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Pakistani nationalism refers to the political, cultural and religious expression of patriotism by peoples of Pakistan, of pride in the history and heritage of Pakistan, and visions for its future. It also refers to the consciousness and expression of religious and ethnic influences that help mould the national consciousness.

Nationalism describes the many underlying forces that moulded the Pakistan movement, and strongly continue to influence the politics of Pakistan.

From a political point of view and in the years leading up to the Partition of India, the particular political and ideological foundations for the actions of the Muslim League can be called a Pakistani nationalist ideology. It is a unique and singular combination of philosophical, nationalistic, cultural and religious elements.

National consciousness in Pakistan

See Also: History of Pakistan

The history of Pakistan and the region in which it now lies is a source of great pride to Pakistani nationalists. They take pride in its achievements and its leaders.

Belief in the ancient nature of the Pakistani civilization

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The core of Pakistani nationalism lies in the belief that the region which is now within Pakistan is one of the most ancient and influential in history. A strictly abridged set of nationalistic beliefs by many in Pakistan is given below:

• The Mesolithic period in Pakistan was diverse and innovative.
• One of the earliest evidence of humans are pebble tools from the Soan Culture in the province of Punjab, dated from 100,000 to 500,000 years ago.
• The Indus region was the site of several ancient cultures including Mehrgarh, one of the world's earliest known towns, and the Indus Valley Civilisation at Harrappa and Mohenjo-Daro.
• The origins of the Indus valley civilization can be traced to Mehrgarh, which the archaeologist Jean-Françoise Jarrige has dated to before 6000 BCE.
• The Indus script can be dated to 3500 BCE.
• At the peak of the Indus valley civilization, around 2300–2000 BCE, Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa housed some 40,000 inhabitants who enjoyed a high standard of living; for example, this developed, urban culture was sophisticated enough to have organized municipal waste management, drainage and well planned roads.
• Pakistan is home to the Kalasha community, which claims they are the direct descendants of either Greek settlers, Alexander the Great's army, or even Alexander the Great himself.
• The Gandhāran city of Taxila was an important Buddhist centre of learning from the 5th century BCE.

This belief that Pakistan is one of the cradles of human civilization, as postulated in the Out of India theory, is one of the greatest reasons of pride and Pakistani nationalism.

Islamic invasions

See Also: Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent Abbasid, Ghaznavid Empire, Ghorid Kingdom, Delhi Sultanate, Mughal Empire, Persecution of Hindus

Pakistani nationalists assert that Pakistan is the successor state of Islamic empires and kingdoms that ruled the region for almost a combined period of one millennium, the empires and kingdoms in order are Abbasid, Ghaznavid Empire, Ghorid Kingdom, Delhi Sultanate and Mughal Empire. Pakistan's imperial past composes possibly the largest segment of Pakistani nationalism. Pakistan today celebrates numerous Muslim kings and emperors for wars of "liberation" and "emancipation" such as Muhammad bin Qasim(not a king or emperor, but the commander of the first Muslim force sent to what was then known as Sindh), Muhammad of Ghaur, Mahmud of Ghazni (who defeated the Hindu king Prithviraj Chauhan), Aurangzeb Alamgir and Tipu Sultan who fought the British. However few, if any, of the Kings mentioned above belonged to the region comprising modern day Pakistan. Pakistan as a region was lorded over by either Hindu/Sikh Kingdoms or Muslim invaders from Afghanistan, Persia before the British Empire.

Pakistani nationalists hold the conservative Muslim kings such as Mahmud of Ghazni and Aurangzeb in high esteem, Aurangzeb for his unflinching use of vast military might in his goals, leaves him as one of the most admired and honored figures in Pakistani nationalism. He ruled for a period of 48 years; he also expanded the Mughal Empire to its greatest zenith, leaving only the south and east of the Indian subcontinent free from Mughal rule, During his reign, many Non Muslim places of worship were defaced and destroyed, and many non-Muslims converted to Islam, the jizya was reinstated during his rule.

Pakistani nationalists conjure a revised version of Aurangzeb and take great pride in Aurangzeb's other actions including the edicts he enacted which forbade Hindus to display illuminations at Diwali festivals. Hindu religious fairs were outlawed in 1668. The following year, he prohibited construction of new Hindu temples as well as the repair of existing ones. In 1671 Aurangzeb issued an order that only Muslims could be landlords of crown lands. He ordered provincial Viceroys to dismiss all Hindu clerks. Of particular pride to Pakistani nationalists is the execution of Guru Teg Bahadur who was the ninth of the Ten Gurus of Sikhism. The event is very significant in Sikhism. From the start of his reign up until his death, Aurangzeb engaged in almost constant warfare, which bankrupted the Mughal coffers. He built up a massive army, and began a program of military expansion at all the boundaries of his empire. Muhammad bin Qasim, and Mahmud of Ghazni amongst numerous other Emperors and Kings are revered by Pakistani nationalists.

However liberal Muslim kings to an extent are also part of Pakistani pride. Akbar was a powerful Mughal emperor who admired Hinduism and tried to repudiate fundamentalism through the Din-i-Ilahi (for which he was condemned by orthodox clerics as a "heretic"), forged familial and political bonds with Hindu Rajput kings, and developed for the first time in medieval Pakistan an environment of religious freedom. Akbar undid most forms of religious discrimination, and invited the participation of wise Hindu ministers and kings, and even religious scholars in his court. In his reign, the Mughal Empire was politically powerful, prosperous and its common people secure.

The main Mughal contribution to South Asia was their unique architecture. Many monuments were built during the mughal era including the Taj Mahal. The were known for their replacement of Hindu architecture, including the Kashi Viswanath Temple, with their unique architecture which today is a key site of tourism around the subcontinent.

The first Mughal emperor Babur wrote in the Bāburnāma:

Hindustan is a place of little charm. There is no beauty in its people, no graceful social intercourse, no poetic talent or understanding, no etiquette, nobility or manliness. The arts and crafts have no harmony or symmetry. There are no good horses, meat, grapes, melons or other fruit. There is no ice, cold water, good food or bread in the markets. There are no baths and no madrasas. There are no candles, torches or candlesticks".

The comments made by the Emperor Babur, echo in the slightest terms the disparaging and often hateful opinion that some Pakistani nationalists have towards Hindustan and in particular to Hindus. Pakistani nationalists believe they, as Muslims, are not referred to in this quote, as most Pakistanis believe themselves to be aligned to the Mughals as opposed to the Hindu or Sikh resistance (such as that of Maratha Empire and the Sikh Confederacy).

Renaissance vision

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See Also: Syed Ahmed Khan, Indian rebellion of 1857

Syed Ahmed Khan promoted Western-style education in Muslim society, seeking to uplift Muslims in the economic and political life of British India. He founded the Aligarh Muslim University, then called the Anglo-Oriental College.

In 1835 Lord Macaulay's minute recommending that Western rather than Oriental learning predominate in the East India Company's education policy had led to numerous changes. In place of Arabic and Persian Western languages, history and philosophy were taught at state-funded schools and universities whilst religious education was barred. English became not only the medium of instruction but also the official language in 1835 in place of Persian, disadvantaging those who had built their careers around the latter language. Traditional Islamic studies were no longer supported by the state, and some madrasahs lost their waqf or endowment. The War of Independence 1857 is held by nationalists to have ended in disaster for the Muslims, as Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Mughal, was deposed. Power over the Indian subcontinent was passed from the East India Company to the British Crown. The removal of the last symbol of continuity with the Mughal period spawned a negative attitude amongst some Muslims towards everything modern and western, and a disinclination to make use of the opportunities available under the new regime. This tendency, had it continued for long, would have proven disastrous for the Muslim community.

Seeing this atmosphere of despair and despondency, Sir Syed launched his attempts to revive the spirit of progress within the Muslim community of India. He was convinced that the Muslims in their attempt to regenerate themselves, had failed to realize the fact that mankind had entered a very important phase of its existence, i.e., an era of science and learning. He knew that the realization of the very fact was the source of progress and prosperity for the British. Therefore, modern education became the pivot of his movement for regeneration of the Indian Muslims. He tried to transform the Muslim outlook from a medieval one to a modern one.

Sir Syed's first and foremost objective was to acquaint the British with the Indian mind; his next goal was to open the minds of his countrymen to European literature, science and technology.

Therefore, in order to attain these goals, Sir Syed launched the Aligarh Movement of which Aligarh was the center. He had two immediate objectives in mind: to remove the state of misunderstanding and tension between the Muslims and the new British government, and to induce them to go after the opportunities available under the new regime without deviating in any way from the fundamentals of their faith.

At the same time, Muslim nationalist leaders like Sir Muhammad Iqbal emphasized the spiritual richness of Islam and Islamic philosophy. Sir Muhammad Iqbal the conceptual founder of Pakistan, Is venerated by Pakistani and Muslim nationalists for implicitly endorsing the incompatibility of Muslims with other religious communities.

Pakistani nationalists applaud Iqbal's vision for a Muslim state as specifically implying the denunciation of Hindus and Hinduism. Iqbal is also strongly venerated for advocating on occasions, the division and fragmentation of India, which ultimately led to Partition of India.

Iqbal is widely credited for his work in encouraging the political rejuvenation and empowerment of Muslims, and as a great poet not only in India and Pakistan, but also in Iran and Muslim nations in the Middle East.

"There is only one way out. Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our demands are not going to be accepted. People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defence of our national existence. ... The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims."

Independence of India

Main Articles: Indian independence movement, Indian rebellion of 1857

In the Indian rebellion of 1857, Muslim soldiers and regional kings fought the forces allied with the British Empire in different parts of British Indian Empire. The war arose from a racialist viewpoint on the part of the British who attacked the "Beastly customs of Indians" by forcing the South Asian soldiers to handle Enfield P-53 gun cartridges greased with lard taken from slaughtered pigs and tallow taken from slaughtered cows. The cartridges had to bitten open to use the gunpowder, effectively meaning that sepoys would have to bite the lard and tallow. This was a manifestation of the disregard that the British exhibited to Muslim and Hindu religious traditions, such as the rejection of Pork in Islam, the rejection of Beef in Hinduism and the mandate of vegetarianism in Hinduism. There were also some kingdoms and peoples who supported the British. This event laid the foundation not only for a nationwide expression, but also future nationalism and conflict on religious and ethnic terms.

The Muslim desire for complete freedom, or Azadi, was born with Kernal Sher Khan, who looked to the glories of Muslim history and heritage, and condemned the fall of Muslims from the ruling elite to subservient citizens of the British Empire. The idea of complete independence did not catch on until after World War I, when the British attempted to exert totalitarian power with the Rowlatt Acts of 1919. When the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre in Amritsar, Punjab (India) of hundreds of unarmed and innocent civilians by British forces took place in the same year, the Muslim public was outraged and most of the Muslim political leaders turned against the British.

The Pakistan Movement

Main Articles: Pakistan Movement, Muslim League, Partition of India, Two-Nation Theory, Jinnah, Sir Muhammad Iqbal, Direct Action Day

Jinnah issued a call for all Muslims to launch "Direct Action" on August 16 1946 to "achieve Pakistan".. Jinnah stated that:

Why do you expect me alone to sit with folded hands? I also am going to make trouble. We shall have India divided or we shall have India destroyed

Strikes and protests were planned, but violence broke out all over India, especially in Calcutta and the district of Noakhali in Bengal, and more than 7,000 people were killed in Bihar. Although viceroy Lord Wavell asserted that there was "no satisfactory evidence to that effect", Muslim League politicians were alleged to be behind the violence. The violence began as the Muslim League, who were controlling the state in that period, declared that they would have a public holiday and the police and military will not interfere in any events that day. The Muslim League Chief Minister told Muslim protesters that the military and police had been 'restrained'. This was interpreted by the gathering as an open invitation to commit violence on the Hindus. Subsequently, there were reports of lorries (trucks) that came thundering down Harrison Road in Calcutta, carrying Muslim men armed with brickbats and bottles as weapons and attacking Hindu shops. Most victims of the resulting murders were Hindus. This is the first day that Pakistanis distinguished themselves as a separate political entity than Hindus. This was followed by the Noakhali Massacre, in which Muslims decided to kill all Hindus so as to proclaim Pakistan. The death toll is estimated to be in the thousands, with 50-75 thousand Hindus ethnically cleansed from the region .

During the fight for an independent Pakistan, the Hindu minority were targeted by Muslims. Most of them were killed and beaten, and their properties were destroyed. Hindu women were abducted and raped. Often, members of the Muslims mob would kill Hindus and force their widows to marry them at gunpoint..Many Hindu temples were looted and destroyed. Hindus were forced to throw deities into the Ganges river and Muslim mobs forced them to consume beef, which is disallowed in Hinduism This was an elemental force in allowing Pakistani independence, with Hindus fearing complete eradication if they were not to give an independent Pakistan. This is also one of the first direct actions by people who could call themselves Pakistani nationalists. In fact, these nationalists shouted slogans like ‘League Zindabad’ (long live the Muslim league), ‘Pakistan Zindabad’ (long live Pakistan), ‘Larke Lenge Pakistan’ (we will create Pakistan by fighting), ‘Marke Lenge Pakistan’ (we will create Pakistan by killing) Another evidence of a separate Pakistan could be noted here when Gandhi asked for non-violence. Hindus, did not fight back, while Muslims chose to ignore Gandhi's wishes as he was no longer their leader. Jinnah's calls of Direct Action resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of Hindus, with conversions of many more thousand. It was a major victory for Pakistani nationalists, who were well on their way to achieving their goal of an independent Pakistan.

After a conference in December 1946 in London, the League entered the interim government, but Jinnah refrained from accepting office for himself. This was credited as a major victory for Jinnah, as the League entered government having rejected both plans, and was allowed to appoint an equal number of ministers despite being the minority party. The coalition was unable to work, resulting in a rising feeling within the Congress that partition was the only way of avoiding political chaos and possible civil war. The Congress agreed to the partition of Punjab and Bengal along religious lines in late 1946. The new viceroy Lord Mountbatten and Indian civil servant V. P. Menon proposed a plan that would create a Muslim dominion in West Punjab, East Bengal, Baluchistan and Sindh. After heated and emotional debate, the Congress approved the plan, National leaders like Liaquat Ali Khan, Abdur Rab Nishtar, Choudhary Rahmat Ali, and the Aga Khan, brought together generations of Muslims across regions and demographics, while forcing non-Muslim Punjabis and Sindhis out of the region, and provided a strong leadership base giving the country political direction. Pakistan became a purely Muslim nation created by Pakistani nationalists, any Hindus or Sikhs were killed if they decided not to leave Pakistan. This resulted in the death of hundreds of thousands of Hindus and Sikhs and the formation of a pure Muslim state. The goal of Pakistan had been achieved and the Hindu community in the region, which made up one quarter of the population before partition, had been separated from the community of distinctly Pakistani nationalists. Pakistani nationalists could celebrate Yom-e-Istiglal, the creation of their state. The name Pakistan also provides pride of nationalists, while it was based on the names of regions, the word Pak in Persian denotes pure, thus Pakistan was called the Land of the Pure.

Ethnic Nationalism in Pakistan

Pakistan's Balochi populations are strongly nationalistic and have their own ethnic identity. Some of them wish to secede from the country and form their own separate states. Nawab Akbar Bugti of Balochistan had expressed the need for Balochistan to separate and formed the separatist Balochistan Liberation Army to that effect, alleging that the Pakistani governments had been biased in favor of the Punjabi and Sindhi ethnic groups. He was killed in military action by Pakistan's forces in 2006, but many Balochi continue to support him.

The Pushtun people of the North Western Frontier province also have a unique ethnic identity. The former Taliban regime in nearby Afghanistan enjoys significant support here, both in recent times and during the Soviet Occupation of Afghanistan, the support reflecting in their aid to the Mujahideen.

However, despite nationalistic feelings many ethnic groups have often felt alienated by what they see as "Punjabization of Pakistan", due to the domination of the Punjabi groups. This extreme version of Pakistani nationalism is often attributed to the tensions among the different ethic and linguistic groups despite a Islamic majority. The secession of East Pakistan is largely blamed on such a "Punjabization". Many in Bengal felt betrayed by such a "muslim nationalism" which soon proved futile, paving the way for Bengali nationalism.

Nationalist mausoleums, shrines and symbols

Pakistan has many shrines, sights, sounds and symbols that have significance to Pakistani nationalists. These include the Shrines of Political leaders of pre-independence and post-independence Pakistan, Shrines of Religious leaders and Saints, The Shrines of Imperial leaders of various Islamic Empires and Dynasties, as well as national symbols and sounds of Pakistan. Some of these shrines, sights and symbols have become a places of Pilgrimage for Pakistani ultra-nationalism and militarism, as well as for obviously religious purposes.

Some of these shrines are of militaristic importance, as they represent the sacrifices made by Pakistani's war-dead. These shrines can be a source of immense controversy, with the Bangladeshi government treating these as a sign of Pakistani militarism.

Nationalism and politics

See Also: Politics of Pakistan

The political identity of the Military of Pakistan, Pakistan's largest institution and one which controlled the government for over half the history of modern day Pakistan (see History of Pakistan for events in the region that is now Pakistan before the Pakistani nation-state emerged) and still does, is reliant on the connection to Pakistan's Imperial past. The Pakistan Muslim League's fortunes up till the 1970s were single-handedly propelled by its legacy as the flagship of Pakistan's Independence Movement, and the core platform of the party today evokes that past strongly, considering itself to be the guardian of Pakistan's freedom, democracy and unity as well as religion. Muslims have remained loyal voters of the Pakistan Muslim League, seen as defender of Religious rights. Smaller parties have arisen, such as Pakistan Peoples Party, a party based on Liberal conservatism have also arisen. In contrast, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal employs a more aggressively theocratic nationalistic expression. The MMA seeks to defend the culture and heritage of Pakistan and the majority of its people, the Muslim population. It ties theocratic nationalism with the aggressive defence of Pakistan's borders and interests against archrival India, with the defence of the majority's right to be a majority. The party's fortunes arose primarily in the 1990s, with the frustration of the people with over 40 years of military domination as well as PPP corruption, sycophant leaders and lack of direction.

Ethnic nationalist parties include the Awami National Party, which is closely identified with the creation of a Pashtun-majority state in North-West Frontier Province and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas includes many Pashtun leaders in its organization. However the Awami National Party, At the last legislative elections, 20 October 2002, won a meagre 1.0 % of the popular vote and no seats in the lower house of Parliament. In Balochistan, the Balochistan National Party uses the legacy of the independent Balochistan to stir up support, However at the last legislative elections, 20 October 2002, the party won only 0.2 % of the popular vote and 1 out of 272 elected members.

Almost every Pakistani state has a regional party devoted solely to the culture of the native people. Unlike the Awami National party and the Balochistan national party, these mostly cannot be called nationalist, as they use regionalism as a strategy to garner votes, building on the frustration of common people with official status and the centralization of government institutions in Pakistan. However the recent elections as well as history have shown that such ethnic nationalist parties barely ever win more than 1% of the popular vote, the overwhelming majority of votes go to large and established political parties that pursue a national agenda as opposed to regionalism.

Nuclear power

Main Article: Pakistan and weapons of mass destruction

In 1998, Pakistan tested its first nuclear weapon in Chagai, Baluchistan, and thus became the 7th nation in the world to possess an arsenal of nuclear weapons. It is postulated that Pakistan's nuclear program arose in the 1970s as a response to the Indian acquisition of the nuclear weapon. It also resulted in Pakistan pursuing similar ambitions, resulting in the May, 1998 testings of five nuclear devices by both countries, opening a new era in their rivalry. Pakistan is not a signatory to the NPT and CTBT, which it considers an encroachment on its right to defend itself.

References

1. Kennedy 2000:239
2. University of Sheffield's archaeological research in Pakistan
3. Minnesota State University page on Mohenjo-Daro
4. Flood 1996:25
5. Bryant 2001:178
6. Flood 1996:24-25
7. American Journal of Human Genetics 70(5):1107–1124, 2002 May.
8. Conjuring Pakistan: History as Official Imagining, Ayesha Jalal International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 27, No. 1 (Feb., 1995), pp. 73-89
9. "History!Kashi Vishwanath temple".
10. The Baburnama Ed. & Trans. Wheeler M. Thackston (New York) 2002 p352
11. Naipaul, V. S. Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions Among the Converted Peoples. pp. 250–52.
12. "Iqbal's political views" (PHP). 2006-05-26. Retrieved 2006-05-26. {{cite web}}: |first= missing |last= (help); Check date values in: |date= (help)
14. Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A Life", pp. 372-73
15. Prelude to Partition by P.N. Benjamin Deccan Herald
16. Mansergh, "Transfer of Power Papers Volume IX", pp 879
17. R. Gandhi, Patel: A Life, pp. 376-78
18. ^ Bourke-White, Margaret (1949). Halfway to Freedom: A Report on the New India. Simon and Schuster, New York.
19. S.L Ghosh, Ananda Bazar Patrika 1946
20. Wolpert, Stanley (2001). The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi, Chpt 1 (online version). Oxford University Press. {{cite book}}: External link in |title= (help)
21. Muslim League Attack on Sikhs and Hindus in the Punjab 1947, S. Gurbachan Singh Talib,VOI
22. Cite error: The named reference Gandhi.org was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
23. mkgandhi.org martyrdom

Further reading

• Sanjay Chaturvedi (May 2002). "Process of Othering in the case of India and Pakistan". Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie. 93 (2): 149. doi:10.1111/1467-9663.00191.
• Selig S. Harrison (December 1997). "The United States and South Asia:Trapped by the Past?". Current History. Current History, Inc.
• Iftikhar H. Malik (July 1996). "The State and Civil Society in Pakistan: From Crisis to Crisis". Asian Survey. 36 (7): 673–690.
• Moonis Ahmar (October 1996). "Ethnicity and State Power in Pakistan: The Karachi Crisis". Asian Survey. 36 (10): 1031–1048.
• Malik, Hafeez (1961). "The Growth of Pakistani Nationalism, 800 AD – 1947 AD". Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
• MH Khatana. "Foundations of Pakistani Nationalism: The Life and Times of Allama Iqbal". Prof. Dr. S. Razi Wasti's Collection, GC University Libraries, Lahore.
• Feroz Ahmed (December 1971). "Why Pakistan's Unity Was Jeopardized?". Pakistan Forum. 2 (3): 4–6. doi:10.2307/2569081.
• Anwar H. Syed (Summer 1980). "The Idea of a Pakistani Nationhood". 12 (4): 575–597. doi:10.2307/3234301. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
• Saadia Toor (September 2005). "A national culture for Pakistan: the political economy of a debate". Inter-Asia Cultural Studies. 6 (3). Routledge: 318–340. doi:10.1080/14649370500169946.

• Articles lacking sources from August 2006
• Nationalism
• Politics of Pakistan
• Politics and race