Lalu Prasad Yadav - Misplaced Pages

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Lalu Prasad Yadav
Lalu as Union Minister of Railways, addressing in New Delhi on 12 September 2004

30th Union Minister of Railways
In office 24 May 2004 – 23 May 2009
Prime Minister	Manmohan Singh
Preceded by	Nitish Kumar
Succeeded by	Mamata Banerjee
President of the Rashtriya Janata Dal
Incumbent
Assumed office 5 July 1997
Preceded by	office established
20th Chief Minister of Bihar
In office 4 April 1995 – 25 July 1997
Governor	A. R. Kidwai
Preceded by	President's rule
Succeeded by	Rabri Devi
In office 10 March 1990 – 28 March 1995
Governor	Mohammad Yunus Saleem
Preceded by	Jagannath Mishra
Succeeded by	President's rule
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha
In office 22 May 2009 – 3 October 2013
Preceded by	constituency established
Succeeded by	Rajiv Pratap Rudy
Constituency	Saran, Bihar
In office 24 May 2004 – 22 May 2009
Preceded by	Rajiv Pratap Rudy
Succeeded by	constituency abolished
Constituency	Chhapra, Bihar
In office 10 March 1998 – 26 April 1999
Preceded by	Sharad Yadav
Succeeded by	Sharad Yadav
Constituency	Madhepura
In office 2 December 1989 – 10 March 1990
Preceded by	Rambahadur Singh
Succeeded by	Lal Babu Rai
Constituency	Chhapra, Bihar
In office 23 March 1977 – 22 August 1979
Preceded by	Ramshekhar Prasad Singh
Succeeded by	Satya Deo Singh
Constituency	Chhapra, Bihar
Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha
In office 10 April 2002 – 13 May 2004
Constituency	Bihar
12th Leader of the Opposition Bihar Legislative Assembly
In office 18 March 1989 – 7 December 1989
Preceded by	Karpoori Thakur
Succeeded by	Anup Lal Yadav
Member of Bihar Legislative Assembly
In office 3 March 2000 – 10 April 2002
Preceded by	Vijay Singh Yadav
Succeeded by	Rama Nand Yadav
Constituency	Danapur
In office 4 April 1995 – 10 March 1998
Preceded by	Uday Narayan Rai
Succeeded by	Rajgir Choudhary
Constituency	Raghopur
In office 8 June 1980 – 2 December 1989
Preceded by	Ram Sundar Das
Succeeded by	Raj Kumar Roy
Constituency	Sonpur
Member of Bihar Legislative Council
In office 7 May 1990 – 4 April 1995
Constituency	elected by Legislative assembly member's

Personal details
Born	(1948-06-11) 11 June 1948 (age 76) Phulwariya, Bihar, India
Political party	Rashtriya Janata Dal
Other political affiliations	Janata Dal
Spouse	Rabri Devi (m. 1973)
Relations	Tej Pratap Singh Yadav (son-in-law) Chiranjeev Rao (son-in-law) Sadhu Yadav (brother-in-law) Subhash Prasad Yadav (brother-in-law)
Children	9 (including Tejashwi Yadav, Tej Pratap Yadav and Misa Bharti)
Parents	Kundan Rai (father) Marachhiya Devi (mother)
Alma mater	Patna University (B.A.,LLB)
Website	rjd.co.in/shri-lalu-prasad/

Lalu Prasad (born 11 June 1948) is an Indian politician and president of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). He is a former Chief Minister of Bihar (1990-1997), a former Railway Minister of India (2004-2009), and a former Member of Parliament (MP) of the Lok Sabha & Rajya Sabha.

He entered politics at Patna University as a student leader and in 1977 at the age of 29, was elected as the youngest member of the Lok Sabha for the Janata Party. He became the Chief Minister of Bihar in 1990. His party came to power in 2015 Bihar Legislative Assembly election in partnership with Nitish Kumar of JD(U). This coalition ended when Nitish resigned and RJD was ousted, becoming the opposition party.

In 2020 Bihar Legislative Assembly election, RJD remained the single largest party in Bihar, and along with JD(U) in power after JD(U) rejoined MGB in 2022, headed the government until JD(U) returned to NDA. Lalu was convicted in the controversial Fodder Scam, and was serving a term until 17 April 2021, when he was granted bail from the High Court.

Early life and education

Lalu Prasad, the fifth of six sons born to Kundan Rai and Marachhiya Devi, was born on June 11, 1948, in Phulwaria village, situated along the Gopalganj-Kushinagar highway (NH-27) in Gopalganj district of Bihar. He started his education at a local middle school before moving to Patna with his older brother, Mukund Rai, who enrolled him in an upper primary school in Sheikhpura. After finishing his primary education there, he was enrolled in the Government Middle School located on the Bihar Military Police (BMP) campus, which was next to their quarters at the veterinary college campus.

Siblings

The Siblings list is in the order of age.

Mangru Rai (eldest)
Gulab Rai
Mukund Rai
Mahavir Rai
Gangotri Devi (lone sister)
Lalu Prasad (himself only alive)
Sukhdeo Rai (youngest)

His father passed away after he completed his matriculation in 1965 from Miller High School in Patna, where he was also a passionate footballer. He changed its name to Devipad Choudhary Shaheed Smarak (Miller) Ucchya Madhyamik Vidyalaya in honour of Devipad Choudhary, who was a freedom fighter and student of the same school. He was also a NCC cadet, there. According to his Lok Sabha affidavit, he obtained his I.A. (Arts) from B.N. College of Patna University the following year. However, it is noteworthy that B.N. College does not offer this course, and the program typically spans two years, yet he claims to have completed it in the same year, he got enrolled there. After earning his Bachelor of Arts degree, he worked as a clerk at Bihar Veterinary College in Patna, where his eldest brother was employed as a peon. During his time there, he served as the General Secretary of the Patna University Students' Union from 1970 to 1971 and later became its President from 1973 to 1974. He later earned his L.L.B. degree from Patna Law College in 1976. Lalu Prasad asserts that he belongs to Yadav caste; however, Bihar's Deputy Chief Minister, Samrat Choudhary,Jitan Ram Manjhi,among others, have alleged that his actual caste is Gaderia. He turned down Patna University's Honorary Doctorate in 2004.

Personal life and family

Lalu married Rabri Devi on 1 June 1973, in an arranged marriage, and they went on to have seven daughters and two sons.

eldest daughter: Misa Bharti
2nd daughter: Rohini Acharya Yadav
3rd daughter: Chanda Yadav
4th daughter: Ragini Yadav - married to Rahul Yadav, Samajwadi Party leader
5th daughter: Hema Yadav
6th daughter: Anushka Yadav (Dhannu) - married to Chiranjeev Rao
elder son: Tej Pratap Yadav
youngest daughter: Raj Lakshmi Yadav - married to Tej Pratap Singh Yadav
younger son: Tejashwi Yadav

Note: Rahul Yadav is son of Jitendra Yadav, former MLC from the Samajwadi Party. Jitendra is the nephew of former MP D. P. Yadav.

Political career

1970–1990: Student leader and youngest MP

In 1970, Lalu entered in student politics as the general secretary of the Patna University Students' Union (PUSU), became its president in 1973, joined Jai Prakash Narayan' Bihar Movement in 1974 where he became sufficiently close to Janata Party (JP) leaders to become the Janta alliance's winning candidate in the 1977 Lok Sabha election from Chapra at the age of 29.

In 1979, the Janata Party government fell due to in-fighting. The parliament was dissolved with new polls held in 1980. Lalu quit Janta party to join the splinter group, Janta Party-S led by Raj Narain, only to lose the re-election in 1980. He managed to win Bihar Legislative Assembly election later in 1980, and again in 1985 to become leader of opposition in Bihar assembly in 1989. Later in 1989, he was also elected for Lok Sabha under V. P. Singh government. By 1990, he positioned himself as the leader of Yadav (11.7% of the Bihar's) and lower castes. Muslims, who had traditionally served as Congress (I) vote bank, shifted their support to Prasad after the 1989 Bhagalpur violence. He became popular among the young voters of Bihar.

1990–1997: Lalu Yadav as Chief Minister of Bihar

In 1990, Janata Dal came to power in Bihar. PM V. P. Singh wanted former chief minister Ram Sundar Das to lead the government. and Chandra Shekhar backed Raghunath Jha. To break deadlock deputy PM Devi Lal nominated Prasad as CM candidate. He was victorious in an internal poll of Janta Dal MLA's and became the chief minister. On 23 September 1990, Prasad arrested L. K. Advani at Samastipur during the latter's Ram Rath Yatra to Ayodhya, which establish himself as a secular leader among the people of Bihar. The World Bank lauded his party for its work in the 1990s on the economic front. In 1993, Prasad adopted a pro-English policy and pushed for the re-introduction of English as a language in school curriculum, contrary to the angrezi hatao (banish English) policy of then Uttar Pradesh CM Mulayam Singh Yadav. Policy of opposition to English was considered an anti-elite policy since both the Yadav leaders represented the same social constituents – the backward castes, dalits and minority communities. With the mass support of people of Bihar, Lalu continued to be Bihar CM.

1997–2000: Formation of RJD and National Politics

In 1997, due to allegation related to Fodder Scam, a leadership revolt surfaced in Janta Dal, consequently Lalu broke away from Janta Dal and formed a new political party Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). In 1998 general for 12th Lok Sabha Lalu won from Madhepura, but lost in 1999 general election to Sharad Yadav. In 2000 Bihar Legislative Assembly election he won and remained in opposition.

Lalu Yadav sitting with Kapildev Singh in Pokharpur during his arrival in Nalanda in 2003

2000–2005:Rabri Devi as Chief Ministers of Bihar

In 2002, Lalu was elected in Rajya Sabha where he stayed until 2004. In 2000, RJD again formed the government with Rabri Devi as the CM. Except for brief president rule and 7 days term of Nitish Kumar, RJD remained in power in Bihar until 2005.

2004–2009: Union Minister of Railway

In May 2004, Lalu Yadav contested the general election from Chhapra and Madhepura against Rajiv Pratap Rudy and Sharad Yadav respectively and won both seats with a huge margin with the great support and faith of the People of Bihar. In total, RJD won 21 seats and it allied with Indian National Congress becoming second-largest member of UPA I after Congress. Lalu Yadav became the Railway Minister in the 2004 UPA Government. Later, he gave up the Madhepura seat.

As railway minister, Lalu Yadav left passenger fares untouched and focused on other sources of revenue for the railways. He banned plastic cups from being used to serve tea at railway stations and replaced those with kulhars (earthen cups), in order to generate more employment in rural areas. Later, he also said that he had plans to introduce buttermilk and khādī. In June 2004, he announced that he would get on the railway himself to inspect its problems and went on to board the train from Patna Railway station at midnight.

When he took over, the Indian Railways was a loss-making organisation. In the years under his leadership, it showed a cumulative total profit of ₹38,000 crore (US$4.6 billion). Business schools around the world became interested in Lalu Yadav's leadership in managing the turnaround. The turnaround was introduced as a case study by the Indian Institute of Management. Yadav also received invitations from eight Ivy League schools for lectures, and addressed over a hundred students from Harvard, Wharton and others in Hindi.

In 2006, the Harvard Business School and HEC Management School, France, showed interest in turning Lalu Yadav's experiment with the Indian Railway into case studies for aspiring business graduates.

In 2009, Yadav's successor Mamata Banerjee and the opposition parties alleged that the so-called turnaround of the Railways during his tenure was merely a result of presenting financial statements differently. A 2011 report by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) endorsed this view. CAG found that the "surplus" shown on the financial statements during Yadav's tenure covered "cash and investible surplus", which were not included in the "net surplus" figures released by the Railways in the earlier years. The "cash surplus" included the money available for paying dividend, contribution to the Depreciation Reserve Fund used for renewal or replacement of existing assets, and other funds for investment. The "investible surplus" included the money allocated for capital expenditure. The report concluded that the performance of the Railways actually declined marginally during the last few years of Lalu's tenure.

2005–2015: Out of power in Bihar and Center

Bihar Assembly elections were held twice in the year 2005. There was a fractured verdict in February 2005 Assembly Election. Since no government could be formed in Bihar, fresh elections were held in October–November the same year. In November 2005 state elections RJD won 54 seats, less than both Janata Dal United (JDU) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Nitish Kumar led coalition, consisting of JD(U) and BJP, came to power. In the 2010 elections, the RJD tally was reduced to just 22 seats whereas the ruling alliance claimed a record 206 out of the 243 Assembly seats. In 2009 general election RJD won 4 seats and provided outside support to Manmohan Singh government. In May 2012, Lalu Prasad Yadav envisaged Hamid Ansari, previous vice-president, as a presidential candidate. In May 2013, Lalu Yadav tried to rejuvenate the party and fuel the party workers in his Parivartan Rally. After the conviction in Fodder Scam on 3 October 2013, Yadav was disqualified from the membership of Lok Sabha. In 2014 general election, Lalu Yadav's RJD again won 4 seats.

2015–current: Grand Alliance

In the 2015 Bihar Legislative Assembly election, Lalu Yadav's RJD became the largest party with a total of 81 seats. He along with his partner Nitish Kumar of JD(U) had the absolute majority to form a government in Bihar. This was cited as a major comeback for the RJD and for Lalu Yadav on the political stage of Bihar after a gap of 10 years. But that suffocating alliance did not last long as Nitish Kumar dumped and ousted Lalu's party from the power and alliance in July 2017 after the Enforcement Directorate and Central Bureau of Investigation lodged several criminal cases against Lalu's son and Deputy Chief Minister, Tejashwi Yadav.

Positions held

Lalu has been elected 4 times as MLA and 5 times as Lok Sabha MP.

#	From	To	Position	Party
1.	1977	1979	MP (1st term) in 6th Lok Sabha from Chapra	Janata Party
2.	1980	1985	MLA (1st term) from Sonpur in 8th Vidhan Sabha	Janata Party
3.	1985	1989	MLA (2nd term) from Sonpur Leader of Opposition in Bihar Legislative Assembly (1st term) (resigned in 1989)	Lok Dal
4.	1989	1990	MP (2nd term) in 9th Lok Sabha from Chapra (resigned in 1990)	Janata Dal
5.	1990	1995	MLC (1st term) in Bihar Legislative Council Chief Minister (1st term) in Government of Bihar	Janata Dal
6.	1995	1998	MLA (3rd term) from Raghopur and Danapur (1995-1996) Chief Minister (2nd term) in Government of Bihar (1995-1997)	Janata Dal
7.	1998	1999	MP (3rd term) in 12th Lok Sabha from Madhepura	RJD
8.	2000	2000	MLA (4th term) from Raghopur (resigned in 2000) and Danapur (resigned in 2002)	RJD
9.	2002	2004	MP (1st term) in Rajya Sabha from Bihar (resigned in 2004)	RJD
10.	2004	2009	MP (4th term) in 14th Lok Sabha from Chapra and Madhepura (resigned from Madhepura in 2004) Minister of Railways in Government of India	RJD
11.	2009	2013	MP (5th term) in 15th Lok Sabha from Saran (disqualified in October 2013, due to conviction in Fodder Scam)	RJD

Note:

2004: Re-elected to the 14th Lok Sabha (4th term) from Chapra and Madhepura; retained Chapra. Appointed Cabinet Minister in the Ministry of Railways in UPA govt. Lalu, wife Rabri Devi, son Tejashwi Yadav and daughter Misa Bharti booked for railway tender bribery scam, disproportionate illegal property and income tax evasion cases in 2017.
2009: Re-elected to the 15th Lok Sabha (5th term). Contested two seats. Lost from Pataliputra but won from Saran, and disqualified in 2013 subsequent to his conviction in the first fodder scam case. And barred from contesting elections for 6 years.

Populist policies and consolidation of lower castes

According to Seyed Hossein Zarhani, although Laloo Prasad became a hate figure among Forward Castes, he drew huge support from backward castes and Dalits. He was criticised for neglecting development, but a study conducted during his reign, among downtrodden Musahars revealed that despite the construction of houses for them not being concluded at required pace, they are obliged to choose him as their leader as he returned them their ijjat (honour) and for the first time they are allowed to vote as per their own wishes. A number of populist policies which directly impacted his "Backward Caste" supporters were launched during his tenure. Some of these being establishment of Charvaha schools, where children of poor could get skilled; abolishment of cess on toddy and making of the negligence of rules related to reservation for "Backward Castes" as cognizable offence. Yadav mobilised 'Backwards' through his identity politics. According to his conception, Forward Castes were elite in the outlook and thus he portrayed himself as, "Messiah of Backwards" by ensuring that his way of living remain identical to his supporters who were mostly poor. He even continued to reside in his quarter of one room after getting elected as Chief Minister, though later he moved to official residence of the CM for administrative convenience.

Another significant event during his regime was the recruitment of 'Backward Castes' and communities to government services in large numbers. The government's white paper claimed to have significant number of vacancies in health sector and similar manpower crunch existed across various sectors. The rules of recruitment were changed drastically in order to benefit "Backward Castes", who supported him. The frequent transfer of existing officers, who were at the higher echelon of bureaucracy was also an important feature of Yadav and Rabri Devi's regime. These developments led to collapse of administration and entire system. Yadav however continued to rule Bihar due to massive support from "Backward Castes" as well as his emphasis on "honour" which he considered more important than the development. Thus according to Zarhani, for the lower caste he was a charismatic leader who was capable to become the voice of those who were silent for long.

Another form of mobilisation of his Dalit supporters by Laloo Yadav was popularising all those folk heroes of lower castes, who were said to have vanquished the upper caste adversaries. One such example is of a popular Dalit saint who was revered as he not only ran away with an upper caste girl but also suppressed all her kins. Praising him could enrage Bhumihar caste in some parts of Bihar. There is a grand celebration every year at a particular place near Patna and Yadav participates in this fair with pomp and show. His energetic participation in this show makes it a rallying point for Dalits, who saw it as their victory and the harassment of upper castes.

According to Kalyani Shankar, Yadav created a feeling amongst the oppressed that they are real rulers of state under him. He continuously lambasted the oppressors on the behalf of the oppressed and led to their emergence as the pivot of political power. The upper caste, who composed just 13.2% of the population, were controlling most of the land while the 'Backwards', who were 51%, own very little land. The advent of Lalu led to a drastic change in the economic profile of the state, followed by the diversification of the occupation of the 'Backwards' and increase in land owned by them.

Yadav also instilled a sense of confidence among Muslims by stopping Lal Krishna Advani's controversial "Rath yatra". Muslims of Bihar were feeling a sense of insecurity after the ghastly 1989 Bhagalpur riots. The Satyendra Narayan Singh government failed to control law and order situation thus death toll reached over 1000. The people affected were mostly poor weavers and others belonging to low strata of society and hence they were looking for a leader who could control the deteriorating situation of state under Congress. According to Kalyani, during this period upper castes were totally marginalised and 'Backwards' came to control the power firmly.

Emergence as the leader of plebeians

During his tenure, Yadav never tried to emulate the erstwhile elite chief ministers. He took part in the public festivals and popularised his famous Kurta far Holi (cloth tearing Holi). On this occasion his invitees and the media persons would reach his house shouting: Kaha Chhupal hai Lalu Sala (Where is the bloody Lalu hiding ?). Yadav also responded in a similar abusive tone. The vulgar songs were also played on the occasion. Besides this, he never hesitated in calling himself the son of a poor Goala (herder). During his public celebration of Holi festival, he used to play the Dhol himself and dance to the beat of Jogira song. Yadav's rallies were called railla, a symbol of masculinity. Those participating in these rallies were supposed to carry a lathi, a robust stick, which was both the symbol of "masculinity" as well as the chief weapon of a "herder", who used it to manage his cows. The drinking of Bhang, a natural liquor and sitting the whole night to watch the Launda dance (Dance of a Eunuch acting as a woman) made him popular among rural Biharis but all of these obscene activities of a Chief Minister irritated the middle class sensibilities. According to Ashwini Kumar:

An astute mix of lower caste with minority politics therefore helped Lalu Yadav to establish his hold over the political scenario in Bihar. This marked the beginning of, what came to be known as 'Total politics' in which the identity of caste, class and religion came to be manipulated and exploited by the new state elite to retain and remain in power forever. As opposed to the traditional Congress-centric secular politics, the new secular politics of Lalu Yadav was non Brahmanical, vernacular and popular.

Confrontation with bureaucracy and other policies

Combination of political and non-political conflicts

The society of Bihar was divided into OBCs, SCs and Forward Castes (upper caste); the forward castes had dominated the democratic institutions of the state in the rule of Congress and only a section of OBCs were politically conscious to think of replacing them from political power, this section, which included only three caste (Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav) also owned land in other parts of Bihar, but was poor in the areas dominated of the forward castes. They took land on tenancy from the forward castes, as they were marginal farmers in these areas. A fair number of the OBCs were also employed in the state institutions and were among educated servicemen in the urban areas. They remained victims of the high handedness of the upper-caste colleagues and the rivalry between them was evolving over time.

In rural areas, the OBCs were also confronting the MBC or Extremely Backward Class (also called Most Backward Castes, the category which includes more than hundred Backward Castes, other than trio of Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav) and the Scheduled Castes, but the upper-castes treated all sections of Backward Castes in the same manner, causing much resentment among the elite section of the Backwards. In the rural areas, the upper-castes countered the Most Backward Classes and Schedule Castes, when they wanted to eschew the village based livelihood options. They reacted violently, when the MBC or the SCs tried to detach from any social institutions, that were symbol of low caste status. Since for different reasons, the OBCs, MBCs and the SCs were all pitted against the common rivals, the upper-castes, and the bitterness between the OBCs and the forward castes had strengthened after the anti-reservation protest launched by the upper-castes, unification of these social groups took place against the forward castes.

The rise of Lalu Prasad Yadav provided an opportunity to unite all these social groups and the Naxalite groups, which had many OBCs in the leadership positions, also supported the political party led by Yadav. Maoist Communist Centre of India, one of the most significant Naxalite group also sided with the interest of OBCs, and the MCC activists started providing armed backing to the Most Backward Classes and the Schedule Castes to exercise their franchise in order to led the candidates of Yadav's party towards victory. Hence, for a while, the boundary between political and Naxalite movement got blurred.

According to Professor Shashi Bhushan Singh, Department of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics, since the numerical strength of upper-caste (approximately 20% of state's population) was not enough to have large number of MLAs in the state legislature in order to control the Backward Castes, they resorted to undemocratic practices in order to retain the power in their hand, leading to rise of militancy among a section of Backwards.

The forward castes were required to send large numbers of MLAs into the state legislature, but devoid of numerical strength and encountering aggressive backward classes, the forward castes started looting polling booths with the help of the state officials and police who were mainly from among the forward castes. Subsequently the state became a biased entity. Thus, while most of the backward classes still reposed their faith in democratic struggle, a section of OBCs were attracted towards non-democratic ideas and organisations to confront the forward castes.

According to Singh, when Lalu Prasad Yadav asked for support from the members of Backward Castes, he was actually asking it in order to change the entire social order, in which upper caste were at advantage. The reservation policy introduced by the implementation of Mandal Commission recommendations though didn't benefitted the Scheduled Castes, yet they supported Yadav against the forward castes.

According to a Social Scientist, who witnessed the encounter of Yadav with a person from the Musahar caste in North India, during his election campaign for 2000 Bihar Assembly elections, Yadav allegedly argued with latter, when he asked him to provide road infrastructure in the region. As per narrative, Yadav believed that the investment by state in physical infrastructure were somehow meant for benefitting the upper castes, who were having significant presence at the higher level of bureaucracy and in professional services. Hence, he blatantly created disruption in the general process of development, until the Upper Backward Castes take over the Forward Castes in these services. A majority of the District Magistrates during his tenure were from the Upper Backward Castes, and he also tried to ensure that the administrative posts at the middle level, for the rank of Sub Divisional Magistrates (SDM) and Block Development Officer (BDO) were also filled by these caste group only. For the professional services like Doctors and Engineers too, same formula was implemented.

According to author Arun Sinha, though Yadav and his colleague and successor Nitish Kumar belonged to same political roots, in the matter of quota politics and the politics of social justice for the deprived section of society, Kumar was accepted to upper castes. One reason behind this was step taken by Kumar for exclusion of well off section of the Backward Castes from the benefits of reservation in government jobs and other state sponsored program for social upliftment. In contrast to Kumar, Yadav has been described by Sinha, and was perceived as a staunch anti-upper caste leader.

The tenure of Lalu Prasad Yadav and his wife Rabari Devi coincided with Maoist Communist Centre becoming more violent than earlier. It was during Rabari Devi's tenure that Senari carnage against the Bhumihars took place. In this incident, over hundred armed activists of MCC slaughtered 34 Bhumihars in the village called senari by brutally slitting their throats. As per reports, Rabari Devi refused to visit Senari, probably because the village inhabitants and victims, being member of Bhumihar caste had always opposed her government. It was reported that after being implicated in corruption scandal, Yadav raised his wife to the post of Chief Minister; latter was reportedly illiterate, but this was not offensive to the poor of Bihar. It is observed that for their plight, in the struggle against Dalit dominated naxal groups like MCC, Bhumihars prefer to blame Yadav, who is described as a champion of lower castes.

Political symbolism

Yadav's politics is described as being against the radical Hindu Nationalism promoted by political parties like Bhartiya Janata Party. He employed political symbolism to a large extent in order to confront the politics based on militant religious ideology. In April 2003, he is reported to have organised a great rally at Gandhi Maidan, Patna, which was aimed at radicalising his lower caste supporters and mobilising them against the politics of Bhartiya Janata Party and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). In its rally, VHP was distributing Trishuls to the participants, which was a symbol of militant Hindu identity. Yadav asked his rural supporters to join him in Gandhi Maidan with a Lathi (a robust stick) against the Trishuls of VHP. He said that, this implement (Lathi) of the rural poor, which was considered as the weapon of weak, will destroy the Trishul of hatred (an implicit attack on BJP's and VHP's politics of religion).

As per an eyewitness report, on the day of rally, the rural lower caste supporters of Yadav rushed towards Patna; many of them were brought in hurry by the local leaders of the Rashtriya Janata Dal to showcase their support to Yadav. The theme of the rally was, Bhajpa Bhagao Desh Bachao (get rid of Bhartiya Janata Party and save the country). The rallygoers flooded the city armed with Lathis, and in their way to Patna, many of them occupied the trains rushing towards city forcefully. Many windows of the trains were thrashed and the hostels located in Patna were occupied for the rallygoers. The crowd was so massive that the traffic in the city was destabilized for two days. The supporters were told to apply oil to their Lathis and recite the slogan: Lathi pilavan, Patna laavan, Bhajpa bhagavan, Desh bachavan (we will apply oil to our Lathis, bring it to Patna, remove the Bhartiya Janata Party and save the country). The large gathering of followers of Yadav in capital city of state of Bihar sybmolised the capture of the real centre of power by latter, as the city was reported to have flooded with Lathi welding supporters of Rashtriya Janata Dal, who were mostly the lower caste people coming from rural background.

1996 Gareeb Rally

Yadav's rally were contact point between him and his rural supporters. In 1996, a massive "rally of the poor" (Gareeb Rally) was organised by Janata Dal. Author Bela Bhatia, who was an eyewitness of this rally organised at Patna has mentioned that the poor people who assembled at Patna, were provided free commutation facility to become a part of this rally. There were numerous programmes organised by the office bearers of the Janata Dal for the rallyites. Bhatia has mentioned about the Trains, that were running on Arrah-Patna route, and carrying the rallyites to Patna. As per her description the Trains and Buses were carrying more pessengers than their capacity. Many of the people congregated at Patna either to lodge their grievances to the Chief Minister or in the hope of getting some monetary help. Bhatia describes an event being sponsored by Janata Dal legislator Shyam Rajak for the entertainment of rallyites, symbolising the acquaintance of the Chief Minister, Lalu Prasad Yadav with the taste of his rural supporters.

Later at around 10 that night as I made my way from one part of the city to another, I was witness near the station to an incongruous sight, "a randi ka nach' (dance by a prostitute), one of the many similar programmes organised in the city ostensibly for the 'manoranjan' (recreation) of the rallyites. The shamiana was packed with villagers from far and near, the stage was set with green banners and under fluorescent lamps danced a young woman. A modern dancer with step-cut hair, a pink flare skirt swirling around her, as she danced with a mixture of western and traditional dance steps, to the tune of an alluring Magahi love song.

Elevation of grassroot workers to important position

In contrast to elections being based on money power, and the phenomenon of most of the candidates getting elected to houses of legislature in Bihar belonging to high income groups, RJD under Lalu Prasad Yadav has raised grassroot political workers from poor background to important positions in the politics of state. This is done occasionally to showcase the pro-poor stand of Yadav. In 2022, Yadav led election of a Dalit woman, Munni Rajak from Dhobi caste (washerman) to the seventy-five membered Bihar Legislative Council. Another example is of Ramvrikish Sada, the Rashtriya Janata Dal MLA from Alauli Assembly constituency, Khagaria district. Sada has even claimed that, he and his family worship Lalu Prasad Yadav besides Sabari, the deity of Musahars. Sada, who was associated with RJD for thirty years was reported to be the poorest MLA of Bihar in 2020 Bihar Legislative Assembly elections. He claimed that even money for running in election was provided to him by family of Lalu Prasad Yadav and he has just ₹ 70,000 in his bank account.

Corruption charges and conviction

Corruption cases

Lalu Prasad Yadav has been convicted and jailed in two scams. As of January 2018, he, his wife Rabri Devi, his sons Tejashwi Yadav and Tej Pratap Yadav, and his eldest daughter Misa Bharti were all facing charges in several other corruption cases.

1996 Fodder Scam – 1st case

Main article: Fodder scam

Yadav was an accused party and later convicted in the first Fodder Scam case of 1996. The case involved the siphoning off of about ₹4.50 billion ($111.85 million) from the animal husbandry department.

Several allegations of embezzlement from the animal husbandry department were tabled between 1990 and 1995. In January 1996, a raid conducted on Chaibasa treasury indicated the siphoning off of funds by non-existent companies. Yadav ordered an inquiry to probe the irregularities. However, after a public interest litigation, the Bihar High Court in March 1996 ordered the case to be handed over to the CBI. In June 1997, the CBI filed the charge sheet in the case and made Yadav an accused. The charge forced Yadav to resign from the office of Chief Minister, at which time he appointed his wife, Rabri Devi, to the office.

In 2001, the Supreme Court of India transferred the scam cases to newly formed court in Ranchi, Jharkhand. The trial began in 2002. In August 2013, Yadav tried to get the trial court judge transferred, but his plea was rejected by Supreme Court of India. Yadav has been an accused in many of the 53-odd cases filed. He has been remanded to custody on multiple occasions because of the number of cases. Over 64 people were convicted in the case. Yadav was first sent to "Judicial remand" (Bihar Military Police guest house, Patna) on 30 July 1997, for 134 days. On 28 October 1998, he was again sent to the same guest house for 73 days. When the Supreme Court took exception to his guest house stay, he had also moved to the Beur jail in Patna. On 26 November 2001, Yadav was again remanded, in a case related to the fodder scam. Yadav accused the NDA of creating a conspiracy against him. On 1 October 2004, the Supreme Court served a notice to Yadav and his wife in response to a petition which alleged that they have been interfering with the investigation.

Yadav, along with 44 other accused, was convicted on 30 September 2013 after being found guilty in fraudulent withdrawal of ₹37 crores (₹370 million) from Chaibasa treasury. Several other politicians, IAS officers were also convicted in the case. Immediately after the verdict was pronounced, Yadav was arrested and taken to Birsa Munda Central Jail, located at Ranchi. Yadav was disqualified as MP for six years. He was given a jail sentence of five years and a fine of ₹25 lakh (₹2.5 million).

He was released on bail from Birsa Munda Central Jail, after he completed the bail formalities in a Special CBI court, 2+1⁄2 months after his conviction.

1998 disproportionate assets case

In 1998, a disproportionate assets (DA) case arising out of the fodder scam was registered against Yadav and Rabri Devi. In April 2000, both were made co-accused in the charge-sheet and surrendered. While Rabri Devi got bail due to being Chief Minister of Bihar, Yadav was remanded in Beur jail for 11 days. They were acquitted in 2006. The Bihar government wanted to appeal against the acquittal but the Supreme Court in 2010 ruled that the state government can not challenge such rulings.

1996 Fodder Scam – 2nd case

Yadav was convicted and jailed in the second Fodder Scam case of ₹8.927 million on the same day 23 December 2017 when his daughter Misa Bharti was also charged by the Enforcement Directorate of having disproportionate assets. Yadav was convicted 23 December 2017 and sentenced on 6 January 2018 to 31⁄2 years' imprisonment and ₹1,000,000 fine for the fraudulent withdrawal of ₹8,900,000 from the Deoghar district treasury between 1990 and 1994.

1996 Fodder Scam – 3rd case

This case, pertaining to scamming ₹356.2 million scammed from the Chaibasa treasury of West Singhbhum district,

1996 Fodder Scam – 4th case

Yadav was convicted by the special CBI court in the fourth fodder scam case relating to alleged withdrawal of ₹3.13 crore from the Dumka district treasury over two decades ago. CBI Judge awarded him two separate sentences of seven years each under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and the Prevention of Corruption Acts.

1996 Fodder Scam – 5th case

This case, pertaining to the scamming Yadav has been found guilty of illegal withdrawals of ₹139.35 crore from the Doranda treasury by a special CBI court in Jharkhand's Ranchi on 15 February 2022. In February 2022 A CBI court sentenced to five years jail term in fifth case and imposed a fine of ₹60 lakh.

2005 Indian Railway tender scam

2005 Indian Railway tender scam, investigated by the CBI, is the bribery and corruption case where Lalu Prasad Yadav and his family are charged for illegally receiving prime property from the bidder as a bribe for corruptly awarding the Railway tender during Yadav's tenure as Railway Minister. Transfer of these properties as bribe to Yadav and his children were disguised using the shell companies; for example, wife Rabri Devi and three children, Misa Bharti, Tejashwi Yadav and Tej Pratap Yadav, received Saguna Mor Mall property worth ₹45 crore through a shell company named Delight Marketing (renamed as Lara properties), and another shell company AB Exports was used to transfer properties worth ₹40 crore for a price of ₹4 lakh to Lalu's other three children Tejashwi Yadav, Ragini and Chanda. This case spawned several other related but independent cases, such as disproportionate assets case as well as tax avoidance case by ED. Under the Benami Transactions Prohibition Act recipient of such benami properties can be imprisoned for up to 7 years and fined up to 25% fair market value, and convicted politicians are barred from contesting elections or holding elected position for six years.

2017 Delight Properties case

Investigated by the Enforcement Directorate (ED), against Yadav, his wife, son Tejashwi, daughter Misa and others, arose from the alleged illegal proceeds of the 2005 Indian Railway tender scam. The I-T department issued summons for 12 June 2017 to Misa Bharti, over Benami land deals worth ₹10 billion (₹1,000 crores). Misa was officially charged by ED in disproportionate assets case on the same day her father was convicted again in the second fodder scam. After the CBI lodged an FIR on 5 July 2017, ED filed the Case Information Report (ECIR) on 27 July 2017 against Lalu, his wife Rabri, their younger son Tejashwi Prasad Yadav and others in the railways tender corruption and ill-gotten property scam that happened during Lalu's tenure as the Railway Minister. Taking action against this scam, ED of Income Tax Department on 12 September 2017 attached more than 12 properties in Patna and Delhi including the plot for the mall in Patna, a farm house in Delhi and up-market land in Palam Vihar in Delhi. This includes the transfer of ₹450 million (₹45 crore) Seguna mor benami property transferred to Lalu's wife Rabri Devi and children Tejashwi Yadav and Tej Pratap Yadav by using a shell company named Delight Properties, which was later renamed as Lara Properties. (Updated: 7 Jan 2018)

2017 AB Exports cases

AB Exports was a shell company used to transfer, as a bribe for the railway tender scam, ₹400 million (₹40 crore) benami property for a mere price of ₹400,000 to Lalu's 3 children Tejashwi Yadav, Ragini Yadav and Chanda Singh. ED has attached this property and booked the 3 accused children of Lalu. (Updated: 7 Jan 2018)

2017 Patna zoo soil scam

2017 Patna zoo soil scam is an allegation/case against Lalu Prasad Yadav and his sons Tej Pratap Yadav and Tejashwi Yadav for the "gross irregularities" of selling soil from the construction of Tej Pratap's Saguna Mor mall basement. The bogus beautification scheme was for ₹90 lakh to Patna zoo without inviting any tenders when Tej Pratap was the minister of environment and forest in Bihar, a department that controls the zoo. The scam came to the light in April 2017, a public interest litigation (PIL) was filed in Patna High Court in October 2017, court ordered the Bihar government to furnish the details of investigation, following which the case was handed over to Bihar Vigilance Investigation Bureau (VIB) department for the investigation under the Pollution Control Board Act, the Environment Protection Act and Wildlife Protection Act (1972) (update: 6 Jan 2018).

The Bihar government said that official procedure was duly followed in the case and prima facie no evidence of irregularity has come into light in zoo soil deal. (Updated: 31 May 2020)

Bail

Yadav was convicted in the controversial Fodder Scam, and was serving a term until 17 April 2021, when he was granted bail from the Jharkhand High Court in the corruption scandal.

Criticism

Corruption, nepotism and dynasticism

Yadav is one of the first noted politicians to lose parliamentary seat on being arrested in fodder scam as per Supreme Court decision banning convicted legislators to hold their posts. During his tenure as Chief Minister, Bihar's law and order was at lowest, kidnapping was on rise and private armies mushroomed. He was also criticized by opposition in the Shilpi-Gautam Murder case and the death of his daughter Ragini Yadav's friend, Abhishek Mishra, in mysterious circumstances.

Criticism on Yadavisation

Lalu Yadav's rule witnessed Yadav caste becoming assertive in the rural and urban landscape of Bihar, leading his opponents to coin the slogan of "Yadavisation" of Bihar's polity and administration. This fact was used by other political parties to dislodge his government on the charges of working for the benefit of a single caste group at the cost of various other backward communities. According to a report of Indian Human Development Survey (2011–12), Brahmins topped in average per capita income with ₹28,093, the other upper castes of Bihar which comprises Rajputs have an average per capita income of ₹20,655, closely followed by middle agrarian castes like Kushwahas and Kurmis earning ₹18,811 and ₹17,835 respectively as their average per capita income. In contrast, Yadavs' income is one of the lowest among OBCs at ₹12,314, which is slightly less than the rest of OBCs (₹12,617). Hence, despite the political mobilisation of backward castes in post mandal period, the upper-caste are still the highest income groups in Bihar. According to this report, the economic benefits of the Mandal politics could be seen as affecting only few backward castes of agrarian background leading to their upward mobilisation. The Yadavs hence transformed their assertiveness to the upward mobility in the politics only while the other "Backward Castes" gained momentum in the other fields, though still the upper-caste dominance was retained in upper echelon of bureaucracy.

Writings

Lalu Prasad has written his autobiography named Gopalganj to Raisina Road.

Filmography

Padmashree Laloo Prasad Yadav (Bollywood), as himself (special appearance)
Mahua (Bhojiwood)
Gudri Ke Lal (Bhojiwood)

In media

Books

A writer named Neena Jha has written a book on Lalu Prasad named Lalu Prasad, India's miracle.
Book named Laloo Prasad Yadav: A Charismatic Leader was published in 1996.
"The Making of Laloo Yadav, The Unmaking of Bihar", updated and reprinted under the title "Subaltern Sahib: Bihar and the Making of Laloo Yadav", is a book based on Lalu's life by Sankarshan Thakur.

Movies

Padmashree Laloo Prasad Yadav, the Bollywood movie was released in 2005. It was based on a girl named Padmshree, her boyfriend Laloo, her lawyer Prasad and Yadav was Lalu Prasad himself as a special appearance.
Upcoming Bhojpuri film Lalten is a biopic based on the life of Lalu Prasad.

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Kenneth Bo Nielsen; Alf Gunvald Nilsen, eds. (2016). Social Movements and the State in India Deepening Democracy:Rethinking International Development series. Springer. ISBN 978-1-137-59133-3. The "breakdown of governance" during RJD rule was a reaction to the long history of caste dominance in village contexts and the ways in which upper caste influence within state institutions reinforced this dominance. Contrary to popular opinion outside Bihar, the chaos and partial collapse of governance that occurred during the period of RJD rule did not result primarily from the leadership's ineptitude or corruption. Rather, the RJD intentionally weakened state institutions controlled by upper castes as part of its political project to empower lower castes; the governmental break down that occurred in Lalu's Bihar was by design. While OBCs had displaced upper castes within the realm of political representation, this was not the case within the bureaucracy, the judiciary, the media and the private sector. The enactment of redistributive policies requires state institutions capable of implementing these policies. Since almost all of these institutions in Bihar were effectively controlled by the same upper castes that the new lower caste leadership was attempting to displace from power, this not only made relying on these institutions pre carious, but weakening upper caste influence within public life in Bihar often meant weakening upper caste-dominated public institutions.
^ Suryakant Waghmore; Hugo Gorringe (2020). Civility in Crisis: Democracy, Equality and the Majoritarian Challenge in India. Taylor & Francis. pp. 61, 63. ISBN 978-1-000-33373-2. Archived from the original on 26 July 2022. Retrieved 26 July 2022.
S., Corbridge (2005). "Protesting the state". In Williams G.; Srivastava M.; Véron R. (eds.). Seeing the State Governance and Governmentality in India Contemporary South Asia. Cambridge University Press. pp. 219–249. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511492211.009. ISBN 978-0-521-54255-5. When Laloo Yadav declared that he was the state, he was reminding his supporters –and his enemies – of what Gooptu calls 'the courtly culture of shudra, especially yadav, kings (Gooptu 2001: 217), and their associated displays of strength. His tacit support for the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) in central Bihar (see next section), and his hurried visits to the sites of upper-caste massacres of the Backward Classes, help to consolidate an image of a political leader who refuses to bow to Kshatriyas or Brahmans.
Nandini Gooptu; Jonathan Parry, eds. (2017). Persistence of Poverty in India. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-351-37806-2. Archived from the original on 9 August 2022. Retrieved 1 August 2022. caste. Musahar women heap abuse on a Rajput government official who had short-changed them on wages due for work under the Employment Guarantee Scheme; Scheduled Tribe Santhal tenants taunt the son of their Kayasth landlord over the latter's share of the crop. Roy's analysis carefully correlates the opening up of this space with developments in the wider political arena: with Lalu Prasad Yadav's 'Backward Raj' and with the subsequent emergence of a new coalition which championed the cause of a newly created category of 'Mahadalits' (of 'super-oppressed' castes) that included Musahars. At the village level it went with an end to the 'raj' of the old Rajput landlord family, replaced in the last Gram Panchayat elections by a lower-caste Kevat sarpanch who was returned with Musahar support.
Ranabir Samaddar (3 March 2016). Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace. Routledge, 2016. p. 182. ISBN 978-1-317-12538-9. Archived from the original on 29 June 2021. Retrieved 1 July 2022.
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"The Badlands Of Bihar Where Caste Hatred Is Overriding Emotion". Outlook. 14 January 2023. Archived from the original on 12 May 2023. Retrieved 13 May 2023. However, the Miyapur massacre cost the Sena dearly, perhaps also because the victims were Yadavs, the caste to which Laloo Prasad belonged. Laloo's party, after dominating Bihar politics for most part of the 1990s, had got a fresh mandate in 2000 for another five years. While the administration started tightening the noose around the Sena, the Naxal outfits had mostly resolved their internal conflicts and focused on eliminating Sena militia men in small-scale operations.
^ Singh, SB (2022). "Solidarity and Schism: A Study on Bihar's Backward Classes' Movement". Review of Development and Change. 27 (1): 83–101. doi:10.1177/09722661221099639. S2CID 249993203.
^ Sinha, Arun (2011). Nitish Kumar and the Rise of Bihar. India: Viking. ISBN 978-0-670-08459-3. Although he never openly said this, Lalu was reputed to hold the view that more government expenditure meant more illicit income for the upper castes who dominated the bureaucracy. 17 Stagnation served his objective of holding down the upper castes until the upper backward castes took over power fully. He blatantly patronized officers from the upper backward castes; they constituted a major segment of district magistrates who, together with SDOS (subdivisional officers) and BDOs (block development officers), made the government's public face. Wherever possible, SDOS and BDOS were picked up from the upper backward castes. Nitish was acceptable to the upper castes too, because even though he had the same political roots and ideological grounding as Lalu, he was far from being rabid and hardcore anti-upper caste. While he favoured affirmative action in the form of job quotas and other privileges to the backwards he did not derive his strength from quota politics of the Lalu variety. He had advocated exclusion of the well-off sections of the OBCs from the benefit of reservations and backed a job quota for the economically poor among upper castes.
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External links

Official website

Lok Sabha
Preceded byRamshekhar Prasad Singh	Member of Parliament for Chapra 1977–1980	Succeeded bySatya Deo Singh
Preceded byRajiv Pratap Rudy	Member of Parliament for Chapra 1989–1991	Succeeded byLal Babu Rai
Preceded byRam Bahadur Singh	Member of Parliament for Chapra 2004–2009	Succeeded byConstituency does not exist
Preceded byConstituency does not exist	Member of Parliament for Saran 2009–2013	Succeeded byRajiv Pratap Rudy
Political offices
Preceded byNitish Kumar	Minister of Railways 25 May 2004 – 18 May 2009	Succeeded byMamata Banerjee
Preceded byJagannath Mishra	Chief Minister of Bihar 1990–1997	Succeeded byRabri Devi

v t e Chief ministers of Bihar
Sri Krishna Sinha Deep Narayan Singh Binodanand Jha Krishna Ballabh Sahay Mahamaya Prasad Sinha Satish Prasad Singh B. P. Mandal Bhola Paswan Shastri Harihar Singh Daroga Prasad Rai Karpoori Thakur Kedar Pandey Abdul Ghafoor Jagannath Mishra Ram Sundar Das Chandrashekhar Singh Bindeshwari Dubey Bhagwat Jha Azad Satyendra Narayan Sinha Lalu Prasad Yadav Rabri Devi Nitish Kumar Jitan Ram Manjhi

Chief ministers of Bihar

v t e Railway ministers of India
John Mathai N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar Lal Bahadur Shastri Jagjivan Ram Swaran Singh H. C. Dasappa S. K. Patil C. M. Poonacha Ram Subhag Singh Panampilly Govinda Menon Gulzari Lal Nanda K. Hanumanthaiah T. A. Pai Lalit Narayan Mishra Kamalapati Tripathi Madhu Dandavate Kedar Pandey Prakash Chandra Sethi A. B. A. Ghani Khan Chowdhury Bansi Lal Mohsina Kidwai Madhavrao Scindia George Fernandes Janeshwar Mishra C. K. Jaffer Sheriff Ram Vilas Paswan Nitish Kumar Ram Naik Mamata Banerjee Lalu Prasad Yadav Dinesh Trivedi Mukul Roy C. P. Joshi Pawan Kumar Bansal Mallikarjun Kharge D. V. Sadananda Gowda Suresh Prabhu Piyush Goyal Ashwini Vaishnaw (incumbent)

v t e Leaders of Janata Dal
Prime Ministers of Janata Dal	V. P. Singh Inder Kumar Gujral H. D. Deve Gowda

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