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History of ancient Israel and Judah

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The Iron Age kingdom of Israel (blue) and kingdom of Judah (tan), with their neighbours (8th century BCE)
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Israel and Judah were related Iron Age kingdoms of the ancient Levant. This history of Israel and Judah runs from the first mention of the name Israel in the archaeological record in 1209 BCE to the end of a nominally independent Judean kingdom in 6 CE.

The two kingdoms arose on the easternmost coast of the Mediterranean, the westernmost part of the Fertile Crescent, between the ancient empires of Egypt to the south; Assyria, Babylonia, and later Persia to the north and east; and Greece and later Rome across the sea to the west. The area involved is relatively small, roughly 100 miles north to south and 40 or 50 miles east to west.

Israel and Judah emerged from the indigenous Canaanite culture of the Late Bronze Age, and were based on villages that formed and grew in the southern Levant highlands (i.e., the region between the coastal plain and the Jordan Valley) between 1200 and 1000. Israel became an important local power in the 9th and 8th centuries before falling to the Assyrians in 722; the southern kingdom, Judah, enjoyed a period of prosperity as a client-state of the greater empires of the region before a revolt against Babylon led to its destruction in 586. Judean exiles returned from Babylon early in the following Persian period, inaugurating the formative period in the development of a distinctive Judahite identity in the province of Yehud, as Judah was now called. Yehud was absorbed into the subsequent Greek-ruled kingdoms which followed the conquests of Alexander the Great. In the 2nd century BCE, the Judaeans revolted against Greek rule and created the Hasmonean kingdom, which became first a Roman client state and eventually passed under direct Roman rule.

Periods and chronology

(From Philip J. King, Lawrence E. Stager, "Life in biblical Israel")

  • Late Bronze Age: 1550-1200 BCE
  • Iron Age: 1200-586 BCE (divided into Iron Age I and Iron Age II)
  • Babylonian: 586-539 BCE
  • Persian: 539-332 BCE
  • Hellenistic: 332-53 BCE

Late Bronze Age background (1550-1200 BCE)

The Canaanite god Ba'al, 14th-12th century BC (Louvre museum, Paris)

The eastern Mediterranean seaboard - the Levant - stretches 400 miles north to south from the Taurus Mountains to the Sinai desert, and 70 to 100 miles east to west between the sea and the Arabian desert. The coastal plain of the southern Levant, broad in the south and narrowing to the north, is backed in its southernmost portion by a zone of foothills, the Shephalah; like the plain this narrows as it goes northwards, ending in the promontory of Mount Carmel. East of the plain and the Shephalah is a mountainous ridge, the "hill country of Judah" in the south, the "hill country of Ephraim" north of that, then Galilee and the Lebanon mountains. To the east again lie the steep-sided valley occupied by the Jordan River, the Dead Sea, and the wadi of the Arabah, which continues down to the eastern arm of the Red Sea. Beyond the plateau is the Syrian desert, separating the Levant from Mesopotamia. To the southwest is Egypt, to the northeast Mesopotamia. "The Levant thus constitutes a narrow corridor whose geographical setting made it a constant area of contention between more powerful entities".

In the 2nd millennium the Egyptians called the entire Levantine coast "Canaan". In biblical texts referring to the first half of the 1st millennium "Canaan" can mean all of the land west of the Jordan river or, more narrowly, the coastal strip (the Bible narratives are ascribed to the eras they depict by Bava Batra 14b ff. (Talmud) and early Church Fathers). By Roman times - the second half of the millennium - the name Canaan was dropped in favour of "Philistia", "Land of the Philistines", while the northern and central coast was known as Phoenicia. Northeast of Canaan/Palestine was Aram, later called Syria after the Assyrians, who had likewise long since vanished.

Settlement during the Late Bronze was concentrated in the coastal plain and along major communication routes, with the central hill-country only sparsely inhabited; each city had its own ruler, constantly at odds with his neighbours and appealing to the Egyptians to adjudicate his differences. One of these Canaanite states was Jerusalem: letters from the Egyptian archives indicate that it followed the usual Late Bronze pattern of a small city with surrounding farmlands and villages; unlike most other Late Bronze city-states, there is no indication that it was destroyed at the end of the period.

Egyptian control over Canaan, and the system of Canaanite city-states, broke down during in the Late Bronze period, and Canaanite culture was then gradually absorbed into that of the Philistines, Phoenicians and Israelites.

Iron Age (1200-586 BCE)

Iron Age I (1200-1000 BCE)

The Merneptah Stele (JE 31408), the earliest record of the name "Israel" (Cairo Museum)

The transition from the Late Bronze to Iron Age I was gradual rather than abrupt: Egypt continued to be a strong presence into the 12th century, and surviving Canaanite cities shared the territory with the cities of the newly-arrived Philistines in the southern plain. Further north along the coast the archaeological evidence from the Phoenician cities attests to uninterrupted occupation from the Late Bronze through the early Iron Age, while beyond the Jordan the states of Ammon and Moab (or at least polities which were precursors to those kingdoms) existed by the late 11th century.

Archaeologist Ann Killebrew says, "Recent research on the emergence of Israel points unequivocally to the conclusion that biblical Israel's roots lie in the final century of Bronze Age Canaan." The first record of the name Israel occurs in the Merneptah stele, erected for Egyptian Pharaoh Merneptah c. 1209 BCE, "Israel is laid waste and his seed is not." This Israel, identified as a people, was probably located in the northern part of the central highlands, when the Canaanite city-state system was beginning to collapse. At the same time the highlands, previously unpopulated, were beginning to fill with villages: surveys have identified more than 300 new settlements in the Palestinian highlands during Iron Age I, most of them in the northern regions, and the largest with a population of no more than 300. It is impossible to differentiate these "Israelite" villages from Canaanite sites of the same period on the basis of material culture - almost the sole marker distinguishing the two is an absence of pig bones, although whether this can be taken as an ethnic marker or is due to other factors remains a matter of dispute. There are no temples or shrines, although cult-objects associated with the Canaanite god El have been found. The population lived by farming and herding and were largely self-sufficient in economic terms, but generated a surplus which was could be traded for goods not locally available; writing was known but was not common. The north-central highlands during Iron Age I were divided into five major chiefdoms, with no sign of centralised authority. In the territory of the future kingdom of Judah the archaeological evidence indicates a similar society of village-like centres, but with more limited resources and a far smaller population.

Iron Age II (1000-586 BCE)

A reconstructed Israelite house, 10th-7th BCE. Eretz Israel Museum, Tel Aviv.

Unusually favourable climatic conditions in the first two centuries of Iron Age II brought about an expansion of population, settlements and trade throughout the region. In the central highlands this resulted in unification in a kingdom with Samaria as its capital, possibly by the second half of the 10th century when an inscription of the Egyptian pharaoh Shoshenq I, the biblical Shishak, records a series of campaigns directed at the area. It had clearly emerged by the middle of the 9th century BCE, when the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III names "Ahab the Israelite" among his enemies at the battle of Qarqar (853 BCE), and the Mesha stele (c.830 BCE) left by a king of Moab celebrates his success in throwing off the oppression of the "House of Omri" (i.e. Israel) and the Tel Dan stele tells of the death of a king of Israel, probably Jehoram, at the hands of an Aramaen king (c.841 BCE). In the earlier part of this period Israel was apparently engaged in a three-way contest with Damascus and Tyre for control of the Jezreel Valley and Galilee in the north, and with Moab, Ammon and Damascus in the east for control of Gilead; from the middle of the 8th century it came into increasing conflict with the expanding neo-Assyrian empire, which first split its territory into several smaller units and then destroyed its capital, Samaria (722 BCE). Both the biblical and Assyrian sources speak of a massive deportation of the people of Israel and their replacement with an equally large number of forced settlers from other parts of the empire - such population exchanges were an established part of Assyrian imperial policy, a means of breaking the old power structure. The former Israel never again became an independent political entity.

Surface surveys indicate that during the 10th and 9th centuries the southern highlands were divided between a number of centres, none with clear primacy. Unification (i.e., state formation) seems to have occurred no earlier than the 9th century, a period when Jerusalem was dominated by Israel, but the subject is the centre of considerable controversy and there is no definite answer to the question of when Judah emerged. In the 7th century Jerusalem became a city with a population many times greater than before and clear dominance over its neighbours, probably in a cooperative arrangement with the Assyrians to establish Judah as a pro-Assyrian vassal state controlling the valuable olive industry. Judah prospered under Assyrian vassalage, (despite a disastrous rebellion against the Assyrian king Sennacherib), but in the last half of the 7th century Assyria suddenly collapsed, and the ensuing competition between the Egyptian and Neo-Babylonian empires for control of Palestine led to the destruction of Judah in a series of campaigns between 597 and 582 BCE.

Babylonian period (586-539 BCE)

The Ishtar Gate of Babylon

Babylonian Judah suffered a steep decline in both economy and population and lost the Negev, the Shephelah, and part of the Judean hill country, including Hebron, to encroachments from Edom and other neighbours. Jerusalem, while probably not totally abandoned, was much smaller than previously, and the town of Mizpah in Benjamin in the relatively unscathed northern section of the kingdom became the capital of the new Babylonian province of Yehud Medinata. (This was standard Babylonian practice: when the Philistine city of Ashkalon was conquered in 604 BCE, the political, religious and economic elite (but not the bulk of the population) was banished and the administrative centre shifted to a new location). There is also a strong probability that for most or all of the period the temple at Bethel in Benjamin replaced that at Jerusalem, boosting the prestige of Bethel's priests (the Aaronites) against those of Jerusalem (the Zadokites), now in exile in Babylon.

The Babylonian conquest entailed not just the destruction of Jerusalem and its temple, but the liquidation of the entire infrastructure which had sustained Judah for centuries. The most significant casualty was the State ideology of "Zion theology," the idea that Yahweh, the god of Israel, had chosen Jerusalem for his dwelling-place and that the Davidic dynasty would reign there forever. The fall of the city and the end of Davidic kingship forced the leaders of the exile community - kings, priests, scribes and prophets - to reformulate the concepts of community, faith and politics. The exile community in Babylon thus became the source of significant portions of the Hebrew bible: Isaiah 40-55, Ezekiel, the final version of Jeremiah, the work of the Priestly source in the Pentateuch, and the final form of the history of Israel from Deuteronomy to 2 Kings Theologically, they were responsible for the doctrines of individual responsibility and universalism (the concept that one god controls the entire world), and for the increased emphasis on purity and holiness. Most significantly, the trauma of the exile experience led to the development of a strong sense of identity as a people distinct from other peoples, and increased emphasis on symbols such as circumcision and Sabbath-observance to maintain that separation.

The concentration of the biblical literature on the experience of the exiles in Babylon disguises the fact that the great majority of the population remained in Judah, and for them life after the fall of Jerusalem probably went on much as it had before. It may even have improved, as they were rewarded with the land and property of the deportees, much to the anger of the exile community in Babylon. The assassination of the Babylonian governor around 582 BCE by a disaffected member of the former royal house of David provoked a Babylonian crack-down, possibly reflected in the Book of Lamentations, but the situation seems to have soon stabilised again. Nevertheless, the unwalled cities and towns that remained were subject to slave raids by the Phoenicians and intervention in their internal affairs from Samaritans, Arabs and Ammonites.

Persian period (539-332 BCE)

Babylon was conquered by Cyrus the Great in 539 BCE and Judah (or Yehud medinata, the "province of Yehud") remained a province of the Persian empire until 332 BCE. Cyrus was succeeded as king by Cambyses, who added Egypt to the empire, incidentally transforming Yehud and the Philistine plain into an important frontier zone; his death in 522 was followed by a period of turmoil until Darius the Great seized the throne in about 521. Darius introduced a reform of the administrative arrangements of the empire including the collection, codification and administration of local law codes, and it is reasonable to suppose that this policy lay behind the redaction of the Jewish Torah. After 404 BCE the Persians lost control of Egypt, which now became Persia's main enemy outside Europe, causing the Persian authorities to tighten their administrative control over Yehud and the rest of Palestine. Egypt was eventually reconquered, but soon afterward Persia fell to Alexander the Great, ushering in the Hellenistic period in the Levant.

Judah's population over the entire period was probably never more than about 30,000, and that of Jerusalem no more than about 1,500, most of them connected in some way to the Temple. According to the biblical history, one of the first acts of Cyrus, the Persian conqueror of Babylon, was to commission the Jewish exiles to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the Temple, a task which they are said to have completed c.515 BCE. Yet it was probably only in the middle of the next century, at the earliest, that Jerusalem again became the capital of Judah. The Persians may have experimented initially with ruling Yehud as a Dividic client-kingdom under descendants of Jehoiachin, but by the mid-5th century Yehud had become in practice a theocracy, ruled by hereditary High Priests and a Persian-appointed governor, frequently Jewish, charged with keeping order and seeing that tribute was paid. According to the biblical history Ezra and Nehemiah arrived in Jerusalem in the middle of the 5th century, the first empowered by the Persian king to enforce the Torah, the second with the status of governor and a royal mission to restore the walls of the city. The biblical history mentions tension between the returnees and those who had remained in Yehud, the former rebuffing the attempt of the "peoples of the land" to participate in the rebuilding of the Temple; this attitude was based partly on the exclusivism which the exiles had developed while in Babylon and, probably, partly on disputes over property. The careers of Ezra and Nehemiah in the 5th century were thus a kind of religious colonisation in reverse, an attempt by one of the many Jewish factions in Babylon to create a self-segregated, ritually pure society inspired by the prophesies of Ezekiel and his followers.

The Persian era, and especially the period 538-400 BCE, laid the foundations of later Jewish and Christian religion and the beginnings of a scriptural canon. other important landmarks include the replacement of Hebrew by Aramaic as the everyday language of Judah (although it continued to be used for religious and literary purposes), and Darius's reform of the administrative arrangements of the empire, which may lie behind the redaction of the Jewish Torah.

Hellenistic period (332 BCE - 6 CE)

The extent of the Hasmonean kingdom
Iudaea Province and surrounding area in the 1st century

On the death of Alexander the Great (322 BCE) his generals divided the empire between them. Ptolemy I seized Egypt and Palestine, but his successors lost Palestine and Judea to the Seleucids, the rulers of Syria, in 198 BCE. At first relations between the Seleucids and the Jews were cordial, but the attempt of Antiochus IV Epiphanes (174-163 BCE) to impose Hellenic culture sparked a national rebellion, which ended in the expulsion of the Syrians and the establishment of an independent Jewish kingdom under the Hasmonean dynasty. The Hasmonean kingdom was a conscious attempt to revive the Judah described in the bible: a Jewish monarchy ruled from Jerusalem and stretching over all the territories once ruled by David and Solomon. In order to carry out this project the Hasmoneans kings and forcibly converted to Judaism the one-time Moabites, Edomites and Ammonites, as well as the lost kingdom of Israel.

In 64 BCE the Roman general Pompey conquered Jerusalem and made the Jewish kingdom a client of Rome. In 57-55 BCE Aulus Gabinius, proconsul of Syria, split it into Galilee, Samaria & Judea, In 40-39 BCE Herod the Great was appointed King of the Jews by the Roman Senate, and in 6 CE the last ethnarch of Judea was deposed by the emperor Augustus and his territories annexed as Iudaea Province under direct Roman administration: this marked the end Judah as an even theoretically independent kingdom.

Religion

It is generally accepted among modern scholars that the narrative of Israel's history found in the biblical Books of Kings is not an accurate reflection of the religious world of Iron Age Judah and Israel. Contrary to the biblical picture, Israelite monotheism was not a primordial condition, but the end result of a gradual process which began with the normal beliefs and practices of the ancient world.

Israel and Judah inherited the religion of late first-millennium Canaan, and Canaanite religion in turn had its roots in the religion of second-millennium Ugarit. In the 2nd millennium, polytheism was expressed through the concepts of the divine council and the divine family, a single entity with four levels: the chief god and his wife (El (deity) and Asherah); the seventy divine children or "stars of El" (including Baal, Astarte, Anat, probably Resheph, as well as the sun-goddess Shapshu and the moon-god Yerak); the head helper of the divine household, Kothar wa-Hasis; and the servants of the divine household, including the messenger-gods who would later appear as the "angels" of the Hebrew bible.

In the earliest stage, Yahweh was one of the seventy children of El, each of whom was the patron deity of one of the seventy nations. This is illustrated by the Dead Sea Scrolls and Septuagint texts of Deuteronomy 32:8-9, in which El, as the head of the divine assembly, gives member of the divine family a nation of his own, "according to the number of the divine sons": Israel is the portion of Yahweh. The later Masoretic text, evidently uncomfortable with the polytheism expressed by the phrase, altered it to "according to the number of the children of Israel"

Between the eighth to the sixth centuries El became identified with Yahweh, Yahweh-El became the husband of the goddess Asherah, and the other gods and the divine messengers gradually became mere expressions of Yahweh's power. Yahweh is cast in the role of the Divine King ruling over all the other deities, as in Psalm 29:2, where the "sons of God" are called upon to worship Yahweh; and as Ezekiel 8-10 suggests, the Temple itself became Yahweh's palace, populated by those in his retinue.

It is in this period that the earliest clear monotheistic statements appear in the Bible, for example in the apparently seventh-century Deuteronomy 4:35, 39, 1 Samuel 2:2, 2 Samuel 7:22, 2 Kings 19:15, 19 (= Isaiah 37:16, 20), and Jeremiah 16:19, 20 and the sixth-century portion of Isaiah 43:10-11, 44:6, 8, 45:5-7, 14, 18, 21, and 46:9. Because many of the passages involved appear in works associated with either Deuteronomy, the Deuteronomistic History (Joshua through Kings) or in Jeremiah, most recent scholarly treatments have suggested that a Deuteronomistic movement of this period developed the idea of monotheism as a response to the religious issues of the time.

The first factor behind this development involves changes in Israel's social structure. At Ugarit, social identity was strongest at the level of the family: legal documents, for example, were often made between the sons of one family and the sons of another. Ugarit's religion, with its divine family headed by El and Asherah, mirrored this human reality. The same was true in ancient Israel through most of the monarchy - for example, the story of Achan in Joshua 8 suggests an extended family as the major social unit. However, the family lineages went through traumatic changes beginning in the eighth century due to major social stratification, followed by Assyrian incursions. In the seventh and sixth centuries, we begin to see expressions of individual identity (Deuteronomy 26:16; Jeremiah 31:29-30; Ezekiel 18). A culture with a diminished lineage system, deteriorating over a long period from the ninth or eighth century onward, less embedded in traditional family patrimonies, might be more predisposed both to hold the individual accountable for his behavior, and to see an individual deity accountable for the cosmos. In short, the rise of the individual as the basic social unit led to the rise of a single god replacing a divine family.

The second major factor was the rise of the neo-Assyrian and neo-Babylonian empires. As long as Israel was, from its own perspective, part of a community of similar small nations, it made sense to see the Israelite pantheon on par with the other nations, each one with its own patron god - the picture described with Deuteronomy 32:8-9. The assumption behind this worldview was that each nation was as powerful as its patron god. However, the neo-Assyrian conquest of the northern kingdom in ca. 722 challenged this, for if the neo-Assyrian empire were so powerful, so must be its god; and conversely, if Israel could be conquered (and later Judah, c. 586), it implied that Yahweh in turn was a minor divinity. The crisis was met by separating the heavenly power and earthly kingdoms. Even though Assyria and Babylon were so powerful, the new monotheistic thinking in Israel reasoned, this did not mean that the god of Israel and Judah was weak. Assyria had not succeeded because of the power of its god Marduk; it was Yahweh who was using Assyria to punish and purify the one nation which Yahweh had chosen.

By the post-Exilic period, full monotheism had emerged: Yahweh was the sole God, not just of Israel, but of the whole world. If the nations were tools of Yahweh, then the new king who would come to redeem Israel might not be a Judean as taught in older literature (e.g. Psalm 2). Now, even a foreigner such as Cyrus the Persian could serve as the Lord's anointed (Isaiah 44:28, 45:1). One god stood behind all the world's history.

Biblical Israel

The "Israel" of the Persian period included descendants of the inhabitants of the old kingdom of Judah, returnees from the Babylonian exile community, Mesopotamians who had joined them or had been exiled themselves to Samaria at a far earlier period, Samaritans and others.

See also

Notable people
Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, Benjamin, Moses, Aaron, Joshua, Gideon, Deborah, Samson, Samuel

Kings of Israel
Main: List of the Kings of Israel

Saul, Ish-bosheth, David, Solomon, Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, Zimri, Omri, Ahab Ahaziah, Jehoram, Jehu, Elisha, Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, Zachariah, Shallum, Menahem, Pekahiah, Pekah, Hoshea

Kings of Judah
Main: List of the Kings of Judah

Rehoboam, Abijam, Asa, Jehoshaphat, Jehoram, Ahaziah, Athaliah, Jehoash, Amaziah, Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah, Manasseh, Amon, Josiah, Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jeconiah, Zedekiah

References

  1. Life in biblical Israel by Philip J. King, Lawrence E. Stager, (Westminster John Knox Press, 2001) ISBN 0-664-22148-3 p.xxiii
  2. A history of ancient Israel and Judah by Miller, James Maxwell, and Hayes, John Haralson (Westminster John Knox, 1986) ISBN 0-664-21262-X. p.36
  3. Coogan, Michael D. (ed), "The Oxford History of the Biblical World (Oxford University Press, 1998) pp.4-7
  4. Miller, James Maxwell, and Hayes, John Haralson, "A history of ancient Israel and Judah" (Westminster John Knox, 1986) p.38-9
  5. Killebrew, Ann E., "Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity: An Archaeological Study of Egyptians, Canaanites, and Early Israel, 1300-1100 BCE" (Society of Biblical Literature, 2005) p.38-9
  6. Cahill, Jane M., Jerusalem at the Time of the United Monarchy, in Vaughn, Andrew G., and Killebrew, Ann E., (eds), "Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period" (Sheffield, 1992) pp.27-33
  7. Killebrew, Ann E., "Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity: An Archaeological Study of Egyptians, Canaanites, and Early Israel, 1300-1100 BCE" (Society of Biblical Literature, 2005) pp.10-16
  8. Golden, Jonathan Michael, "Ancient Canaan and Israel: new perspectives"(ABC-CLIO, 2004) pp.61-2
  9. Golden, Jonathan M., "Ancient Canaan and Israel: An Introduction" (Oxford University Press, 2004) pp.155-160
  10. Markoe, Glenn (2000). Phoenicians. University of California Press. p. 24.
  11. Killebrew, Ann E., "Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity: An Archaeological Study of Egyptians, Canaanites, and Early Israel, 1300-1100 BCE" (Society of Biblical Literature, 2005), p. 149.
  12. Lawrence E. Stager, Forging an Identity: The Emergence of Ancient Israel, in Coogan 1998, p. 91.
  13. Niels Peter Lemche, "The Israelites in History and Tradition" (Westminster John Knox, 1998) pp.35-8
  14. Paula McNutt, "Reconstructing the Society of Ancient Israel" pp.69-70
  15. ^ Ann E. Killebrew, "Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity" (Society of Biblical Literature, 2005) p.176
  16. ^ Miller, Robert D., "Chieftains of the Highland Clans: A History of Israel in the 12th and 11th centuries BC" (Eerdman's, 2005) pp.97-104
  17. Gunnar Lehman, The United Monarchy in the Countryside, in Vaughn, Andrew G., and Killebrew, Ann E., (eds), "Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period" (Sheffield, 1992) pp.156-162
  18. ^ Thompson, Thomas L., "Early History of the Israelite People" (Brill, 1992) p.408
  19. ^ Amihai Mazar, The Divided Monarchy: Comments on some Archaeological Issues, in Israel Finkelstein and Amihai Mazar, "The quest for the historical Israel" (Society of Biblical Literature, 2007) p.163
  20. Lemche, Niels Peter, "The Israelites in History and Tradition" (Westminster John Knox, 1998) p.85
  21. Gunnar Lehman, The United Monarchy in the Countryside: Jerusalem, Judah and the Shephelah During the Tenth Century BCE, in Vaughan and Killibrew (eds), "Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period" (Sheffield, 1992) p.149
  22. Grabbe, Lester L. (ed), "Israel in Transition: from late Bronze II to Iron IIa (c. 1250-850 B.C.E.)" (T&T Clarke International, 2008) p.225-6
  23. ^ Thompson, Thomas L., "Early History of the Israelite People" (Brill, 1992) pp.410-411
  24. Grabbe, Lester L. "A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period" (T&T Clark, 2004) p.28
  25. Andre Lemaire, Nabonidus in Arabia and Judea during the Neo-Babylonian period, in Blenkinsopp, Joseph, and Lipschitz, Oded (eds), "Judah and the Judeans in the neo-Babylonian period" (Eisenbrauns, 2003) p.291
  26. Davies, Philip R., "The Origin of Biblical Israel", Journal of Hebrew Scriptures (art. 47, vol9, 2009)
  27. Lipschitz, Oded, "The Fall and Rise of Jerusalem" (Eisenbrauns, 2005) p.48
  28. Joseph Blenkinsopp, Bethel in the Neo-Babylonian Period in Blenkinsopp, Joseph, and Lipschitz, Oded (eds), "Judah and the Judeans in the neo-Babylonian period" (Eisenbrauns, 2003) pp.103-5
  29. Blenkinsopp, Joseph, "Judaism, the first phase: the place of Ezra and Nehemiah in the origins of Judaism" (Eerdmans, 2009) p.228
  30. Middlemas, Jill Anne, "The troubles of templeless Judah" (Oxford University Press, 2005) pp.1-2
  31. James Maxwell Miller, John Haralson Hayes p.203
  32. Middlemas, Jill Anne, "The troubles of templeless Judah" (Oxford University Press, 2005) p.2
  33. ^ Middlemas, Jill Anne, "The troubles of templeless Judah" (Oxford University Press, 2005) p.10
  34. Middlemas, Jill Anne, "The troubles of templeless Judah" (Oxford University Press, 2005) p.17
  35. Bedford, Peter, "Temple restoration in early Achaemenid Judah" (Brill, 200) p.48
  36. Barstad, Hans M., "History and the Hebrew Bible (Mohr Siebeck, 2008) p.109
  37. Albertz, R, "Israel in exile: the history and literature of the sixth century B.C.E." (Society of Biblical Literature, 2003) p.92
  38. Albertz, R, "Israel in exile: the history and literature of the sixth century B.C.E." (Society of Biblical Literature, 2003) pp.95-96
  39. Albertz, R, "Israel in exile: the history and literature of the sixth century B.C.E." (Society of Biblical Literature, 2003) p.96
  40. ^ Blenkinsopp, Joseph, "Ezra-Nehemiah: A Commentary" (Eerdmans, 1988) p.64
  41. Oded Lipschitz and David Vanderhoof, Yehud Stamp Impressions in the Fourth Century BCE, in Lipschitz, Oded, and Oeming, Manfred (eds), "Judah and the Judeans in the fourth century B.C.E." (Eisenbrauns, 2006) pp.86-9
  42. Grabbe, Lester L. "A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period" (T&T Clark, 2004) p.29-30
  43. Nodet, Étienne, "A search for the origins of Judaism: from Joshua to the Mishnah" (Sheffield Academic Press, 1999, original edition Editions du Cerf, 1997) p.25
  44. p.141
  45. Herbert Niehr, Religio-Historical Aspects of the Early Post-Exilic Period, in Bob Becking, Marjo Christina Annette Korpel (eds), "The Crisis of Israelite Religion: Transformation of Religious Tradition in Exilic & Post-Exilic Times" (Brill, 1999)p.231
  46. Stephen M. Wylen, "The Jews in the time of Jesus: an introduction", p.25
  47. Lester L. Grabbe, "A history of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period, Volume 1", p.154-5
  48. Soggin, Michael J., "An Introduction to the History of Israel and Judah (Paideia, 1998) p.311
  49. Miller, James Maxwell, and Hayes, John Haralson, "A history of ancient Israel and Judah" (Westminster John Knox, 1986) p.458
  50. Blenkinsopp, Joseph, "Judaism, the first phase: the place of Ezra and Nehemiah in the origins of Judaism" (Eerdmans, 2009) p.229
  51. Albertz, R, "A History of Israelite Religion" (Westminster John Knox Press, 1994, original German edition Vanderhoek & Ruprecht, 1992) pp.437-8
  52. Ingo Kottsieper, And They Did Not Care to Speak Yehudit, in Lipschitz, Oded, and Oeming, Manfred (eds), "Judah and the Judeans in the fourth century B.C.E." (Eisenbrauns, 2006) pp.109-110
  53. Philip R. Davies, "In Search of 'Ancient Israel'" pp.149-150
  54. Antiquities of the Jews 14.5.4
  55. Jewish War 1.14.4
  56. H.H. Ben-Sasson, A History of the Jewish People, Harvard University Press, 1976, ISBN 0-674-39731-2, page 246
  57. Edelman, Diana, (ed), "The Triumph of Elohim: From Yahwisms to Judaisms" (Kok Pharos, 1995) p.27
  58. Gnuse, Robert Karl, "No other gods: emergent monotheism in Israel" (Sheffield Academic Press, 1997) pp.62-3
  59. ^ Karel van der Toorn, editor, "Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible" (second edition, Eerdmans, 1999)
  60. Robert Karl Gnuse, "No Other Gods: Emergent Monotheism in Israel" (Sheffield Academic Press, 1997)
  61. Meindert Djikstra, "El the God of Israel, Israel the People of YHWH: On the Origins of Ancient Israelite Yahwism" (in "Only One God? Monotheism in Ancient Israel and the Veneration of the Goddess Asherah", ed. Bob Beckering, Sheffield Academic Press, 2001)
  62. Meindert Djikstra, "I have Blessed you by Yahweh of Samaria and his Asherah: Texts with Religious Elements from the Soil Archive of Ancient Israel" (in "Only One God? Monotheism in Ancient Israel and the Veneration of the Goddess Asherah", ed. Bob Beckering, Sheffield Academic Press, 2001)
  63. Karel van der Toorn, "Goddesses in Early Israelite Religion in Ancient Goddesses: the Myths and the Evidence" (editors Lucy Goodison and Christine Morris, University of Wisconsin Press, 1998)
  64. Ziony Zevit, "The Religions of Ancient Israel: A Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches (Continuum, 2001)
  65. ^ Mark S.Smith, "Untold Stories: The Bible and Ugaritic Studies in the Twentieth Century" (Hendrickson Publishers, 2001)
  66. Mark S. Smith and Patrick D Miller, "The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel" (Harper & Row, 1990)
  67. Mark S. Smith, "Untold Stories: The Bible and Ugaritic Studies in the Twentieth Century" (Hendrickson Publishers, 2001)
  68. William G. Dever, "Did God Have a Wife? Archaeology and Folk Religion in Ancient Israel" (Eerdman's, 2005)
  69. Bob Becking, Law as Expression of Religion (Ezra 7-10), in Albertz, R, and Becking, B, eds., "Yahwism After the Exile: Perspectives on Israelite Religion in the Persian Era" (Koninklijke Van Gorcum, 2003), p.19

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