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The term Aegean dispute refers to a set of interrelated controversial isses between Greece and Turkey over sovereignty and related rights in the area of the Aegean Sea. This set of conflicts has had a large effect on the relations between the two countries since the 1970s. It has repeatedly led to crises coming close to the outbreak of military hostilities, most notably around 1987 and in early 1996. The issues in the Aegean fall into several categories:
- The delimitation of the territorial waters,
- The delimitation of the national airspace,
- The delimitation of Exclusive economic zones and the use of the continental shelf,
- The delimitation of Flight Information Regions (FIR), and their significance for the control of military flight activity,
- The issue of the demilitarized status assigned to some of the Greek islands in the area,
- The status of an undetermined number of small islets which are regarded as “grey zones” of undetermined sovereignty by Turkey, with the tiny islets of Imia/Kardak being the best-known example.
As of 1998, the two countries have been trying to overcome the tensions through a series of diplomatic measures, particularly with a view to easing Turkey's accession to the European Union. However, as of 2006, differences over suitable diplomatic paths to a substantial solution are still unresolved.
See also: Foreign relations of Turkey, Foreign relations of Greece
Maritime and areal zones of influence
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Several of the Aegean issues deal with the delimitation of both countries' zones of influence in the air and on the sea around their respective territories. These issues owe their virulence to a geographical peculiarity of the Aegean sea and its territories. While the mainland coasts of Greece and Turkey border the Aegean Sea on both sides and represent roughly equal shares of its total coastline, the overwhelming number of the many islands in the Aegean, which are scattered all across it, belong to Greece. In particular, there is a chain of Greek islands lined up along the Turkish west coast (Thasos, Samothrace, Lesbos, Chios, Samos, and the Dodecanese islands), partly in very in close proximity to the mainland. They cut off large parts of it from the open sea, and effectively block Turkey from extending any of its zones of influence beyond a few miles off its coastline. The breadth of maritime and areal zones of influence, such as the territorial waters and national airspace, are traditionally measured from the nearest territory of the state in question, including its islands. This means that the division of these zones in the Aegean is inherently biased in favour of Greece. It also means that any possibly extension of such zones is bound to benefit Greece much more than Turkey proportionally.
According to a popular perception of these issues in the two countries, Turkey is concerned that Greece might be trying to extend its zones of influence to such a degree that it would turn the Aegean effectively into a "Greek lake". Conversely, Greece is concerned that Turkey might try to "occupy half of the Aegean", i.e. establish Turkish zones of influence towards the middle of the Aegean, beyond the chain of outlying Greek islands, turning these into a kind of exclave surrounded by Turkish waters, and thus cutting them off from their motherland.
The territorial waters
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Both Greece and Turkey currently possess territorial waters extending 6 nautical miles around their territories. Territorial waters give the litoral state control over some aspects of shipping, although foreign vessels (both civil and military) are normally guaranteed innocent passage through them. Most other countries world-wide have by now extended their territorial waters to 12 nautical miles, as has Turkey in some other parts of its coast. In the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (signed in 1982, come into force in 1994), 12 miles were fixed as the international norm. Greece, which is a party to this Convention, has stated that it reserves the right to apply this rule and extend its waters to 12 miles at some point in the future, although it has never actually attempted to do so. This has fuelled Turkish concerns over a possible disproportionate increase in Greek-controlled space. Turkey has refused to sign the Convention, and therefore considers it as res inter alios acta, i.e. a treaty with no binding force to non-parties. Greece, on the other hand, holds that the 12-mile rule is not only treaty law but also customary law at the same time, as per the wide consensus established among the international community. Against this, Turkey is in the position of a consistent objector, having consistently upheld that the special geographical properties of the Aegean Sea make a strict application of the 12-mile rule in this case illicit in the interest of equity. From the perspective of international law, it is therefore doubtful whether Turkey can be considered under a legal obligation to accept a unilateral expansion to 12 miles by Greece.
Tensions over the 12-mile question ran highest between the two countries in the early 1990s, when the Law of the Sea was going to come into force. On 9 June 1995, the Turkish parliament officially declared that unilateral action by Greece would constitute a casus belli, i.e. a reason for military action by Turkey. This declaration has been condemned by Greece as a violation of the Charter of the United Nations, which forbids "the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state".
The national airspace
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The national airspace is normally defined as the airspace covering a state's land territory and its adjacent territorial waters. National airspace gives the sovereign state a large degree of control over foreign air traffic. While civil aviation is normally allowed passage under international treaties, foreign military and other state aircraft (unlike military vessels in the territorial waters) do not have a right to free passage through another state's national airspace.
The delimitation of national airspace claimed by Greece is exceptional, as it does not coincide with the boundary of the territorial waters. Greece claims 10 miles of airspace, as opposed to 6 miles of water. Since 1974, Turkey has refused to acknowledge the validity of those outer 4 miles of airspace that extend beyond the Greek territorial waters. Turkey cites the statutes of the ICAO of 1948, as containing a binding definition that both zones must coincide. Against this, Greece argues (1) that its 10-mile claim predates the ICAO statute, having been fixed in 1931, and that it was acknowledged by all its neighbours, including Turkey, before and after 1948, hence constituting an established right; and (2) that its 10-mile claim can also be interpreted as just a partial, selective use of the much wider rights guaranteed by the Law of the Sea, namely the right to a 12-mile zone both in the air and on the water.
The conflicting views about air space have been one of the most frequent and long-standing sources of military irritation between the two countries, as they give rise to regular incidents between fighter jets of the two countries. Turkish air force jets routinely and demonstratively fly in the outer 4-mile zone of contested airspace, while Greek air force jets routinely intercept them and try to force them to leave. This leads to dangerous so-called "dog fights", sometimes involving armed aircraft.
The continental shelf
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The Flight Information Regions
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The islands
Demilitarized status
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“Grey zones”
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Strategies of conflict resolution
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See also
- Imia/Kardak dispute
- Cyprus dispute
References
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- Article related to the Imia crisis.
- Greek Embassy news about Airspace Violations #1.
- Greek Embassy news about Airspace Violations #2.
- Article at F-16.net about "Turkish provocation over the Aegean sea".
- Turkish army denial of the violations
For further provisional references, see the Talk page, and the article on Imia/Kardak