1970s, a campaign of 'One is good, two is ok and three is too many' was heavily promoted.
Recently, the policy has changed because the long period of sub-replacement fertility caused population aging and negative population growth in some areas, and improvements in education and the economy have caused more couples to become reluctant to have children. To solve the one-two-four problem, that is as the one-child policy approaches the third generation, one adult child supports two parents and four grandparents, couples from one-child families are allowed to have one additional child in some areas.
Background
During Mao Zedong's period of rule, the People's Republic of China became increasingly diplomatically isolated. Mao believed in the idea of self-sufficiency, and thus created many policies to strengthen China, including the Great Leap Forward, which ended in terrible famine, compounded with natural disasters. The failure of the Great Leap was partly blamed on Mao's idea of "the more people, the stronger we are" (人多力量大), and the rampant overpopulation thereof. Uneducated families were told to have as many children as possible. China's population growth exponentially increased.
When Deng Xiaoping took power in 1978, and his new policies focused on strengthening China's economy. China was the world's most populous nation by far, and he saw overpopulation as a roadblock to economic development. In 1979, Deng began the national initiative of "birth planning", encouraging families to have only one child to control the population. The policy is not legally enforced nationally, only "encouraged". The policy is supervised usually at the Township-Level. Every township and town has a "Birth Planning Commission", headed by a Commissioner.
Achievement
China has succeeded in reducing its 1.3 billion population by 300 million (.3 billion) in the first 20 years after the enactment of this policy . Currently, the Chinese population declines in size, with 1.7 births per woman (compared to 2.1 bpw in the U.S., which constitutes a stable population size). This prevented China from suffering the problems that come with overpopulation, like epidemics, slums, overwhelmed social services (health, education, law enforcement, and more), and strain on the ecosystem from abuse of fertile land and production of high volumes of waste.
Availability of resources
Although it managed to bring population growth under control, China still faces difficulties providing clean water, sufficient food and cheap electricity to its population, indicating that further action may be required. While urban centers have accessibility to these resources, rural areas still face great shortages. 71% of China's population resides in rural areas . China continues to lose arable land because of erosion and economic development, required to feed its oversized population. There were reports of shortages of power in summer 2005 .
Sustainable development
The CIA World Factbook reports: "From 100 to 150 million surplus rural workers are adrift between the villages and the cities, many subsisting through part-time, low-paying jobs ". This is the result of China's failure to maintain sustainable development and to ensure that population growth rate does not exceed economic development rate.
Criticism
The OCPF policy has been criticised by human rights advocacy groups, especially Western religious advocacy groups. They generally consider that the one-child policy is against human rights of reproduction. The one-child policy has also been criticised by pro-life advocates and some evangelical Christians. Inside China, criticisms generally focus on the quite possible social problems such as the "One-Two-Four" or "little emperor" problem, while recognizing the importance of having such a policy for the country.
Human rights
Some people feel the one-child policy is a violation of basic human rights or are concerned with the practices allegedly used to implement this policy. China has been accused of coercive means, bribery, forced sterilizations, forced abortions, and infanticide.
In at least one case, a government official who claims to have participated in some of these actions in the execution of the one-child policy has testified before a United States House subcommittee regarding her participation in forced sterilizations and abortions. It was also reported as recently as 2001 that in Guangdong a quota of 20,000 forced abortions was set due to reported disregard of the one-child policy. The effort included using portable ultrasound devices to locate abortion candidates. It is reported that women as far along as 8.5 months pregnant are forced to abort by injection of saline solution into the womb, killing the baby and causing the mother great pain physically and mentally. This is a sharp contrast with western thinking regarding human and reproductive rights.
It is because of these types of reported practices and the western view that they violate basic human rights that the US President George Bush stopped US$40 million payment to the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) in early 2002. In early 2003 the US State Department issued a press release stating that they would not continue to support the UNFPA in its present form because the US government believes that at the very least coercive birth limitation practices are not being properly addressed. Furthermore it is the US governments view that the right to "found a family" is protected under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This coupled with the International Conference on Population and Development's view that it is also the right of the individual, not the state, to determine the number of children represents a clear conflict between China's policy and internationally accepted and adopted human rights .
Forced sterilization has been used and endorsed in the past by Western nations, including the United States, often as part of eugenics programs. See Compulsory sterilization. The use of forced sterilization and forced abortion are in contradiction with officially stated policies and views of China.
Gender-based birthrate disparity
The sex ratio at birth (between male and female births) in mainland China in the year 2000 was 117:100, which differs substantially from the natural baseline (between 103:100 and 107:100). It had risen from 108 in 1981 -- at the boundary of the natural baseline -- to 111 in 1990. Other Asian regions also have higher than average ratios, including Taiwan (110:100), and South Korea (108:100), which do not have a strict family planning policy. In the ethnic minority regions such as Xinjiang and Tibet, the sex ratio at birth is actually below the world average.
The high preponderance of reported male births in some areas of mainland China may be attributed to four main causes: diseases which affect females more severely than males; the result of widespread under-reporting of female births; the illegal (but seldom prosecuted) practice of sex-selective abortion made possible by the widespread availability of ultrasound; and finally, illegal acts of child abandonment and infanticide.
In a recent paper in the Journal of Political Economy, Harvard University professor Emily Oster proposed the possibility of a biological explanation for the gender imbalance in Asian countries, including China. Using data on viral prevalence by country as well as estimates of the effect of hepatitis on sex ratio drawn from a wide range of sources, Oster found that Hepatitis B could account for up to 75% of the gender disparity in China.
The disparity in the sex ratio at birth increases dramatically after the first birth (for which the ratios remained steadily within the natural baseline over the 20 year interval between 1980 and 1999). However, some demographers have noted that the sex ratio of higher parity births depends on the number of previous male children. When a couple has already had two or more boys, the sex ratio of higher parity births tends to turn in a more feminine direction. This pattern indicates that while families highly value having male offspring, a secondary norm of having a girl or having some balance in the sexes of children often comes into play. For example, a study by Zeng Yi and colleagues published in 1993 in Population and Development Review based on the 1990 census found sex ratios of just 65 or 70 boys per 100 girls for high parity births in families that already had two or more boys. A study published by Barbara Anderson and Brian Silver in Population Studies in 1995 found a similar pattern among both Han and major minority nationalities in Xinjiang Province: a strong preference for girls in high parity births in families that had already borne two or more boys.
The commonly accepted explanation for son preference is that sons in rural families may be thought to be more helpful in farm work. Both rural and urban populations have economic and traditional incentives, including widespread remnants of Confucianism, to prefer sons over daughters. Sons are preferred as they provide the primary financial support for the parents in their retirement, and a son's parents typically are better cared for than his wife's. In addition, Chinese traditionally view that daughters, on their marriage, become primarily part of the groom's family. A woman used to change her surname to her husband's surname or add her husband's surname before her surname after marriage. For some families, one's daughter-in-law's name instead of a daughter's name would be added in the book of family tree. Daughters traditionally could not inherit, too. Therefore, if a family had no son, the fortune of this family would be given to the husband's brothers or other male relatives after the husband's death.
Sex-selective abortion
Various explanations have been put forward for the gender-based birthrate disparity with sex-selective abortion gaining the widest acceptance. Even in other Asian countries without population control programs, such as South Korea, India, Vietnam, and Taiwan, the strong social preference for sons combined with the access to modern technologies such as ultrasound have resulted in increased sex ratios at birth. Even in the United States, Chinese immigrants were known until the mid-1990s to use sex-selective abortion. In the 1980s and early 1990s, some demographers believed that there must be widespread female infanticide in mainland China because modern technologies such as ultrasound were believed not readily available. But studies of sex-ratios based on the 1990 census imply that these technologies were in fact widely available by the late 1980s, even in remote and predominantly rural areas such as Xinjiang (Anderson and Silver 1995). Although the government has declared strict penalties against sex-selective abortion, couples can often gain access to the technology.
Abandoned or orphaned children
The social pressure exerted by the one-child policy has affected the rate at which parents abandon undesirable children, and the state often fails to provide adequate care. Children experience significant mortality rates in high profile state institutions, some with death to admissions rates as high as 77% (official figures) or 90% (estimated by Human Rights Watch). Failures include inability to track the status and location of children in state care. Institutional deaths are blamed on lack of medical care and medical training for employees. However, Human Rights Watch also suggests some handicapped orphans are singled out for death by starvation and medical neglect.
A phenomenon that is often overlooked in the analysis of son preference and sex ratios at birth is adoption. According to Sten Johansson and Ola Nygren (Population and Development Review 1991) adoptions accounted for half of the so-called "missing girls" in the 1980's in the PRC. Through the 1980's, as the one-child policy came into force, parents who desired a son but bore a daughter in some cases failed to report or delayed the reporting of the birth of the girl to the authorities. But rather than neglecting or abandoning unwanted girls, the parents may have offered them up for formal or informal adoption. A majority of children who went through formal adoption in China in the later 1980's were girls, and the proportion who were girls increased over time (Johansson and Nygren 1991). The practice of adopting out unwanted girls is consistent with both the son preference of many Chinese couples and the findings of Zeng Yi (1993) and Anderson and Silver (1995) that under some circumstances families have a preference for girls, in particular when they have already satisfied their goals for sons. Recent research by Zhang Weiguo (2006) on "Child Adoption in Contemporary Rural China" published in the Journal of Family Issues also reveals increasing receptivity to adopting girl children, including by infertile and childless couples.
Infanticide
It is unknown how common infanticide is in China, though government officials state that it is rare. There are accounts of parents killing their female infants in remote and rural areas due to various reasons, including: the family is not able to support all their children; the parents do not want to be looked down on or laughed at by the community (a woman who did not give birth to a boy may be considered "not good at" birth); the wife wants to prevent the husband from marrying another woman/concubine in the excuse of her inability of giving birth to (enough) sons. Anthropologist G. William Skinner at the University of California-Davis and Chinese researcher Yuan Jianhua have claimed that infanticide was fairly common in China before the 1990's and the widespread availability of ultrasounds to determine the sex of babies . The root causes of infanticide, especially for baby girls, may be poverty in rural China along with the traditional preference for boys for cultural and economic reasons (Confucianism and farm work).
It should be noted that gender-selected abortion, abandonment, and infanticide are illegal in China. Despite the Chinese legal position, the US State Department , the Parliament of the United Kingdom , and the human rights organization Amnesty International have all declared that China's family planning programs contribute to incidences of infanticide.
The "One-Two-Four" problem
As the one-child policy approaches the third generation, one adult child supports two parents and four grandparents. This leaves the oldest and most vulnerable generation with increased dependency on retirement funds, the state, or charity for support. If personal savings, pensions, or state welfare should fail, then the most senior citizens would be left entirely dependent upon their very small family or neighbors for support. In the event that the child is unable or unwilling to care for their parents and grandparents, or if that child fails to survive, the oldest generation may find itself destitute.
However, allowances have been implemented in China for a couple with only two children to combat this problem.
Fertility medicines
China Daily recently reported that wealthy couples are increasingly turning to fertility medicines to have multiple births, due to the lack of penalties against couples who have more than one child in their first birth. The report quoted a doctor from a main pediatric hospital as saying that dozens more multiple births were recorded in 2005.
Spoiled children
Some parents over-indulge their only-child. The media called the indulged children in one-child families as "little emperors". Since the 1990s, some people worry this will result in a higher tendency toward poor social communication and cooperation skills among the new generation, as they have no siblings at home. However, no social studies have investigated the ratio of these over-indulged children and to what extent they are indulged. With the first generation of one-child policy children (those born in 80s) reaching adulthood, such worries are reduced.
References
- See Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific report "Status of Population and Family Planning Programme in China by Province".
- See China Daily reportFamily Planning Law and China's Birth Control Situation.
- See Xinhua report New rich challenge family planning policy.
- See People's Daily report Wuhan sees negative population growth.
- See the C.I.A. report Sex ratio.
- Oster, Emily (2005). "Hepatitis B and the case of the missing women". Journal of Political Economy. 113 (6): 1163–1216.
{{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter|month=ignored (help) - See Human Rights Watch report A Policy of Fatal Neglect in China’s State Orphanages and CHINESE ORPHANAGES A Follow-up.
- See Mercury News article on Skinner/Jianhua study.
- See Asociated Press article US State Department position.
- See publication of the United Kingdom Parliament position regarding Human Rights in China and Tibet.
- See Amnesty International's report on violence against women in China.
- See a report by the Disabled People’s Association of Singapore Ageing is now a global issue
- See China Daily report China: Drug bid to beat child ban.
See also
External links
- Family Planning in China
- Illegal births and legal abortions – the case of China
- Population Research Institute