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Anti-French sentiment in the United States

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Freedom fries were famous anti-France propaganda by U.S. representatives Robert W. Ney and Walter B. Jones in 2003.]]

For general Anti-French hostility see Francophobia

Anti-French sentiment in the United States, represents a reaction towards the perceived adversarial and anti-American government, culture, and people of France.

Before the Second World War

The United States of America was formed in a revolution (also known as the War of Independence) by colonies of the British Crown. Relations between the colonies and France prior to this revolution were therefore shaped by British-French relations. The colonials fought for Britain against France in what is sometimes termed the French and Indian War. Furthermore the Puritan colonies and Scottish Presbyterians of the inland regions tended toward Anti-Catholicism and so disliked all Catholic nations, possibly in some part due to French persecution of Protestants (see Edict of Fontainebleau). By the same token a few Catholics in the colonies felt uncomfortable with the anti-clerical thought of many French philosophers.

How widespread it was remains uncertain, but during the Revolutionary War and immediately after Americans tended more toward "Francophilia." Many of the French philosophers proved inspirational to the Founding Fathers and French military aid was pivotal in the defeat of the British. Thomas Paine would later feel admiration for the spirit of Revolutionary France. In patriotic American contexts of the time, France was characterized as the first ally of the American revolutionaries. When the Marquis de Lafayette toured the United States in (1824-1825), he was accorded a hero's welcome as the first American celebrity, and numerous new settlements were named Lafayette, Fayette and Fayetteville.

Harvard University professor and former U.S. Assistant Secretary of the Treasury A. Piatt Andrew summed up this Francophile tradition, when he wrote:

"Few in number and limited in their activities, this little band of American ambulance drivers in France is of course insignificant when compared with the tens of thousands of young Frenchmen who crossed the ocean as soldiers and sailors to help America in 1777. To the valor and devotion of these Frenchmen we owe our very existence as an independent nation, and nothing that Americans have done for France during these last hard years of trial can be thought of — without embarrassment — in relation with what Frenchmen did for us in those unforgettable years of our peril from 1777 to 1781."

Anti-French feelings did not exist at that time in such a friendly climate.

Despite the positive view some Americans had of The French Revolution it awakened or created Anti-French feelings among many Federalists. An ideological split was already emerging between Francophobe and Francophile sentiment, with John Adams, Alexander Hamilton and their fellow Federalists taking a skeptical view of France, even as Thomas Jefferson and other Democratic-Republicans urged closer ties. As for the Revolution many or most Federalists denounced it as far too radical and violent. Those on the Democratic-Republican side disliked its excesses, but remained hopeful it would make France a progressive and liberal nation. Hence the division between conservative and liberal on France perhaps began that early.

Adding to the mix in the 1790s, the French, under a new post-revolutionary government, accused the United States of collaborating with the English and proceeded to impound UK-bound US merchant ships. Attempts at diplomacy led to the 1797 XYZ Affair in which three French agents approached American delegates requesting a tribute of $250,000. This led to a state of Quasi-War, an undeclared war fought entirely at sea between the United States and France from 1798 to 1801. Relations deepened after the rise of Napoleon and the election of Thomas Jefferson culminating with the Louisiana Purchase in 1803. After the Anglo-American War of 1812, during which British military forces burnt the White House in Washington, France became a main ally of the United States.

With the influx of Irish immigrants in the 1840s and the rise of a populist sub-culture hostile to Britain, France became a rallying-point, though an ambivalent one, for its republicanism was tarnished. American cultured classes embraced French styles and luxuries after the Civil War: Americans trained as architects in the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, French haute cuisine reigned at elite American tables, and upper class women in the U.S. followed Parisian clothing fashions. Following World War I, a generation of rich American expatriates and bohemians settled in Paris. The stock-market crash and the Great Depression put a damper on international lifestyles, and a change in temper of internal French politics during the interbellum sent many politically fastidious Americans home.

The First World War had also brought the British and the Americans closer together; and a centuries-old British reservation against the French was easily revived in a nation descended from British colonies. Reservations against the function of the democratic French parliamentarism, against Catholicism, against perceived French arrogance in negotiating the Treaty of Versailles, etc. weakened the emotional ties between American Francophiles and the French. Additionally, France attitudes against Weimar Germany, combining fear and a wish for dominance after the French traumatic experience of WWI (1.5 million French soldiers killed), were by many seen as an obstacle for a lasting European peace, as it mobilized the Germans into revanchism and militarism.

Post World War II

The collapse of Anglo-French Infantry in Dunkerque in 1940 under powerful German forces came as a profound shock to Francophilic Americans, who remembered a quite different Paris through the rosy tints of popular culture. For less Francophilic Americans this collapse seemed rapid enough to start the idea the French are weak or quick to surrender. This is in some respects curious as another imperialist power, the Netherlands, had perhaps a more thorough and rapid conquest by the Nazis. Although at times deemed to be weak or prone to surrender by certain Americans, the Netherlands is rarely a subject of such stereotypes in the US. Of course, the Netherlands had a much smaller (comparably non-existent) military and was not considered a major European power. Additionally, the Dutch Resistance was very active and cooperated closely with the British and US armed forces during the war, whereas elements of the more fractious French Resistance were far less cooperative. The anti-French sentiment was common enough among the GIs that at the end of 1945 the US military authorities thought it necessary to distribute to them the explanatory booklet "112 Gripes about the French" upon their arrival in France.

Soon after the end of World War II, relations between the United States and France began to sour. The French military operations against Algerians during the Algerian War of Independence inspired condemnation and horror by many around the world. It contributed to anti-French sentiments in the Islamic world up to the 1990s. In the Suez Crisis of 1956, when General Nasser decided to nationalize the Anglo-French Suez Canal in Egypt, the French angered even idealistic Americans by being seen as an excuse to make an opportunistic grab at a financial resource of a poor nation. The French in 1954 also suffered a humiliating defeat at Dien Bien Phu at the hands of the Vietnamese, though they were at the time supplied with weapons by the US which considered that they were fighting against Communism. These events led the United States to push for France to end its colonial empire.

Franco-U.S. relations worsened further under Charles de Gaulle, who rejected any notion of France being lesser than the US and attempted to position France as a counterweight to U.S. power in Europe and certain parts of the Third World. This included demanding equal status in NATO, and then pulling out of NATO's integrated military command in 1966 when this was refused. One concern was that the current NATO arrangement had a large number of American troops positioned in France — France preferred not to have foreign troops under foreign command on its soil.

France also distanced itself from Israel, with which it used to have a very close relationship, and began to be more sympathetic to the Palestinians and the Middle East. Israel then sought closer ties with the United States.

France's troubled history in ruling Vietnam helped make the Vietnam War generally unpopular there. Additionally, the Vietnam war was seen as a colonial war, echoing the unpopular Algerian war that France had waged a few years before. Hence De Gaulle's government began to criticize the US for going on intervening in a nation they had learned to leave. Ho Chi Minh had made a bid for independence in 1945 with moderate financial support from the United States. The U.S. had withdrawn that support to court French opinion. In retrospect some Americans concluded their government had chosen the wrong loyalty and driven Ho Chi Minh to communism. The very vocal French criticism of later American policies underscored the American perception of unreciprocated friendship and French arrogance.

France also tried to develop less hostile relations with the communist world in the Cold War context, including the Soviet Union, while it established military forces meant to oppose a Soviet invasion. In particular, French pursuit of nuclear weapons and an independent military capability were also designed to move France away from dependency upon the US (See: Force de frappe.). During de Gaulle's time in office, Franco-U.S. relations reached a great low, and there were accusations from American commentators that France was "no longer a Western power."

De Gaulle's support for Quebec independence was partly seen in the U.S. as an unwelcome intrusion of a European power into the affairs of a sovereign country in the Americas, as exemplified by his Vive le Québec libre speech in 1967, and flying in the face of the Monroe Doctrine, whereby the U.S. vowed never to allow the reestablishment of direct European influence in the Western Hemisphere (although France still directly controls French Guiana in South America, Martinique, Guadeloupe and other islands in the Caribbean and St. Pierre and Miquelon off the coast of Newfoundland though none of these would in empirical terms be considered significant as would Quebec which, if separate, would be the eighth largest country in the world). This call for the independence of a province of a close ally sharing land borders with the U.S. was seen as a hostile intrusion by a nation that the U.S. saw as a historic friend. De Gaulle's words managed not only to anger the United States, but also Canada and the United Kingdom who saw it as arrogance on the part of De Gaulle.

De Gaulle's public statements may have done more than his policies to damage long-term public opinion in the United States. "You have to be sure that the Americans will commit all the stupidities they can think of, plus some that are beyond imagination," (Time, 8 December 1967). Many in the United States believed such remarks were not only crude but reflected profound ingratitude from a man who owed his position and his nation's freedom to American support. The sting of de Gaulle's insults remained fresh thirty years later when radio personality Howard Stern declared:

I've been picking on the French people for 15 years. I don't like French people. I felt that during World War II, France betrayed us. I believe that what they did was the most cowardly act. That when the Nazis marched into France, the French bent over... When I was over in France recently, Americans are looked at as dirt, as filth. We are the people that liberated them during WWII. They would be Nazis, they would be under the Nazi regime right now. They should only be kissing our asses, singing our praises.

Florida Congresswoman Ginny Brown-Waite expressed a more genteel yet equally heartfelt reproach with House Resolution 1265 in 2003:

I, along with many other Americans, do not feel that the French Government appreciates the sacrifices our men and women in uniform have made to defend the freedom that the French enjoy today... The remains of our brave servicemen should be buried in patriotic soil, not in a country that has turned its back on the United States and on the memory of Americans who fought and died there. It's almost as if the French have forgotten what those thousands of white crosses at Normandy represent.

Relations improved somewhat under de Gaulle's successors, but tensions reappeared intermittently. In 1969 a French documentary Le Chagrin et la Pitié, English translation The Sorrow and the Pity, brought back an earlier issue. Ever since the Dreyfus Affair accusations of popular French Anti-Semitism had been intermittently newsworthy. This documentary indicated that the French may not have resisted the Nazi-puppet Vichy government as much as many Americans had believed or hoped. The director was the German born Marcel Ophüls, but he had lived in France since childhood. He shared writing credits with Frenchman André Harris. The film proved controversial in France, but it primarily aimed at simply encouraging honesty about anti-Semitism in France's history rather than inspiring any anti-French hostility. It is likely that the number of US viewers of the film was minimal. Still many of the Americans who saw it tended toward the intellectual end of the spectrum so it may have inspired renewed intellectual interest in former Anti-Semitism in French history.

In time, this spread down the academic ladder to encourage a more widespread misperception that the French to this day are unusually Anti-Semitic or that any sympathy they have for Palestine is related to Anti-Semitism. In reality polls indicate that although modern France has a higher rate of "unfavorable views of Jews" than the US, Canada, or UK it's not much different than the rest of Continental Europe (see Pew Poll on international views of religious groups). In fact their views of Judaism may even be more positive than the US (see Favorable views of Jews by nation), since more Americans might be neutral on the subject or refuse to answer.

Also, France, more strongly than any other nation, sees the European Union as a method of counter-balancing American power, and thus works towards such ends as having the Euro challenge the preeminent position of the United States dollar in global trade. France still has a military presence around the globe, since it still has many small oversea possessions in the South Pacific, the Caribbean, and South America (all of which enjoy full political representation at the national level, as well as varying degrees of legislative autonomy).

The American government has remained lukewarm towards France, and pursued much closer relationships with other states such as the United Kingdom, Germany, Spain and Italy.

2003 Iraq War

See also Popular opposition to the 2003 Iraq War

Anti-French sentiment in the United States returned to the fore in the wake of France's refusal to endorse the 2003 US plan to invade Iraq in the UN Security Council. While other nations were also openly opposed to the plan (notably Germany, Russia, Belgium and the People's Republic of China), France was accused of particularly ferocious criticism, because it was seen by invasion proponents as opposing not because of a disagreement over what to do about the situation, but as a way of opposing the United States for the sake of decreasing the diplomatic power of the United States and building an opposing power movement.

France was accused in American media of knee-jerk anti-Americanism, of hypocritically acting out of economic interests in Iraq's oil (a similar charge was leveled at Russia and Germany, but with far less ferocity), and of hypocritically sending a military presence to Côte d'Ivoire (formerly known as the Ivory Coast in English) during the Iraq crisis. French President Jacques Chirac in paticular was the source of much criticism. A former Prime Minister of France, Chirac was seen as a politician who had fosterd close ties with Saddam Hussein over the years and thus was too sympathic and hestitant to take action against him. Supporters of France disputed some of these allegations, arguing that Franco-Iraqi relations were not nearly as tight as they once were. In 2002 France was only Iraq's 13th economic partner, though in previous years it had been a sizable trading partner, especially in weapons sales. Similarly, while the United States bought 50% of Iraqi oil France only purchased 8%. After the breaking of the “Oil for food” scanal within a UN program, allegations of corruption involving members of Jacque Chirac's political inner circle were widespread; later investigations of the scandal appear to support these accusations to some extent. Concerning the French military forces present in Côte d'Ivoire, this action was supported by the UN Security Council as a part of the UNOCI mission (resolutions 1464 & 1528).

France and Russia, both permanent members of the Security Council with veto power, warned that they would oppose the proposed new U.N. resolution authorizing the invasion of Iraq on March 11, 2003. Since it appears unlikely that the plan would have received the 60% support of the Security Council (which it needed see The UN Security Council and the Iraq war for further details), the proposition was cancelled. This caused some to wonder why France was singled out. One major difference, however, between the French and Russian opposition was that France was vowing to use veto power whereas Russia was going to merely vote against the resolution. France was also regarded as a traditional ally, whereas the US relationship with Russia was less close. The last time France used its veto without US agreement was in 1976 over an issue with the Comoros (see Veto history). Many people (including some French people) felt hostilty to France came from the idea it acted in open competition against the U.S. to convince other members , for example in using shuttle diplomacy and economic concessions to win the vote of then-member Cameroon. Additionally, French President Jacques Chirac was quoted as telling eastern European nations that expressed support for the US that they "missed an opportunity to keep quiet" and were "not very well-mannered and a little careless of the dangers which come with a too-rapid alignment with the American position." This was widely regarded as a threat to slow the expansion of the EU to those countries that did not support the Franco-German position.

It was also argued that accusations of knee-jerk anti-Americanism from France were made so as to avoid discussing the actual reasons that France (and more generally protests against the 2003 Iraq war) said it had to oppose the war - namely that France did not believe there was a clear and imminent danger from Iraq's alleged weapons of mass destruction, that it was not consistent with the War on Terrorism, and that a war would only destabilize the Middle East while not providing long-term solutions. Thanks to a long experience as a former imperial power in the region, France also warned the US that such a military operation in Iraq would be regarded by the Arabic world as an invasion and could support the emergence of an opposition movement widespread in the whole Middle East. The French position is that the state of the occupation of Iraq vindicates their position.

China and Taiwan

During a state visit to China on April 21, 2005 Chirac's Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin lent support to a new "anti-secession" law on Taiwan, allowing China to use "non-peaceful" means to bring Taiwan back into the fold, and continued to push for a lifting of the EU arms embargo against China. France's position was seen as attempting to aid China in altering the balance of power against the US in the East Asia region as China is the most plausible military power to be able to do that. The French support of ending the EU arms embargo drew the most ire from the US and from supporters of Taiwanese independence. The push to end the embargo also inspired disapproval among many critical of Human rights in the People's Republic of China. Hence the US threatened sanctions against the EU unless the embargo was continued. Interestingly France's current eagerness to sell arms to China comes after it had previously sold high-tech fighter jets to Taiwan in the early 1990s.

Diplomatic friction

Donald Rumsfeld famously referred to France and Germany as "Old Europe" while referring to the many Central European countries which pledged diplomatic backing of the US war as "New Europe," raising long-existent fears that expansion of the European Union would be used by the US to keep Europe politically divided.

Chirac became the subject of harsh criticism in U.S. media and French foreign minister Dominique de Villepin emerged as a prominent critic of U.S. action in Iraq.

Cultural friction

The cultures and governments of the US and France have some significant differences which cause friction or misunderstanding. What Americans know of French culture is primarily avant-garde cinema, high fashion, and gourmet food, which are representative of the tastes of a very narrow fraction of French society. These elements add up to give many Americans the impression the French are pretentious, moody, elitist, and unfriendly. These stereotypes had a role in anti-French sentiments even before recent wars. A Mark Twain barb reflects the widespread American belief of French linguistic snobbery: "In Paris they simply stared when I spoke to them in French; I never did succeed in making those idiots understand their language." (Innocents Abroad)

An interesting counterpoint to this reputation of cultural elitism is the claimed popularity of American slapstick comic Jerry Lewis in France. Lewis, while never all that popular with the general French public, was once lauded by some high-brow critics for his absurd movies. He ended up obtaining the Legion d'Honneur, France's highest civilian award. The myth that Lewis is a superstar in France is an enduring theme in cultural anti-French sentiment in the United States, since, in the view of anti-French critics, it proved that the French had poor taste.

More recently France's secularism has become something of an issue in the more devout Christian segments of American society. There are some similarities there to the Federalists' reaction to perceived French anti-clericalism. More recently, hostility toward the French was stoked by the new law barring religious symbols in schools. American religious and libertarian types deem this to be a sign the French are anti-religious and bigoted. The French generally perceive American pressures in that respect to be misguided meddling by foreigners who are not aware of local issues.

As always the perceived debt and failures France is deemed to have because of the World Wars also has some traction in the US. From the public's perspective the derogatory phrase "cheese-eating surrender monkeys" began as a joke on The Simpsons television program in 1995. It was used first used by the character Groundskeeper Willy character to disparage the French. The jibe likely was intended ironically or satirically by The Simpsons and not initially seen as being in any way sincere. However around 2002-3 it became popular in a few Washington, DC circles. National Review contributor Jonah Goldberg claimed credit for making the term known. Many US commentators and politicians, including Andy Rooney on the television program 60 Minutes, characterized the French as being ungrateful for opposing U.S. foreign policy after U.S. soldiers fought to liberate France from Nazi Germany during World War II. Such feelings were inflamed by an incident in April of 2003, when vandals desecrated the graves of British soldiers who died in France during WWI. Graffitti, including "Dig up your rubbish, it's contaminating our soil" was painted on gravestones and around the cemetery. Although no Americans were buried in that cemetery, the incident enraged many Americans. Bumper stickers were produced in the United States which jokingly called for the United States to invade: "Iraq first, France next!", and "First Iraq, then Chirac!".

A well known incident occurred in March 11, 2003 when the cafeteria menus in the three United States House of Representatives office buildings changed the name of french fries to freedom fries. French toast was also changed to freedom toast. (During World War I, in a similar move, attempts were made to replace the word sauerkraut with the term liberty cabbage, hamburger replaced with Liberty Sandwich, and frankfurter with hot dog, in menus and in popular speech; only the latter was successful.) Most Europeans, and a sizable number of Americans, dismissed these name changes as "gimmickry" and "totally ridiculous". Besides, the rebuke went amiss, since the term "French Fries" is not used in French - "Pommes Frites" is translated as "Potato Fries" - as "French" fries are credited to Belgium.

Congressman Billy Tauzin from Louisiana, the only Cajun in the House of Representatives, removed the French language section of his official website because of anti-French sentiment. Congressman Roy Blunt began using jokes which insinuating that the French were cowards.

Boycott

Many voices in America, especially those on the right and controversial talk host Bill O'Reilly called for a boycott of French products, but its effect was negligible. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, in February 2004, the United States imported $2.26 billion in French goods and services, up from $2.18 billion in February 2002. However, the president of IC&A Inc, a business that imports only French products, reported demand fell in the vicinity of 40% to 50% from February 2003 levels.

Calls for boycott largely focused on products deemed typically French – wines, bottled water (Evian and others), lingerie and luxury items. These constitute a small minority of French trade, whereas lesser-profile products such as aircraft (for example, Airbus), machinery, Tires (Michelin and BF Goodrich), Motels (Motel 6), Water (Culligan), Whiskey (Hennessy), and chemicals account for a larger share. This may explain the above discrepancy.

There was no large scale boycott of French products. But some wine manufacturers in France apparently suffered some loss of sales in the US as it was reported in the media. It is unclear whether it was due to downturn in economy, as French wine tends to be expensive, or due to anti-French sentiment.

One area of continuing controversy is the dispute over Airbus government subsidies which has helped the European aircraft manufacturer stay competitive with Boeing. Although Airbus is a consortium of four nations, it is viewed as a French-controlled venture since it is headquarted in Toulouse, France. Many US business conservatives have regarded Airbus as "cheats" for the generous loans that they have received (although Boeing also receives beneficial military contracts that some see as equivalent to loans).


Popular anti-French allegations

Because of the sometimes-strained relationship between the two countries, some Americans, including editorialists and congressmen, relish anti-French jokes or cultural stereotypes. Many of these allude to events of the Second World War, alleged French military weakness and cooperation with the Third Reich. One such joke insinuates French military incompetence and implies that the country would have ceased to exist without American support: "Why do the French line their highways with trees? Because the Germans like to march in the shade."

Such characterizations have been used by conservative editorialists to dismiss the French opposition to the War in Iraq as fear and appeasement with respect to radical Islamism. The French were also accused of ingratitude for the US intervention in World War I and the allied forces liberation of France in World War II. Many feel that the French government should express its gratitude to the American government by maintaining a foreign policy similar to that of the United States, or at the very least remain neutral in response to Americian initiatives. Such arguments were especially intense during the lead-up to the War in Iraq .

There is also criticism of French domestic policy, some claiming that French criticism of Israeli actions was motivated by anti-semitism. In late 2001 Daniel Bernard, the French ambassador to London was reported as calling Israel "that shitty little country" and asking "Why should the world be in danger of World War III because of those people?", but such words were totally denied by Mr Bernard and the French Embassy one day later. One incident sometimes considered evidence of anti-semitism in the French media is the death of Muhammad al-Durrah, which was blamed on Israel by France 2 and which is controversial because of claims that the incident may have been falsely attributed to Israel or may even be an outright hoax.

In 2002, the book "L'Effroyable Imposture" (9/11: The Big Lie) about terror attacks on 9/11, written by Thierry Meyssan, was regarded as erroneous allegations by French media, but became a best-seller in France. The book claims that the September 11 attacks were not caused by terrorists, but rather by the US military deliberately attacking the World Trade Center and Pentagon.

France is often described by American critics as being a "socialist" country. Such claims are commonly charged against European countries by conservative Americans, as the American political culture is generally more conservative than Europe as a whole. Since the foundation of the French Fifth Republic in 1958, France has been ruled by self-described Socialists for 15 years — notably under President François Mitterrand. Although France currently has a conservative government under Jacques Chirac, some of Chirac's proposed policies, such as his support of a global tax to fight AIDS, and his addition of an "environment charter" to the French constitution, are described as socialist in American political circles. In addition, the French comprehensive welfare state system of public education, social services, publicly-funded medicine and social security is often criticized as being "socialist" in the United States.

However, while much of the antagonistic sentiment towards French society in the United States comes from the right-end of the political spectrum there has also been some cultural criticism from those of leftist political leanings. Noam Chomsky, for example, is known to have a distaste for the French academic establishment, essentially the ruling class of French society.

See also

Books & References

  • Richard Z. Chesnoff, The Arrogance of the French : Why They Can't Stand Us--and Why the Feeling Is Mutual, Sentinel, April, 2005 ISBN 1595230106
  • Edward C.Knox, The New York Times Looks at France, The French Review, N°6, Vol.75, May 2002
  • No other national or ethnic group appears to get the same continually negative treatment in print media reserved for France and the French, with the possible exception of Arabs or Palestinians, and even there, the treatment is not so much cultural as political, linked to a specific context or event. If one were to substitute, for example, "Mexican" or "Japanese" or "Indian" for "French", what would reader reaction be?".
  • Martin A. Schain : "Transatlantic Tensions. From Conflicts of Interests to Conflict of Values?" Colloquium, CERI/GMF, 2 FEBRUARY 2-3, 2004 POLITICS, IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM IN FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES Department of Politics and Center for European Studies New York University PDF document
  • Pierre-André Taguieff : The force of prejudice : on racism and its doubles ( Minneapolis, Minn. : University of Minnesota Press, ©2001. ISBN 0816623724 0816623732 )

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