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v t e

Anti-Russian sentiment covers a wide spectrum of prejudices, dislikes or fears of Russia, Russians, or Russian culture, including Russophobia. In modern international politics the term "Russophobia" is also used more specifically to describe clichés preserved from the times of the Cold War. Many prejudices, often introduced as elements of political war against the Soviet Union, are still observed in the discussions of the relations with Russia—whose leadership are seen as omitting from and manipulating memorialization of its Soviet past. The extent of Russophobia varies country by country and depends not only on the geography but also the fraction of the society. The intensity of Russophobia in various countries evolved throughout history.

History

Dislike of Russians is sometimes seen as a backlash of the policy of Russification in the times of Imperial Russia and Soviet Union and backlash against the policies of modern Russian government. However, Russophobia has a long tradition and already existed many centuries before Russia became one of the major powers in Europe.

During the 19th century the competition with Russia for the spheres of influence and colonies (see e.g. The Great Game and Berlin Congress) was a possible reason for the Russophobia in Great Britain where British propaganda of the time portrayed Russians as uncultivated Asiatic barbarians. These views spread to other parts of the world and are frequently reflected in literature of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

The Prometheism political strategy, conceived by Polish chief of state Józef Piłsudski, had as its aim the weakening of Tsarist Russia and later the Soviet Union. The Pan-Slavism movement that coincided with the Hungarian uprising of 1848 included anti-Russian sentiment, a reaction to Russia's involvement on the Austrian side of the conflict. This resulted in enmity of Austria-Hungary towards eastern orientation of many of its Slavic constituents in the second half of the 19th century. The elites began to see Russia as a threat and an enemy of Austro-Hungarian multi-ethnic empire. The public opinion became even more radicalized and Russophobic, as the common anti-Russian stereotypes fell onto a fertile ground.

In the 1930s, Adolf Hitler attempted to strengthen the Russophobe stereotypes with his racial theory of subhumans, in part to rationalize and justify the German invasion of The Soviet Union and the atrocities committed against its populace.

""Need, hunger, lack of comfort have been the Russians' lot for centuries. No false compassion, as their stomachs are perfectly extendible. Don't try to impose the German standards and to change their style of life. Their only wish is to be ruled by the Germans. <...> Help yourselves, and may God help you!" ("12 precepts for the German officer in the East", 1941)

It is difficult to draw a distinction from a casual xenophobia, observable for any two peoples living side by side or even intermixed and historically involved in armed conflicts. Also it might not be always easy to separate actions unpopular in Russia caused by rational political concerns of its neighbors from the actions caused by an irrational Russophobia. The opinions on these matters are highly subjective and may vary a great deal between different historians.

Dr. Vlad Sobell of Daiwa Research Institute (a member company of Daiwa Securities Group) claims that what he sees as "Russophobic sentiment" in the West is a result of the West failing to adapt and change its historical attitude towards Russia, even as Russia has in his opinion ditched its ideology and opted for pure pragmatism, successfully driving its economic revival. He further claims that the west remained stuck with its unchanged and unchanging beliefs. He continues, that if anything, the orthodoxy was further entrenched by the West's perception, that, having won the epic fight against totalitarianism, it must forever remain the only game in town.

Attitudes and claims of attitudes towards Russia and Russians by country

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In the October of 2004, the International Gallup Organization announced that according to its poll, anti-Russian sentiment remained fairly strong throughout Europe and the West in general. It found that Russia was the least popular G-8 country globally. The percentage of population with a negative perception of Russia was 62% in Finland, 57% in Norway, 42% in the Czech Republic and Switzerland, 37% in Germany, 32% in Denmark and Poland, and 23% in Estonia. However, according to the poll, the people of Kosovo had the lowest opinion of Russia: 73% of Kosovar respondents said their opinion was "very negative" or "fairly negative". Overall, the percentage of respondents with a positive view of Russia was only 31%.

A Russian commentator Vyacheslav Nikonov claimed Russia’s image is so negative in the West by quoting his Canadian friend: "The main problem is that these Russians have white skin. If they had been green, or pink, or came from Mars…or had flowers sticking out of their ears, then everybody would have said – well, these people are different, like Turks, or Chinese, or Japanese. We have no questions about the Japanese. They are different, their civilisation is different. But these Russians … they are white but they have totally different brains … which is thoroughly suspicious."

Baltic states

Most claims of anti-Russian sentiment in Estonia and Latvia are made by Russian authorities, media and activists regarding supposed political or economic discrimination against the large Russian minorities in these countries. Such claims have become more frequent during times of political disagreements between Russia and these countries and waned when the disagreements have been resolved.

Some of the most recurring charges claim citizenship discrimination.

Amnesty International has accused Estonia of language-based discrimination against the country's Russian-speaking population. The think-tank Development and Transition, sponsored by the United Nations, published an article in 2005 alleging Latvia and Estonia employ a "sophisticated and extensive policy regime of discrimination" against their respective Russophone populations.

During, and subsequent to, World War II, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania were the targets of Soviet mass deportations of its citizens and large influxes of resettlement from elsewhere in the Soviet Union, primarily by Russians and other Russophones.

Upon the breakup of the Soviet Union, the people of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania restored the pre-occupation Republics. Estonia and Latvia, which had large populations of Soviet-era immigrants, restored their pre-occupation citizenship laws and criteria with some updates. For example, Latvia introduced the option of naturalisation and granting of citizenship to all persons born as residents of Latvia after restoration of independence in 1991. Application of the pre-occupation criteria led to recognition of citizenship to people who had been citizens at the time of the first Soviet occupation and their descendants. Large numbers of Soviet-era immigrants residing in both countries were granted permanent residence and expected to choose which post-USSR country's citizenship to acquire. The primary options included naturalisation in the host country or requesting continuance citizenship from the Russian Federation; Russia issued continuance citizenships upon request to any former USSR citizen until the end of 2000. A number of people also migrated to other countries and naturalised there.

Many of these individuals never chose any citizenship, leading to the development of significant numbers of people without citizenship. However, because they possess permanent residence permits, consular privileges, and other additional rights akin to citizenship, they are not stateless. While most of such people are Russophones, a significant portion—primarily Belarusians and Ukrainians—are not ethnic Russian. Despite this fact, the Russian Federation makes regular assertions claiming the presence of non-citizens in Estonia and Latvia constitutes evidence of anti-Russian ethnic-based citizenship discrimination.

Finland

According to recent polls 62% of Finnish citizens have a negative view of Russia. The main reasons are general distrust of major powers in world politics (in the same poll 56% of Finns have a negative view of United States), historically rooted antipathy and cultural isolation.

Japan

Most Japanese interaction with Russian individuals -besides in major cities such as Tokyo- happens with seamen and fishermen of the Russian fishing fleet, therefore Japanese people tend to carry the stereotypes associated with sailors over to Russians. According to a report by the Cabinet in Japan, the percentage of Japanese who dislike Russia is 15%. (Japanese dislike towards China is 35%, South Korea 20%, and North Korea 80%.) In the report it is forecast that Japanese Anti-Russian sentiment is decreasing.

Kyrgyzstan

Following the breakup of the Soviet Union ethnic clashes have been infrequent but, sometimes serious. The Kyrgyzstan's 2005 Tulip Revolution turned into an anti-Russian pogrom in Bishkek.

Poland

Russian officials claim that negative feelings towards Russia are widespread in Poland. The New York Times reported after the Polish daily Gazeta Wyborcza that Gleb Pavlovsky, an advisor to President of Russia Vladimir Putin, complained during his 2005 visit to Warsaw that "Poles talk about Russians the way anti-Semites talk about Jews." On the other hand, Poland's foreign minister Adam Rotfeld thinks that Russian politicians are "looking for an enemy and…find it in Poland.".

According to Boris Makarenko, deputy director of a Moscow-based think tank Center for Political Technologies, anti-Russian sentiments have existed in Poland for more than 200 years. He said that much of the anti-Russian feelings in Poland is caused by grievances of the past. The most contentious issue is the massacre of 22,000 Polish officers, priests and intellectuals in Katyn Forest in 1940. "It is easy to understand why, and I am not going to defend Russia either for three divisions of Poland or many other . These anti-Russian sentiments resurfaced in the recent decade and there are many examples of that." Makarenko said. He also noted that Poland had criticized Russia’s stance on human rights or press freedom, and had clashed with Russia over the Orange Revolution events in Ukraine.

Jakub Boratyński, the director of international programs at the independent Polish think tank Stefan Batory Foundation, said that anti-Russian feelings have substantially decreased since Poland joined the EU and NATO, and that Poles feel more secure than before, but he also admitted that many people in Poland still look suspiciously at Russian foreign-policy moves and are afraid Russia is seeking to "recreate an empire in a different form."

Romania

There is a wide anti-Russian sentiment in Romania. Its cause is mainly Russian imperialism, which affected the Romanian principalities in 1812 (the annexation of Bessarabia) and 1940 (annexation of Northern Bukovina and Bessarabia), and after World War II, when Romania was occupied by Soviet troops, Russian dominance over Romanian economy during that time (so-called Sovroms). Also, Russian language was made optional, not compulsory during Ceausescu, so Romanians opted for other languages, mainly French. Overall, there is a very bad perception of everything Russian, including language, culture or people, and those who take interest in them are seen as pro-communists or russophiles.

Turkmenistan

Universities in Turkmenistan have been encouraged to reject applicants with non-Turkmen surnames, especially ethnic Russians.

Tuva

In the summer of 1990 an anti-Russian rioting engulfed Tuva's urban areas, leaving scores dead. Thousands of Russians reportedly fled Tuva in the wake of the 1990 ethnic disturbances. In February 1995, the only Russian in charge of an administrative district was murdered by unknown attackers. The region calmed significantly in the late 1990s. There have been no recent reports of ethnic violence and levels of protest remain low.

Ukraine

Sentiment towards Russia in Ukraine varies throughout the country. Among those living in the South and East of the country many would like to see a more Russophile attitude of the government, ranging from closer economic partnership to full national union with Russia.

According to a long-term survey by Institute of Sociology of National Academy of Science of Ukraine, the overall population of the country, excluding the Ukrainians from diaspora, has a on average similar attitude towards Russians as towards ethnic Ukrainians. On the other hand, the 2000 survey of the Lviv Oblast showed that the population of the region has a more negative attitude towards Russia (20%) (cf. 23% of negative attitude towards Ukraine in Russia ) than to other countries. Another survey showed that in 2005, compared to the rest of the population, the population of Western Ukraine, Kiev and Kiev Oblast had a less positive attitude towards Russia. The ultra-right-wing radical nationalist political party "Svoboda", marginal on the national scale, often invokes the radical Russophobic rhetoric (see poster) and has sufficient electoral support to form factions in several municipal and provincial local councils in Western Ukraine.

After Viktor Yanukovych promised to make Russian an official language of Ukraine in his 2004 presidential campaign, a group of twelve Ukrainophone writers supporting Viktor Yushchenko wrote an open letter claiming that "Yanukovych promises to give the language of low-standard pop music and thieves' cant the absurd status of a 'second official language'". Later, one of the writers explained that the phrase "the language of low-standard pop music and thieves'" does not refer to Russian language, but rather to the slang spoken by "a certain political force". He also pointed out that they were trying to defend the rights of Russian-speaking people in Ukraine to have a "true Russian culture". Viktor Yushchenko expressed his gratitude for the support and respect to the group of writers.

Business

In May and June 2006, Russian media cited discrimination against Russian companies as one possible reason why the contemplated merger between the Luxembourg-based steelmaker Arcelor and Russia's Severstal did not finalize. According to the Russian daily Izvestiya, those opposing the merge "exploited the 'Russian threat' myth during negotiations with shareholders and, apparently, found common ground with the Europeans", while Boris Gryzlov, speaker of the State Duma observed that "recent events show that someone does not want to allow us to enter their markets." On 27 July 2006, the New York Times quoted the analysts as saying that many Western investors still think that anything to do with Russia is "a little bit doubtful and dubious" while others look at Russia in "comic book terms, as mysterious and mafya-run."

However, the same article also quoted Aleksandr Temerko, a former vice president of YUKOS, the company which was broken up and sold off by the Russian government, saying that Western investors should treat take-overs by Russian companies with suspicion: "What if tomorrow they decide to grab Mordashov and force him to sell his stock to a state company?... Then some K.G.B. agent will show up at Arcelor and say, 'I'm your new partner'.... Political motives are real; they exist.... Investors are right to fear them." Some Russian activists who are against the greater political control associated with the rule of Putin and the United Russia Party are still disappointed by such Western repulsion, however, as a lack of foreign economic presence and investment is, in their view, one of the reasons why the new government and the KGB can so easily interfere in business and economics. Arcelor shareholders themselves portrayed their doubts about Severstal's bid very differently, and completely unrelated to stereotypes of Russian business practice: they were worried about the manner in which the bid was being presented to them by the Arcelor management, who were in favour of the take-over, and the degree of personal control Mr. Mordashov would have over the new company.

View of Russia in Western media

Some Russian and Western commentators express concern about a far too negative coverage of Russia in Western media (some Russians even describe this as a"war of information") . In April 2007 David Johnson, founder of the Johnson's Russia List, said in interview to the Moscow News: "I am sympathetic to the view that these days Putin and Russia are perhaps getting too dark a portrayal in most Western media. Or at least that critical views need to be supplemented with other kinds of information and analysis. An openness to different views is still warranted."

In 1995, years before Putin was elected to his first term, the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press reported: "coverage of Russia and its president, Boris Yeltsin, was decidedly negative, even though national polls continue to find the public feeling positive toward Russia and largely uncritical of Yeltsin."

In February 2007 the Russian creativity agency E-generator put together a "rating of Russophobia" of Western media, using for the research articles concerning a single theme — Russia's chairmanship of G8, translated into Russian by InoSmi.Ru. The score was composed for each edition, negative values granted for negative assessments of Russia, and positive values representing positive ones. The top in the rating were Newsday (-43, U.S.), The Financial Times (-34, Great Britain), The Wall Street Journal (-34, U.S.), Le Monde (-30, France), while editions on the opposite side of the rating were Toronto Star (+27, Canada) and The Conservative Voice (+26, U.S.)

Dr. Vlad Sobell claimed that an example of the anti-Russian bias in the West was that in his opinion President Putin was widely assumed to be guilty of the murder of Alexander Litvinenko, without any evidence being considered as necessary. The only proof the Western press needed for Putin's guilt was, that the victim said so himself on his deathbed.

See also

• List of anti-ethnic and anti-national terms
• Nazi crimes against Soviet POWs
• Russophilia

Footnotes

1. Aside from prevalent use in the media, the term "russophobia" was used specifically by Russian ambassador Yuri Fedotov to describe British-Russian relations in 2007. "Envoy complains Britons mistreat Russians". 2007-07-08. Retrieved 2007-07-30. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |pub= ignored (|publisher= suggested) (help)
2. "The west's new Russophobia is hypocritical - and wrong", The Guardian, June 30, 2006
3. Forest, Johnson, Till. Post-totalitarian national identity: public memory in Germany and Russia. Social & Cultural Geography, Volume 5, Number 3, September 2004. Routledge.
4. Peter Lavelle goes back as far as the Csarist era to illustrate Western distrust and disdain for Russia. Lavelle hosts a weekly pro-Russia commentary show on state sponsored RIA Novosti's English language cable news channel.Peter Lavelle; et al. (2005-07-08). "RP's Weekly Experts' Panel: Deconstructing "Russophobia" and "Russocentric"". Retrieved 2007-07-30. {{cite web}}: Explicit use of et al. in: |author= (help); Unknown parameter |pub= ignored (|publisher= suggested) (help)
5. ^ Jimmie E. Cain Jr. (15 May 2006), Bram Stoker and Russophobia: Evidence of the British Fear of Russia in Dracula and The Lady of the Shroud, McFarland & Co Inc.,U.S., ISBN 0786424079
6. Peter Hopkirk. The Great Game, Kodansha International, 1992, ISBN 4-7700-1703-0
7. Template:Lang-ru
8. ^ Western treatment of Russia signifies erosion of reason Dr. Vlad Sobell, 2007
9. ^ Helsingin Sanomat, October 11, 2004, International poll: Anti-Russian sentiment runs very strong in Finland. Only Kosovo has more negative attitude
10. Russia and the Baltic States: Not a Case of "Flawed" History
11. Postimees 25 July 2007: Naši suvelaagrit «ehib» Hitleri vuntsidega Paeti kujutav plakat
12. ^ "Law Assembly": The policy of discrimination of the national minorities in Latvia and Estonia
13. Postimees July 30, 2007: Venemaa süüdistas Eestit taas natsismi toetamises
14. Russia and the Baltic States: Not a Case of "Flawed" History by Mikhail Demurin, a long-time diplomat of USSR and later Russian Federation, printed in Russia in Global Affairs
15. http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR51/002/2006/en/08694661-d3d3-11dd-8743-d305bea2b2c7/eur510022006en.html
16. http://www.developmentandtransition.net/index.cfm?module=ActiveWeb&page=WebPage&DocumentID=586
17. Latvian Naturalization Board: The Main Facts from the History of the Naturalization Board
18. Aliens Act of Estonia
19. Citizenship Act of Estonia
20. Synthesis Report: Conclusions and Recommendations on the Situation of Fundamental Rights in the European Union and its Member States in 2003, 4 February 2004, p. 90.: "The EU Network of Independent Experts on Fundamental Rights notes ... that in Latvia, non-citizens under the 1995 Law on Status of citizens of the former USSR who are not citizens of Latvia or any other country are neither citizens, nor foreigners, nor stateless persons. A great proportion of the large Russian speaking population of the country falls within this category, unknown in public international law. The same applies to non-citizens in Estonia.
21. Citizenship row divides Latvia, BBC News (25 March, 2005)
22. Russian roots and an Estonian future, BBC News (10 May 2007)
23. Baltic Security and NATO Enlargement. Number 57, December 1995 — Retrieved on April 19, 2007
24. Otaru onsen lawsuit, hearing 7: oral testimonies by the plaintiffs, March 11, 2002, Sapporo district court
25. Jon Letman March 31, 2000: Russian visitors boiling over Japanese bathhouses
26. 中央調査報（No.575)より（世論調査分析）日本人の「好きな国・嫌いな国」
27. KYRGYZSTAN: Economic disparities driving inter-ethnic conflict
28. Russia ready to evacuate its citizens from Kyrgyzstan
29. KYRGYZSTAN: Focus on post-Akayev Russian exodus, IRIN Asia
30. "After Centuries of Enmity, Relations Between Poland and Russia Are as Bad as Ever" (free text)
31. ^ Radio Free Europe. Eastern Europe: Russian-Polish Tensions Rise Over Attack On Russian Children In Warsaw, by Valentinas Mite. 3 August 2005; last accessed on 14 July 2007
32. The Saint Petersburg Times. Lingering Bitterness Over May 9. 26 April 2005. retrieved on 14 July 2007
33. Turkmenistan: Russian Students Targetedby the Institute for War and Peace Reporting16 July 2003
34. Tuva: Russia's Tibet or the Next Lithuania?
35. UNHCR | Refworld | Assessment for Tuvinians in Russia
36. ^ Ukraine's orange-blue divide | csmonitor.com
37. ^ David Duke makes repeat visit to controversial Kyiv universityKyiv Post
38. Yedinoye Otechestvo - United country
39. Паніна Н. В. Українське суспільство 1994—2005: соціологічний моніторинг — Київ: ТОВ «Видавництво Софія», 2005. — с. 67.
40. Template:Ru icon http://www.korrespondent.net/main/192598
41. Львівщина на порозі XXI століття. Соціальний портрет. (Колективна монографія). (С. А. Давимука, А. Ф. Колодій, Ю. А. Кужелюк, В. М. Подгорнов, Н. Й. Черниш) Львів. 2001. С. 228.
42. Template:Ru icon http://socreal.fom.ru/english/?link=ARTICLE&aid=39
43. "Tiahnybok considers 'Svoboda' as the only right-wing party in Ukraine", Hazeta po-ukrainsky, 06.08.2007. Russian edition, Ukrainian edition
44. 0.36% of electoral support in the 2005 elections to Verkhovna Rada. Source [http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vnd2006/W6P001 cvk.gov.ua
45. Template:Uk icon http://www.pravda.com.ua/ru/archive/2004/october/14/1.shtml
46. Template:Ru icon http://news.gala.net/?id=168242
47. Template:Uk icon http://www.bezcenzury.com.ua/ua/archive/9775/society/9828.html
48. Template:Uk icon http://www.yuschenko.com.ua/ukr/present/News/1338/
49. Как закалялась "Северсталь", by Izvestija 26 June 2006
50. Template:Lang-ru, by Rossijskaya Gazeta 27 June 2006
51. Russian Politicians See Russophobia in Arcelor's Decision to Go With Mittal Steel, by the New York Times 27 July 2006
52. Rebel investors gear up to sink Russian takeover of Arcelor, by The Observer 18 June 2006
53. "Pravda" on Potomac, by Edward Lozansky, Johnson's Russia List, December 2005
54. Why are the American media, both liberal and conservative, so unanimously anti-Russian?, by Ira Straus, Johnson's Russia List, January 2005
55. Template:Ru icon Western Media "put" Russia "to the place", by km.Ru, June 2007
56. Interview with David Johnson by the Moscow News, April 2007
57. 1995 report of the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press
58. Template:Ru icon Rating of Russophoby, by E-generator, February 2007

References

• Template:Pl icon/Template:Ru icon ed. Jerzy Faryno, Roman Bobryk, "Polacy w oczach Rosjan - Rosjanie w oczach Polaków. Поляки глазами русских - русские глазами поляков. Zbiór studiów" - conference proceedings; in Studia Litteraria Polono-Slavica; Slawistyczny Ośrodek Wydawniczy Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa 2000, ISBN 83-86619-93-7.

External links

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• The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain
• Anatol Lieven, "Against Russophobia", World Policy Journal, Volume XVII, No 4, Winter 2000/01; a review of a modern Russophobia in international politics.
• New York Times After Centuries of Enmity, Relations Between Poland and Russia Are as Bad as Ever, July 3, 2005 (subscription may be required for full text)
• Sergei Yastrzhembsky: Russophobia Still Rampant
• More Russophobia in International Press
• Corruption, Russophobia Weigh on Poland
• Finnish Russophobia: The Story of an Enemy Image
• Battling Russophobia, Guardian, 2008, by Anna Matveeva

• Misplaced Pages neutral point of view disputes from December 2007
• Anti-national sentiment
• Foreign relations of Russia
• Russian society
• Human rights in Russia
• Racism