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A charter member of the United Nations, France holds one of the permanent seats in the Security Council and is a member of most of its specialized and related agencies. A Major Power in international affairs, it wields considerable clout in especially African and Middle Eastern affairs.
Relations per wide geographic areas
Germany and Europe
France is a major power in western Europe because of its size, location, strong economy, membership in European organizations, strong military posture, and energetic diplomacy. France generally has worked to strengthen the global economic and political influence of the EU and its role in common European defense and collective security.
It views Franco-German cooperation and the development of a European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) as the foundation of efforts to enhance European Union security. France cooperates closely with Germany and Spain, but the relations with the United Kingdom are historically tense.
Middle East
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France's relations with Middle East have a long history. Relations with Persia, now known as Iran began during the middle ages. In the Thirty Years' War France was a friend of and ally to the Ottoman Empire supplying weaponry and training and on occasion cooperating against the Holy Roman Empire, their mutual enemy. One advisor who was about to be sent to Constantinople in 1795 was a young artillery commander named Napoleon Bonaparte, but a few days before he was to leave the famous "whiff of grapeshot" occurred and it was decided he should stay in France.
Throughout the nineteenth century the French pursued a policy of shoring up the Ottoman Empire to prevent advances by France's rivals Austria and Russia into the Balkans. This finally culminated in the Crimean War where France joined with Britain to prevent the Russian overrunning of the Ottoman Turks.
France also pursued close relations with the semi-autonomous Egypt. In 1869 French workers completed the Suez Canal. A rivalry emerged between France and Britain for control of Egypt, and eventually Britain emerged victorious by buying out the Egyptian shares of the company before the French had time to act.
After the unification of Germany in 1870 Germany attempted to co-op France's relations with the Ottomans and was quite successful. In World War I the Ottoman Empire joined the Central Powers, and was defeated by France and the United Kingdom. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire France and Britain divided the Middle East between them. France received Syria and Lebanon.
These colonies were granted independence after the Second World War but France still tries to forge cultural and educational bonds between the areas, particularly with Lebanon. Relationships with Syria are more strained, due to the policies of that country. In 2005, France, along with the United States, pressured Syria to evacuate Lebanon.
In the post-WWII era French relations with the Arab Middle East reached a very low point. The war in Algeria between Muslim fighters and French colonists deeply concerned the rest of the Muslim world. The independence fighters received much of their supplies and funding from Egypt and other Arab powers, much to France's displeasure. Most damaging to Franco-Arab relations, however, was the Suez Crisis. It greatly diminished France's reputation in the region. France openly supported the Israeli attack on the Sinai peninsula, and was working against Nasser, then a popular figure in the Middle East. The Suez Crisis also made France and the United Kingdom look again like imperialist powers attempting to impose their will upon weaker nations.
Another hindrance to France's relations with the Arab Middle East was its close alliance with Israel. In the 1950s France was, perhaps, Israel's closest ally in the world. France had quickly recognized the state of Israel and for many years backed Israel at the United Nations. French arm shipments, including fighter jets, missiles, and helicopters had formed the backbone of Israel's army in the nineteen-fifties and early sixties. In the 1967 war it was French Mirage fighters that had guaranteed Israeli air superiority, while on the ground French small arms equipped the IDF soldiers. This support was consistent, and also deeply ingrained in the population. The support for Israel has been attributed to a number of causes, including guilt felt over the Vichy regime's treatment of Jews, and a similar desire to reject any viewpoints that could have Nazi overtones. The right also had strong sympathies towards Israel as they saw the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to be in many ways similar to France's war with Algerian separatists.
This all changed dramatically with the coming of Charles de Gaulle to power. De Gaulle's foreign policy was centered around an attempt to limit the power and influence of both superpowers, and at the same time increase France's international prestige. De Gaulle hoped to move France from being a follower of the United States to becoming the leading nation of a large group of non-aligned countries. The nations de Gaulle looked at as potential participants in this grouping were those in France's traditional spheres of influence: Africa and the Middle East. The former French colonies in eastern and northern Africa were quite agreeable to these close relations with France. These nations had close economic and cultural ties to France, and they also had few other suitors amongst the major powers. This new orientation of French foreign policy also appealed strongly to the leaders of the Middle East. None of them wanted to be dominated by either of the superpowers, and they supported France's policy of trying to balance the US and the USSR and to prevent either from becoming dominant in the region. The Middle Eastern leaders wanted to be free to pursue their own goals and objectives, and did not want to be chained to either alliance block. De Gaulle hoped to use this common foundation to build strong relations between the nations. He also hoped that good relations would improve France's trade with the region. De Gaulle also imagined that these allies would look up to the more powerful French nation, and would look to it in leadership in matters of foreign policy.
The end of the Algerian conflict in 1962 accomplished much in this regard. France could not portray itself as a leader of the oppressed nations of the world if it still was enforcing its colonial rule upon another nation. The battle against the Muslim separatists that France waged in favour of the minority of white settlers was an extremely unpopular one throughout the Muslim world. With the conflict raging it would have been next to impossible for France to have had positive relations with the nations of the Middle East. The Middle Eastern support for the FLN guerillas was another strain on relations that the end of the conflict removed. Most of the financial and material support for the FLN had come from the nations of the Middle East and North Africa. This was especially true of Nasser's Egypt, which had long supported the separatists. Egypt is also the most direct example of improved relations after the end of hostilities. The end of the war brought an immediate thaw to Franco-Egyptian relations, Egypt ended the trial of four French officers accused of espionage, and France ended its trade embargo against Egypt.
In 1967 de Gaulle completely overturned France's Israel policy. De Gaulle and his ministers reacted very harshly to Israel's actions in the Six Day War. The French government and de Gaulle condemned Israel's treatment of refugees, warned that it was a mistake to occupy the Palestinian areas, and also refused to recognize the Israeli control of Jerusalem. The French government continued to criticize Israel after the war and de Gaulle spoke out against other Israeli actions, such as the operations against the PLO in Lebanon. France began to use its veto power to oppose Israel in the UN, and France sided with the Arab states on almost all issues brought to the international body. Most importantly of all, however, de Gaulle's government imposed an arms embargo on the Israeli state. The embargo was in fact applied to all the combatants, but very soon France began selling weaponry to the Arab states again. As early as 1970 France sold Libya a hundred Dassault Mirage fighter jets. However, after 1967 France continued to support Israel's right to exist, as well as Israel's many preferential agreements with France and the European Economic Community.
De Gaulle launched the immense shift in policy from one favouring Israel to one favouring the Arab states for a combination of reasons. It was becoming obvious that the strengthening alliance between the United States and Israel would soon make France's role as an ally mostly irrelevant. The US could always provide Israel with more money and with higher levels of military technology. For France to play an important role in the region it seemed supporting the Arab side would give it more leverage in the future. Trade considerations also came into play. The Arab states at the time had a combined population of over a hundred million, compared to only three million in Israel. As de Gaulle memoirs show he was personally quite sympathetic to Israel, but he saw it in the interest of France to distance the two nations. For the pursuit of political and economic ends de Gaulle crafted a new Middle Eastern policy that discontinued support for Israel and instead pursued close relations with the Arab states.
Also important was the increase in foreign aid spending by the French government. France increased its expenditures greatly to become second only to the United States in total aid amongst the Western powers but first on a per capita basis. By 1968 France was paying out $855 million dollars per year in aid far more than either West Germany or the United Kingdom. The vast majority of French aid was directed towards Africa and the Middle East, usually either as a lever to promote French interests or to help with the sale of French products (e.g. arms sales). France also increased its expenditures on other forms of aid sending out skilled individuals to developing countries to provide technical and cultural expertise.
The combination of aid money, arms sales, and diplomatic alignments helped to erase the memory of the Suez Crisis and the Algerian War in the Arab world and France successfully developed amicable relationships with the governments of many of the Middle Eastern states. Nasser and de Gaulle, who shared many similarities, cooperated together on limiting American power in the region. Nasser proclaimed France as the only friend of Egypt in the west. France and Iraq also developed a close relationship with business ties, joint military training exercises, and French assistance in Iraq's nuclear program in the 1970s. France's relations with its former colony Syria were improved, and eroded cultural links were partially restored.
In terms of trade France did receive some benefits from the improved relations with the Middle East. French trade with the Middle East increased by over fifty percent after de Gaulle's reforms. The weaponry industries benefited most as France soon had lucrative contracts with many of the regimes in the Middle East and North Africa, though these contracts account for a negligible part of France's economy.
De Gaulle had hoped that by taking a moderate path and not strongly supporting either side France could become integral to the Middle East peace process. However, peace negotiations between Israel, the Palestinians, and the Arab powers have almost always involved representatives of the one or both of the superpowers, but France has been universally excluded. In the Camp David accords between Sadat and Begin US President Jimmy Carter played an immense role, the French played virtually none. The French foreign minister complained that a separate peace between Israel and Egypt would not benefit Middle East peace, but none of the leaders involved were particularly concerned about what the French government thought. This pattern has repeated itself frequently. The Oslo Accords, the Israeli-Jordanian Peace Treaty, and others were all negotiated and written with no input at all from France. When France does try to intervene it is looked on as unhelpful by the US and Israel, and these nations have rejected all major French peace proposals. Chirac's visit to the Middle East in 1996 annoyed the Americans and Israelis, and had no lasting impact on the peace process.
France is one of the West's most frequent targets of Islamic terrorism. Throughout the period since de Gaulle left power there have been a number of attacks against French targets. There have been hijackings, such as those of an Air France plane to Uganda in 1976, and one to perhaps be crashed into the Eiffel Tower in 1994 (see Air France Flight 8969). Another plane was blown up over the Sahara in 1989, killing many French citizens. There have also been bombings in France such as those in 1986 or that against the Jo Goldenberg Jewish restaurant in 1982. In 1995, Algerian militants of the GIA launched a terror bombing campaign against the French public.
Africa
France plays a significant role in Africa, especially in its former colonies, through extensive aid programs, commercial activities, military agreements, and cultural impact. In those former colonies where the French presence remains important, France contributes to political, military, and social stability. It is often held that French policy in Africa - particularly where British interests are also involved - is susceptible to what is known as 'Fashoda syndrome'.
In the period from 1990, until during and after the Rwandan genocide, France (under Mitterrand) took a role sympathetic to the Habyarimana regime, and was even ambivalent toward the genoicdaires. France gave military aid to the government, despite knowing that factions in the elite and army were preparing for the ethnic elimination of the Tutsi. Details of this can be found in Martin Meredith's The State of Africa, chapter 27.
In 2002 and 2003, France participated in military interventions in Côte d'Ivoire, Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, helping in the evacuation of foreign residents and the protection of civilians from warring factions.
Concerning European Integration, France and Germany decided on a concerted military operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This operation will include sending 1500 European troops to the DRC to support fair and regular presidential elections in June 2006. While Germany will lead the mission, both France and Germany provide 500 soldiers each, with the rest of the soldiers made up of other European countries.
Many scholars of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) question whether the mission is of great use, and argue that it is rather symbolic in character. With 17.000 United Nations forces already deployed in the DRC the purpose of such a small operation remains questionable. The European troops will be stationed in the capital-city Kinshasa only. It is probable however, that the expertise of former peace-building missions on the balkans will be useful in order to prevent any major escalation during the elections.
Asia
France has extensive political and commercial relations with Asian countries, including China, Japan, and Southeast Asia as well as an increasing presence in regional fora. France was instrumental in launching the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) process which could eventually emerge as a competitor to APEC. France is seeking to broaden its commercial presence in China and will pose a competitive challenge to U.S. business, particularly in aerospace, high-tech, and luxury markets. In Southeast Asia, France was an architect of the Paris Accords, which ended the conflict in Cambodia.
France does not have formal diplomatic relationships with North Korea. North Korea however maintains a delegation (not an embassy nor a consulate) near Paris. As most countries, France does not recognize, nor have formal diplomatic relationships with the Republic of China (Taiwan, capital Taipei), for it is impossible to recognize and have relationships with both the RoC and the People's Republic of China; however, Taiwan maintains a representation office in Paris, similar to an embassy but in name. Likewise, the French Institute in Taipei has an administrative consular section that delivers visas and fulfills other missions normally dealt with by diplomatic outposts.
Japan
Main article: Franco-Japanese relations
Recently France has been very involved in trade and cultural exchange initiatives with Japan. Some people see this as being a result of French leader Jacques Chirac being a Japanophile. Chirac has visited Japan over 40 times, probably more than any other world leader outside of Japan, and is an expert on the country. France has started the export promotion campaign "Le Japon, c'est possible" and the international liaison personnel exchange program JET. Together they built the Maison de la Culture du Japon à Paris.
France and Japan have also worked together to improve dire health situations from AIDS and underdevelopment in Djibouti, Madagascar, Uganda, and other countries.
Japan and France are also known to share ideas with each other in the realms of art and cooking. Japan has been heavily influenced by French cuisine within the past few decades, as seen on the television show Iron Chef. Anime is popular in France, and French historical figures and settings from medieval, Renaissance, Napoleonic, and World War eras have served as models for certain popular stories in Japanese entertainment. The purity of Japanese painting and illustration, and likewise the modernity and elegance of French visual arts has resulted in hybrid styles in those creative fields.
For more on Franco-Japanese relations visit Japan-France Relations. (English)
North America
Main articles: Canada-France relations, Franco-U.S. relations
Relations between Canada and France are friendly and stable, with the possible exception over Quebec's status in Canada.
Relations between the United States and France are active and cordial. Mutual visits by high-level officials are conducted on a regular basis. Bilateral contact at the cabinet level has traditionally been active. France and the United States share common values and have parallel policies on most political, economic, and security issues. Differences are discussed frankly and have not been allowed to impair the pattern of close cooperation that characterizes relations between the two countries. The largest Current fallout between the United States and France involve U.S.-led Operation Iraqi Freedom, a major part of the Post September 11 War on Terror. When the United States went to war with Saddam Hussein, they were not supported by France, who was later found to have ben involved in the Oil for Food Scandal. However, in the past year both sides have undertaken efforts to repair relations.
United Kingdom
Main articles: Anglo-French relations
Starting with the Hundred Years' War, France and England (later Great Britain and later still, the UK) were often enemies, and occasionally allies. As of today, the United Kingdom still celebrates its victories over the French emperor Napoleon in much the same way that any nation that has historically won wars commemerates these events.
However, in the beginning of the 20th century a policy of entente cordiale (cordial agreement) was started. France and the United Kingdom have been allies ever since, despite occasional tensions (such as: the French perception that the British abandoned France in 1940, see Battle of France and Mers-el-Kébir; the British perception that the French wrongly opposed the 2003 Invasion of Iraq).
A chronic point of contention is the future of the European Economic Community, then the European Union. Under French president Charles de Gaulle, France refused on several occasions that the UK joins the EEC because, De Gaulle argued, the UK had extensive alliances outside Europe and was famously suspicious of its European neighbours. After the UK joined the EEC at last, tensions started again when British prime minister Margaret Thatcher demanded that her country paid less to the EEC budget, as well as other demands. Finally, as Tony Blair is prime minister, the United Kingdom has clearly expressed scepticism at the economic policies conducted in France.
At the level of the populations, there seems to exist some deep-seated reciprocal distrust between the two countries. The British tabloid press frequently uses demeaning terms such as "the Frogs" to call the French.
New Zealand
New Zealand has always had excellent relations with France, which recently thanked New Zealand for helping it during German occupations of World War I and II. The relations were strained for a short period in the late 20th Century, however, over the French nuclear tests at Mururoa Atoll and the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior.
International organization participation:
ACCT, AfDB, AsDB, Australia Group, BDEAC, BIS, CCC, CDB (non-regional), CE, CERN, EAPC, EBRD, ECA (associate), ECE, ECLAC, EIB, EMU, ESA, ESCAP, EU, FAO, FZ, G-5, G-7, G-10, IADB, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC, ICC, ICFTU, ICRM, IDA, IEA, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, IHO, ILO, IMF, International Maritime Organization, Inmarsat, InOC, Intelsat, Interpol, IOC, IOM, ISO, ITU, MINURSO, MIPONUH, MONUC, NAM (guest), NATO, NEA, NSG, OAS (observer), OECD, OPCW, OSCE, PCA, SPC, UN, UN Security Council, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, UNIFIL, UNIKOM, UNITAR, UNMIBH, UNMIK, UNOMIG, UNRWA, UNTSO, UNU, UPU, WADB (nonregional), WCL, WEU, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WToO, WTrO, Zangger Committee
International disputes
- Madagascar claims Bassas da India, Europa Island, Glorioso Islands and Juan de Nova Island
- Comoros claims Mayotte
- Mauritius claims Tromelin Island
- Seychelles claims the Glorioso Islands
- territorial dispute between Suriname and French Guiana
- territorial claim in Antarctica (Adelie Land)
- Matthew and Hunter Islands east of New Caledonia claimed by France and Vanuatu
Other issues
Illicit drugs
France is a transshipment point for and consumer of South American cocaine and Southwest Asian heroin.
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