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Caste system among South Asian Muslims

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Social system in South Asia

(profession).

Historical development

While Islam did not recognize any castes, when it came to Persia and India, the existing divisions in these regions were adopted among the local Muslim societies. Evidence of social stratification can be found in several later Persian works, such as Siyasatnama of Nizam al-Mulk (11th century), Akhlaq-i Nasiri of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (13th century), and Jam-i-Mufidi (17th century).

After Muhammad died in the 7th century, there was the war of succession which had tribes and families fighting each other. After this, a determinant for social stratification in Arab society included being part of the close family of Muhammad (ahl al-bayt). This ahl al-bayt determinant had its presence in Ancient India among Muslims since the 8th century, and then this led to a further hierarchical determinant, which was Arabs versus non-Arabs. Later on, among non-Arabs, further divisions took place, between Muslims who were converted in early Islamization campaigns (khadim-al islam) and Muslims who converted more recently (jadid-al islam). Today, South Asian Muslims are divided by the aforementioned classifications that have resulted in Arab-origin higher castes (unch zat) and those that are descendants of converts (lower castes/nich zat).

The Sultans during the Mughal Empire were all high caste.

The Muslims who came to the subcontinent during the 12th century Muslim conquests on the Indian subcontinent were already divided into social classes, including priests, nobles and others. Further, a racial segregation demarcated the local Muslim converts from foreign origin Muslims. The foreigners claimed a superior status as they were associated with the conquerors and categorized themselves as Ashraf ("noble"). Over time, the Indian Muslim society also split on the basis of the existing Hindu caste system. According to M. N. Srinivas (1986) and R.K. Bhattacharya, Indian Hindu converts to Islam brought their original caste system to the Muslim society in the region. On the other hand, Louis Dumont (1957) believes that the Islamic conquerors consciously adopted the Hindu caste system "as a compromise which they had to make in a predominantly Hindu environment."

Ziauddin Barani, a 14th century political thinker of the Delhi Sultanate, recommended that the "sons of Mohamed" (i.e. Ashrafs) be given a higher social status than the low-born (i.e. Ajlaf). His most significant contribution in the fatwa was his analysis of the castes with respect to Islam. His assertion was that castes would be mandated through state laws or "Zawabi" and would carry precedence over Sharia law whenever they were in conflict. According to Barani, every act which is "contaminated with meanness and based on ignominity, comes elegantly ". Barani also developed an elaborate system of promotion and demotion of Imperial officers ("Wazirs") that was primarily based on their caste.

Historically, many Muslims from the julaha or weaver caste began to identify as "Ansaris", the butchers as "Quereshis", and the sanitation and bishti caste Muslims as "Sheikh".

The Muslim concept of kafa'a/kufu/kafa'ah, which ulama use to support endogamy, provides a justification for South Asian Muslim caste practices. Kafa'ah is hereditary.

Ashrafization and Syedization

Ashrafization includes adopting upper caste Muslims' practices to achieve social climbing.

Caste Associations

Another type of Ashrafization is the establishment of caste associations. The Khoja caste, who are Ismaili Shias found particularly in Karachi and Sindh are prominent in this regard. Prominent Muslim caste associations are ones for Memons and Bohras in Sindh and Gujarat.

The term "jama'at" is commonly used in place of "zat".

Bengal

bottom.

ground.

Practices

Discrimination

Many Ashrafs do not recognize Arzal Muslims as part of the Muslim South Asian community (millat) and think they should not be part of liberation processes.

Representation

Over the centuries, like other South Asian societies, the Muslim society in the region has evolved into the concept of caste purity and pollution. Hence, the low-class (Ajlaf) Muslims in the region have faced other kinds of discrimination. In 20th century India, the upper-class (Ashraf) Muslims dominated the government jobs and parliamentary representation. As a result, there have been campaigns to include lower social classes among the groups eligible for affirmative action in India under SC and STs provision act.

An analysis of Muslim representation in India's Lok Sabha found that of the roughly 400 Muslim representatives from the 1st to the 14th Lok Sabha, 340 were Ashraf, while 60 were Pasmanda (meaning oppressed/marginalized); Pasmandas make up 85% of India's Muslim population and Ashrafs 15%.

Some scholars say that Ashraf Muslims are over-represented in government-run institutions for minorities (including Aligarh Muslim University).

Burial

In India's Bihar state, higher caste Muslims have opposed lower caste Muslims being buried in the same graveyard.

Another practice that has been noted includes the existence of separate burial grounds.

Cooking

A study in a Pakistani village found that a caste-like hierarchy exists in the Muslim community of the village. The sweeper group is ranked the lowest. The other Muslim communities do not allow the sweepers to touch the cooking vessels of the upper ranking groups of Muslims.

Racial and Historical

Medieval Ashraf scholars mentioned that Muslims of Afghan, Iranian, Arab, and Central Asian origin were superior while local converts were inferior. This was due not only to racial differences with local concerts generally being dark skinned and Ashrafs being lighter skinned, but also due to Ashraf being the dominant political elite, while the majority of Ajlaf were associated with ancestral professions as peasants and artisans which were looked down upon as inferior and demeaning.

Based on classical literature, particularly the Fatawa-i-Jahandari written by Turkish scholar Ziauddin Barani, a leading courtier of Muhammad bin Tughlaq (Sultan of Delhi), caste divisions were recommended among Indian Muslims. Barani warned the Sultan not to educate the lowborn and that they are not allowed to mingle with the superior race.

Barani also explained at one point how Turkish sultans discriminated against Muslims of local descent. He explains how Iltutmish discriminated against low birth Muslims by letting go 33 of them from the government. Additionally, Iltutmish appointed Jamal Marzuq to the post of Mutassarif of Kanauj; Aziz Bahruz disagreed due to low birth status, which resulted in Marzuq no longer being the Mutassarif. Low born people were not allowed to be in the post of mudabbiri or khwajgi, and they also could not be eligible for an iqta recommendation.

Balban prevented low-birth people from being in important offices, and he also criticized how Kamal Mohiyar was selected for mutassarif of Amroaha. A letter by Sayyid Ashraf Jahangiri explains how Balban thoroughly researched the ancestry of every single one of his government servants and officers; he had genealogists meet in Delhi to ascertain these ancestries.

Tughlaq had a policy of giving "preference to foreign born Muslims in administration and government" and "systematically ignored the claims of Indian Muslims". Sayyid Ashraf Jahangiri explains how:

"The Sultan went to the extent of offering the most responsible and distinguished offices of the kingdom — for instance those of a Wazir, a Dabir, a military commander, a judge, a professor of theology, or a Shaikhul-Islam — to almost any foreigner of some learning. Foreigners coming to India were collectively known as 'the Honourables' (A'izza)"

Historians and Urdu writers (including Masood Alam Falahi) have explained how discrimination of Ashraf Muslims towards lower caste Muslims and Dalit Muslims was often disguised under claims of class and "khandaani" (family line) values among Uttar Pradesh Muslims.

See also

References

Citations

  1. ^ Delage, Remy (29 September 2014). "Muslim Castes in India". Books & Ideas. College De France.
  2. Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 27.
  3. Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 29.
  4. ^ Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 30.
  5. Azra Khanam 2013, pp. 116.
  6. Azra Khanam 2013, pp. 115–116.
  7. Das, Arbind, Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatwa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barrani: an analysis, Pratibha Publications, Delhi 1996, ISBN 81-85268-45-2 pp. 124-143
  8. Sikand, Yoginder (2003), Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in India, Penguin Books India, pp. 7–, ISBN 978-0-14-302931-1
  9. ^ Umar, Sanober. "The Identity of Language and the Language of Erasure: Urdu and the Racialized-Decastification of the "Backward Musalmaan" in India". Brandeis University: 187. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  10. Levesque, Julien (2020). "Debates on Muslim Caste in North India and Pakistan". HAL: 14. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  11. Ali, Syed (December 2002). "Collective and Elective Identity: Caste among Urban Muslims in India". 17 (4). Springer: 602. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  12. Chowdhury, Iftekhar Uddin (November 7, 2009). "Caste-based Discrimination in South Asia: A Study of Bangladesh". III (7). Indian Institute of Dalit Studies: 8. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  13. Chowdhury, Iftekhar Uddin (November 7, 2009). "Caste-based Discrimination in South Asia: A Study of Bangladesh". III (7). Indian Institute of Dalit Studies: 10. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  14. Azra Khanam 2013, pp. 120–121.
  15. Webner, Pnina (2007). The Migration Process: Capital, Gifts and Offerings among British Pakistanis. ISBN 9781472518477. Retrieved 30 October 2016.
  16. Asghar Ali Engineer. "On reservation for Muslims". The Milli Gazette. Pharos. Retrieved 2004-09-01.
  17. ^ Anis Ansari, Khalid (13 May 2019). "India's Muslim community under a churn: 85% backward Pasmandas up against 15% Ashrafs". Times of India.
  18. Anand Mohan Sahay. "Backward Muslims protest denial of burial". Rediff.com. Retrieved 2003-03-06.
  19. Ahmad, I., 2010. "Can There Be a Category Called Dalit Muslims?". Studies in Inequality and Social Justice, p.79
  20. Hastings Donnan (1988). Marriage Among Muslims: Preference and Choice in Northern Pakistan. BRILL. pp. 51–56. ISBN 978-90-04-08416-2.
  21. ^ Kanmony, J. Cyril (2010). Dalits and Tribes of India. Mittal Publications. p. 200.
  22. ^ Ahmed, Imtiaz (May 13, 1967). "Ashraf and Ajlaf Categories in Indo-Muslim Society". Economic and Political Weekly: 889. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)

Bibliography

Notes

A. This source used gets the quotation from the following source: E A Gait, 'Census of India' 1901: Bengal Report 6 (1), Bengal Secretariat Press. 1902, p 439; the description in 'Imperial Gazetteer of India', v. 2, pp 329

Further reading

Segregation in countries by type (in some countries, categories overlap)
Religious
Ethnic and racial
Gender
Dynamics
Related
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Discrimination
Forms
Attributes
Social
Religious
Ethnic/National
Manifestations
Discriminatory
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