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Russophobia (New Latin origin, from Russo + phobia, from Ancient Greek -φοβία, -phobía) is a diverse spectrum of negative feelings, dislikes, fears, aversion, derision and/or prejudice of Russia, Russians, Russian policy, science and/or Russian culture. While these political feelings were priorly reserved mainly for the West during Communist era when people in the Eastern Bloc were unable to talk freely, now-a-days they are highly observed in Ukraine, Georgia and also members or candidate members of EU that want to get out of the Russian orbit. It is also a type of political stance in these countries where Russophobes and Russophiles form different (geo)political groups and supporters among parties. This kind of political alliance in East European countries has a long history and division between Russophiles and Russophobes can be traced back at least to 19th century.

There exists a wide variety of mass culture clichés about Russia and Russians. Many of these stereotypes were developed during the Cold War, and were used as elements of political war against the Soviet Union. Some of these prejudices are still observed in the discussions of the relations with Russia.

Negative representation of Russia and Russians in modern popular culture is also often described as functional, as stereotypes about Russia may be used for framing reality, like creating an image of an enemy, or an excuse, or an explanation, for compensatory reasons, etc. Decades after the end of the Cold War, Russians are still portrayed as "Hollywood's go-to villains".

The contemporary concept of Russophobia also has wide circulation in right-wing circles within Russia opposed to democratic reform, it is used to construct stab-in-the-back myths about the fall of the Soviet Union and is seen as the rallying point of xenophobes and defenders of autocracy.

History

On 19 October 1797 the French Directory received a document from a Polish general, Michał Sokolnicki, entitled "Aperçu sur la Russie". This became known as the so-called "Testament of Peter the Great" and was first published in October 1812, during the Napoleonic wars, in Charles Louis-Lesur's much-read Des progrès de la puissance russe: this was at the behest of Napoleon I, who ordered a series of articles to be published showing that "Europe is inevitably in the process of becoming booty for Russia". Subsequent to the Napoleonic wars, propaganda against Russia was continued by Napoleon's former confessor, Dominique Georges-Frédéric de Pradt, who in a series of books portrayed Russia as a "despotic" and "Asiatic" power hungry to conquer Europe.

In 1843 the Marquis de Custine published his hugely successful 1800-page, four volume travelogue La Russie en 1839. Custine's scathing narrative reran what were by now clichés which presented Russia as a place where "the veneer of European civilization was too thin to be credible". Such was its huge success that several official and pirated editions quickly followed, as well as condensed versions and translations in German, Dutch and English. By 1846 approximately 200 thousand copies had been sold.

The Prometheism political strategy conceived by Polish chief of state Józef Piłsudski sought to weaken the threat of Tsarist Russia and later the Soviet Union by facilitating its breakup into its constituent parts.

The influential British economist John Maynard Keynes wrote controversially on Russia, that the oppression in the country, rooted in the Red Revolution, perhaps was "the fruit of some beastliness in the Russian nature”, also attributing "cruelty and stupidity" to tyranny in both the "Old Russia" (tsarist) and "New Russia" (Soviet).

In the 1930s and 1940s, Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party viewed the Soviet Union as populated by Slavs, ruled by "Jewish Bolshevik" masters.

Hitler stated in Mein Kampf his belief that the Russian state was the work of German elements in the state and not of the Slavs:

Here Fate itself seems desirous of giving us a sign. By handing Russia to Bolshevism, it robbed the Russian nation of that intelligentsia which previously brought about and guaranteed its existence as a state. For the organization of a Russian state formation was not the result of the political abilities of the Slavs in Russia, but only a wonderful example of the state-forming efficacity of the German element in an inferior race.

A secret Nazi plan, the Generalplan Ost called for the enslavement, expulsion or extermination of most Slavic peoples in Europe.

"Need, hunger, lack of comfort have been the Russians' lot for centuries. No false compassion, as their stomachs are perfectly extendible. Don't try to impose the German standards and to change their style of life. Their only wish is to be ruled by the Germans. <...> Help yourselves, and may God help you!" ("12 precepts for the German officer in the East", 1941)

Modern Russophobia peaked during the Cold War, driven by Western fears of the Soviet role in communism's mission to take over the "Free World". The Sino-Soviet split saw more of a stand against Soviet communism rather than communism in general.

Post-Soviet distrust of Russia and Russians is attributable to backlash against the historical memory of Russification pursued by Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union, and backlash against modern policies of the Russian government.

Vlad Sobell believes current "Russophobic sentiment" in the West reflects the West's failure to adapt and change its historical attitude towards Russia, even as Russia has (in his view) abandoned past ideology for pragmatism, successfully driving its economic revival. With the West victorious over totalitarianism, Russia serves to perpetuate the role of a needed adversary owing to its "unashamed continuity with the communist Soviet Union."

Russophobia by country

Results of 2014 BBC World Service poll.
Views of Russia's influence by country
Sorted by Pos-Neg
Country polled	Positive	Negative	Neutral	Pos-Neg
Israel	5	68	27	-63
Germany	21	67	12	-46
France	23	69	8	-46
United States	23	64	13	-41
Spain	18	58	24	-40
Canada	26	62	13	-36
United Kingdom	28	64	8	-36
Australia	30	59	11	-29
Pakistan	25	47	28	-22
Indonesia	29	49	22	-20
Nigeria	30	48	22	-18
South Korea	32	46	22	-14
Kenya	29	39	32	-10
Brazil	35	43	22	-8
Japan	17	23	60	-6
Turkey	36	33	31	3
Peru	34	30	36	4
Chile	33	28	39	5
Mexico	35	29	36	6
India	38	30	32	8
Ghana	50	26	24	24
China	55	17	28	38
Russia	77	6	17	71

In the October 2004, the International Gallup Organization announced that according to its poll, anti-Russia sentiment remained fairly strong throughout Europe and the West in general. It found that Russia was the least popular G-8 country globally. The percentage of population with a "very negative" or "fairly negative" perception of Russia was 73% in Kosovo, 62% in Finland, 57% in Norway, 42% in the Czech Republic and Switzerland, 37% in Germany, 32% in Denmark and Poland, and 23% in Estonia. Overall, the percentage of respondents with a positive view of Russia was only 31%.

Former Soviet Union

Armenia

Georgia

Estonia

According to veteran German author, journalist and Russia-correspondent Gabriele Krone-Schmalz, there is deep disapproval of everything Russian in Estonia, this however has been challenged in a poll conducted by Gallup International which suggests that 23% of Estonians see Russia in negative light while 34% have positive attitude towards Russia.

According to Estonian philosopher Jaan Kaplinski, the birth of anti-Russian sentiment in Estonia dates back to 1940, as there was little or none during the czarist and first independence period, when anti-German sentiment predominated. Kaplinski states the imposition of Soviet rule in 1940 and subsequent actions by Soviet authorities led to the replacement of anti-German sentiment with anti-Russian sentiment within just one year, and characterized it as "one of the greatest achievements of the Soviet authorities". Kaplinski supposes that anti-Russian sentiment could disappear as quickly as anti-German sentiment did in 1940, however he believes the prevailing sentiment in Estonia is sustained by Estonia's politicians who employ "the use of anti-Russian sentiments in political combat," together with the "tendentious attitude of the media." Kaplinski says that a "rigid East-West attitude is to be found to some degree in Estonia when it comes to Russia, in the form that everything good comes from the West and everything bad from the East"; this attitude, in Kaplinski's view, "probably does not date back further than 1940 and presumably originates from Nazi propaganda."

The Estonian businessman and politician Tiit Vähi, who briefly served as Estonia's prime minister in 1992 and once more in 1995-1997, described "overall anti-Russian sentiment" as a feature of the populist current in the country's politics, raising it as one among a number of issues with the ruling coalition of Prime Minister Andrus Ansip.

European discrimination watchgroups express worries about the usage of a highly derogatory Estonian term for Russians, tibla, in mainstream media.

Latvia

Main articles: Latvia–Russia relations and History of Russians in Latvia

According to Andrei Tsygankov (a Russian himself), ethnic Russians in Latvia are subjected to ethnic discrimination.

Latvian American doctor and former member of the Civic Union, Aivars Slucis wrote op-eds in the New York Times and Washington Post in which he explains to the Americans that Russians have invading other nations in their genes, and they can only understand the language of force. Slucis wrote that he would personally never treat a Russian patient with soviet symbols tattooed on his body who came into his office. In November 2010, Ģirts Valdis Kristovskis, the Latvian Foreign Affairs Minister, became embroiled in a scandal with Slucis after email correspondence between the two from 2009 was released by journalist Lato Lapsa. In one of the letters, Slucis stated that he would not be able to treat Russians with the same level of care that we would Latvians, and also stated that in the event of a shortage of medical supplies he would deny Russians the right to access to those supplies. In reply, Kristovskis stated that he approved of "both his assessment and vision of the situation". According to Lapsa, Kristovskis was also in agreeance with Slucis advocating for freezing and reviewing all citizenships granted after 1991 with the thought of rescinding a majority.

Northern Caucasus

In a report by the Jamestown Foundation, dealing with the topic of the (extremely positive according to the report) reception of American Republican senator John McCain's statements about Russia's "double standards in the Caucasus" (referring to how Russia recognized South Ossetia but would not let Chechnya go), one Chechen was quoted to have gone so far as to tell the website that Chechnya "cannot exist within the borders of Russia because every 50 years... Russia kills us Chechens"., demonstrating local fear of the Russian government.

Journalist Fatima Tlisova released an article in 2009 discussing the frequent occurrences of Russian Orthodox crosses being sawed off buildings and thrown off mountains in Circassia, due to the cross being associated with the people who initiated the mass expulsions of Circassians.

Ukraine

File:AntiRussianPoster.jpg

Modern Anti-swearing poster in Lviv, Ukraine, issued by the Ukrainian nationalist political party Svoboda. Ukrainian text reads: "Remember! Swearing turns you into a Moskal (ethnic slur, means "Russian").

See also: Russia–Ukraine relations See also: Russians in Ukraine

In a poll held by Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in May 2009 in Ukraine, 96% of respondents were positive about Russians as an ethnic group, 93% respected the Russian Federation and 76% respected the Russian establishment. In a poll held by Levada Center in Russia in June 2009, 75% of respondents respected Ukrainians as an ethnic group, but 55% were negative about Ukraine as the state.

According to the statistics released on October 21, 2010 by the Institute of Sociology of National Academy of Science of Ukraine, positive attitudes towards Russians have been decreasing since 1994. In response to a question gauging tolerance of Russians, 15% of Western Ukrainians responded positively. In Central Ukraine, 30% responded positively (from 60% in 1994); 60% responded positively in Southern Ukraine (from 70% in 1994); and 64% responded positively in Eastern Ukraine (from 75% in 1994). Furthermore, 6-7% of Western Ukrainians would banish Russians entirely from Ukraine, and 7-8% in Central Ukraine responded similarly. This level of sentiment was not found in Southern or Eastern Ukraine.

The right-wing political party "Svoboda", has invoked radical Russophobic rhetoric (see poster) and has electoral support enough to garner majority support in local councils, as seen in the Ternopil regional council in Western Ukraine. Analysts explained Svoboda’s victory in Eastern Galicia during the 2010 Ukrainian local elections as a result of the policies of the Azarov Government who were seen as too pro-Russian by the voters of "Svoboda".

Oleh Tyahnybok, the leader of the far-right Svoboda party, whose members hold senior positions in Ukraine's government, urged his party to fight "the Moscow-Jewish mafia" ruling Ukraine. Right Sector's leader for West Ukraine, Oleksandr Muzychko, has talked about fighting "communists, Jews and Russians for as long as blood flows in my veins." Ukrainian–Israeli oligarch and governor of Dnipropetrovsk Ihor Kolomoisky issued a $10,000 bounty for the apprehension of Russian 'saboteurs'. At least one billboard exists with the following text: "$10,000 for a Moskal" (derogatory name for Russians).

Russia

Igor Shafarevich associates Russophobia with the historiography inspired by Jewish nationalism, he writes that Russophobes were the enemies of Russian nationalism and specifically characterised the Jews as the special embodiment of anti-Russian antipathy. Russian nationalists accuse the oligarchs of being Russophobes who hate Russia. Most believe that the Russophobia of the oligarchs is connected to the fact that so many of them are not Russians but Jews, who they claim despise Russians as an inferior ethnic group. Oligarchs such as Boris Berezovsky (who is a convert to Orthodox Christianity) are seen as archetypical Jews. Viktor Ilyukhin, a Duma deputy for the Communist Party, claimed the problems of the Yeltsin era was due to Yeltsin's inner circle consisting "exclusively of one group, the Jews". Thus "Russophobe" has become a codeword for Jew popularized in Russia.

Former Eastern Bloc

Poland

Romania

Rest of the world

Australia

According to the World Public Opinion poll undertaken in 2013, 53% of Australians had a negative view of Russia, up 15% from 2012. Following the shooting down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, allegedly by Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine, which claimed the lives of at least 27 Australians, the Australian government and the Opposition became decidedly anti-Russian, with Prime Minister Tony Abbott considering barring Russian President Vladimir Putin from attending the 2014 G-20 Brisbane summit.

Finland

In Finland, Russophobia has been studied since the 1970s. The history of Russophobia has two main theories. One of them considers the Finns and the Russians have been the arch-enemy throughout history. The position is considered to have been dominated at least the 1700s since the days of the Greater Wrath, when the Russians "occupied Finland and raped it." This view largely assumes that through the centuries, "Russia is a violent slayer and Finland is an innocent, virginal victim". In 1920s and 1930s this anti-Russian and anti-Communism propaganda had a fertile ground. Failed Russian actions to terminate Finnish autonomy and cultural uniqueness (1899–1905 and 1908–1917) contributed greatly to both the anti-Russian feelings in Finland. The Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact which granted Finland to Soviet Union, followed the attack of the Soviet Union against Finland during the Winter War and Soviet annexation of large parts of Finland. This caused lots of casualties among Finnish population and 11% of the total population having to leave their homes in the caused a lot of bitterness, and has endured as the Karelian question in Finnish politics.

Other theory considers that Russophobia sentiment was born in Finland at the time of civil war 1917–1918, and was anti-Russian political and ideological White Finland created a confrontation by deliberately blow and spread. The Russophobia was created against the external threat of the Soviet Union and it was almost a national duty in 1920s and 1930s. During World War II, Finns organized internment camps to the occupied East Karelia where ethnic segregation between 'relatives' (Finnic population) and 'non-relatives' (other, primarily Russian population) took place which has been attributed to Russophobia.

According to polls in 2004, 62% of Finnish citizens had a negative view of Russia. The main reasons were historically rooted antipathy. Deportation of Ingrian Finns, autochthones of St. Petersburg, Ingria and other Soviet repressions against its Finnish minorities have contributed to negative views of Russia and Russians..

Sweden

The Swedish rather unusual words russofob (Russophobe) and russofobi (Russophobia) were first recorded in 1877 and 1904 respectively and its more frequent synonym ryss-skräck (fear of Russia or Russians) in 1907. Older synonyms were rysshat (hatred of Russia or Russians) from 1846 and ryssantipati (antipathy against Russia or Russians) from 1882.

The Russian state is said to have been organized in the 9th century AD at Novgorod by Rurik, supposedly coming from Sweden. In the 13th century, Stockholm was founded to stop foreign navies from invading lake Mälaren. Both events are signs that hostile naval missions across the Baltic Sea go a long way back, temporarily ending with the piece treaty of Nöteborg 1323 between Sweden and the Novgorod Republic (which later became Russia), soon to be broken by another catholic Swedish crusade into Greek-orthodox Novgorod. Russia has been described as Sweden's "archenemy" (a title also given to Denmark). The two countries have often been at war, most intensively during the Great Northern War (1700–1721) and the Finnish War (1808–1809), when Sweden lost that third of its territory to Russia that now is Finland. Sweden defeated a Russian army in the Battle of Narva (1700), but was defeated by Russia in the Battle of Poltava 1709. In 1719 Russian troops burnt most Swedish cities and industrial communities along the Baltic sea coast to the ground (from Norrköping up to Piteå in the north) in what came to be called "Rysshärjningarna" (the Russian ravages, a term first recorded in 1730). "The Russians are coming" (ryssen kommer) is a traditional Swedish warning call. After the death of king Charles XII in 1718 and the peace in 1721, Swedish politics was dominated by a peace-minded parliament, with a more aggressive opposition (Hats and Caps). When Swedish officer Malcolm Sinclair was murdered in 1739 by two Russian officers, the anti-Russian ballad Sinclairsvisan by Anders Odel became very popular.

After 1809, there have been no more wars between Russia and Sweden, partly due to Swedish neutrality and nonalignment foreign policy since then. Peaceful relationships and the Russian capital being Saint Petersburg, many Swedish companies ran large businesses in Imperial Russia, including Branobel and Ericsson. Many poets still grieved the loss of Finland and called for a military revenge, ideas that were refueled by the Crimean War in the 1850s. With the increasing cultural exchange between neighboring countries (Scandinavism) and the nationalist revival in Finland (through Johan Ludvig Runeberg and Elias Lönnrot), contempt with the attempts of Russification of Finland spread to Sweden. Before World War I, travelling Russian saw filers were suspected of espionage by Swedish proponents of increased military spending. After the Russian Revolution in the spring of 1917 and the abdication of the Tsar, great hope was vested in the new provisional government, only to be replaced with despair after the so-called October Revolution. Old Russophobia was replaced by new anti-communism, to last for the duration of the Soviet Union. Many Swedes voluntarily joined the Finnish side in the Winter War between Finland and Soviet Union 1939–1940. When the Soviet union was finally dissolved in 1991, anti-communism became obsolete and nobody seemed to remember its predecessor. The old cry ryssen kommer was also obsolete.

The Swedish sentiments against Russia had always been a fear of military invasion, which now seemed to be gone for the foreseeable future, and never a racial or ethnical prejudice. Yet, Swedish clichés about Russians exist and are visible in Swedish comedies such as the Tingaliin song and the Jönssonligan och den svarta diamanten movie.

In June 2014, political scientist Sergey Markov complained about Russophobia in Sweden and Finland, comparing it to antisemitism. "Would you want to be part of starting a Third World War? Antisemitism started the Second World War, Russophobia could start a third.", he commented. The retired Swedish history professor and often cited expert on Russia Kristian Gerner said he was "almost shocked" by Markov's claim, and described his worldview as "nearly paranoid".

France

New Zealand

The history of Russophobia in New Zealand was analyzed in Glynn Barratt's book Russophobia in New Zealand, 1838-1908. This research was expanded to cover the period up to 1939 in an article by Tony Wilson.

According to Wilson, Russophobia towards the Russian Empire had no roots in the country itself and was fueled by British Russophobic attitude, New Zealand being a British colony. It was aggravated by lack of information about Russia and contacts with it due to the mutual remoteness. Various wars involving the Russian Empire fueled the "Russian scare". Additional negative attitude was brought by Jewish immigration after Anti-Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire, which was halted as a combined result of Russophobia and anti-Semitism. As of 1916, there were 1242 settlers of Russian origin in the country, including 169 Jews. During World War I Russophobia was temporarily supplanted by Germanophobia for evident reasons; however, soon after the Russian Revolution of 1917, the fear of Marxism and Bolshevism revived Russophobia in the form of "Red Scare". Notably, local Russians had no issues with Russophobia. By late 1920s pragmatism moderated Russophobia in official circles, especially during the Great Depression. Sympathetic views were propagated by visitors to the Soviet Union, such as George Bernard Shaw, impressed by Soviet propaganda.

United Kingdom

In Great Britain, Russophobia arose during conflicts including the Crimean War and the Anglo-Afghan wars, which were seen as representing Russia's territorial ambitions regarding the British empire in India. This competition for spheres of influence and colonies (see e.g. The Great Game and Berlin Congress) fueled Russophobia in Great Britain. British propaganda of the time took up the theme of Russians as uncultured Asiatic barbarians. The American professor Jimmie E. Cain Jr has claimed that these views were then exported to other parts of the world and were reflected in the literature of late the 19th and early 20th centuries, though this is to miss the fact that these views had been formulated much earlier and already widely published by various French sources since 1812.

China

Iran

Japan

Most Japanese interaction with Russian individuals – besides in major cities such as Tokyo – happens with seamen and fishermen of the Russian fishing fleet, therefore Japanese people tend to carry the stereotypes associated with sailors over to Russians. According to a 2012 Pew Global Attitudes Project survey, 72% of Japanese people view Russia unfavorably, compared with 22% who viewed it favorably, making Japan the most Russophobic country surveyed.

Turkey

United States

According to the 2013 Poll, 59% of Americans had a negative view of Russia, 23% had a favorable opinion, and 18% were uncertain.

Recent events such as Anti-Magnitsky bill, Boston Marathon bombings are deemed to have caused negative impression about Russia in United States.

Business

In May and June 2006, Russian media cited discrimination against Russian companies as one possible reason why the contemplated merger between the Luxembourg-based steelmaker Arcelor and Russia's Severstal did not finalize. According to the Russian daily Izvestiya, those opposing the merger "exploited the 'Russian threat' myth during negotiations with shareholders and, apparently, found common ground with the Europeans", while Boris Gryzlov, speaker of the State Duma observed that "recent events show that someone does not want to allow us to enter their markets." On 27 July 2006, the New York Times quoted the analysts as saying that many Western investors still think that anything to do with Russia is "a little bit doubtful and dubious" while others look at Russia in "comic book terms, as mysterious and mafia-run."

View of Russia in Western media

Some Russian and Western commentators express concern about a far too negative coverage of Russia in Western media (some Russians even describe this as a "war of information"). In April 2007, David Johnson, founder of the Johnson's Russia List, said in interview to the Moscow News: "I am sympathetic to the view that these days Putin and Russia are perhaps getting too dark a portrayal in most Western media. Or at least that critical views need to be supplemented with other kinds of information and analysis. An openness to different views is still warranted."

In 1995, years before Vladimir Putin was elected to his first term, the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press reported: "coverage of Russia and its president, Boris Yeltsin, was decidedly negative, even though national polls continue to find the public feeling positive toward Russia and largely uncritical of Yeltsin."

In February 2007, the Russian creativity agency E-generator put together a "rating of Russophobia" of Western media, using for the research articles concerning a single theme — Russia's chairmanship of G8, translated into Russian by InoSmi.Ru. The score was composed for each edition, negative values granted for negative assessments of Russia, and positive values representing positive ones. The top in the rating were Newsday (-43, U.S.), The Financial Times (-34, Great Britain), The Wall Street Journal (-34, U.S.), Le Monde (-30, France), while editions on the opposite side of the rating were Toronto Star (+27, Canada) and The Conservative Voice (+26, U.S.)

California-based international relations scholar Andrei Tsygankov has remarked that anti-Russian political rhetoric coming from Washington circles has received wide echo in American mainstream media, asserting that "Russophobia's revival is indicative of the fear shared by some U.S. and European politicians that their grand plans to control the world's most precious resources and geostrategic sites may not succeed if Russia's economic and political recovery continues."

Russian nationalist mythology

The concept of Russophobia has become an indispensable part of contemporary Russian nationalist mythology. According to this self-characterised "national-patriotic" movement, there is a clash of civilizations, a global struggle between the idealist, collectivist, morally and spiritually superior Eurasia led by Russia, and the corrupt, materialistic, decadent and morally and spiritually polluted West led by the United States. This national-patriotic view holds that for centuries the West has wanted to force Russia to her knees and plunder her natural resources, thus has worked to undermine Russia's self-sacrificing messianic mission to enlighten and save mankind, with the collapse of the Soviet Union as evidence. Thus those, particularly Jews, who espouse Western values such as rationalism, intellectualism, liberalism and democracy, are accused of "Russophobia" by Russian nationalists.

Footnotes

Russophobia, Merriam Webster
-phobia, Collins
^ Boyko Vassilev, The Vanishing of the Russophiles, 5 June 2014
Protesting anti-govermental Russophobes in Bulgaria TV debate with Russophile MP: Русофили и русофоби за конфликта между Украйна и Русия // Russophiles and russophobes about the conflict between Ukraine and Russia Template:Bg icon (video), Btv, 6 May 2014
For example the Russophile group inside Bulgarian Socialist Party, see Russophile Formation within BSP to Work For Left Unity and Principles, Bulgarian News Agency, 11 July 2014
Двете лица на Русия в България // Two faces of Russia in Bulgaria Template:Bg icon, DW, 26 March 2014
"Envoy complains Britons mistreat Russians". Reuters. 2007-07-08. Retrieved 2007-07-30.
"The west's new Russophobia is hypocritical - and wrong", The Guardian, June 30, 2006
Forest, Johnson, Till. Post-totalitarian national identity: public memory in Germany and Russia. Social & Cultural Geography, Volume 5, Number 3, September 2004. Routledge.
Post-Colonial Debate in Poland
Framing Russia: The construction of Russia and Chechnya in the western media.
COLLECTIVE MEMORIES AND REPRESENTATIONS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN EDITORIALS. Obstacles to a renegotiation of intercultural relations. Elisabeth Le
The Image of Russia in the "New Abroad": The Russian-speaking Diaspora along the Baltic. Irina Novikova
Japan's National Identity and Japan-Russia Relations. Alexander Bukh
Kurutz, Steven (17 January 2014). "Russians: Still the Go-To Bad Guys". New York Times. Retrieved 18 January 2014.
Horvath, Robert (2005). The legacy of Soviet dissent: dissidents, democratisation and radical nationalism in Russia. Psychology Press. p. 262. ISBN 978-0-415-33320-7.
Neumann, Iver B. "Europe's post-Cold War memory of Russia: cui bono?" in Memory and power in post-war Europe: studies in the presence of the past ed. Jan-Werner Müller. Cambridge University Press, 2002: p. 132
McNally, Raymond T. "The Origins of Russophobia in France" in American Slavic and East European Review Vol. 17, No. 2 (Apr., 1958): pp. 173-189
Neumann, 2002: p. 133
Fisher, David C. “Russia and the Crystal Palace 1851” in Britain, the Empire, and the World at the Great Exhibition of 1851 ed. Jeffery A. Auerbach & Peter H. Hoffenberg. Ashgate, 2008:pp. 123-124.
A Short View of Russia, Essays in Persuasion, (London 1932) John Maynard Keynes, 297-312
Müller, Rolf-Dieter, Gerd R. Ueberschär, Hitler's War in the East, 1941–1945: A Critical Assessment, Berghahn Books, 2002, ISBN 157181293, page 244
Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, Volume One - A Reckoning, Chapter XIV: Eastern Orientation or Eastern Policy
Template:Lang-ru
Peter Lavelle is a host of CrossTalk show at RT.Peter Lavelle; et al. (2005-07-08). "RP's Weekly Experts' Panel: Deconstructing "Russophobia" and "Russocentric"". Russia Profile. Retrieved 2007-07-30. {{cite web}}: Explicit use of et al. in: |author= (help)
Sobell, currently at the Daiwa Research Institute, is a noted expert in the post-Soviet transition of society.
Western treatment of Russia signifies erosion of reason Dr. Vlad Sobell, 2007
"BBC World Service poll" (PDF). BBC. 3 June 2014.
^ Helsingin Sanomat, October 11, 2004, International poll: Anti-Russian sentiment runs very strong in Finland. Only Kosovo has more negative attitude
World Doesn't Like Russia or the U.S., Survey Shows, Moscow Times, October 13, 2014
"Armenia National Voter Study July 2007" (PDF). IRI, USAID, Baltic Surveys Ltd./The Gallup Organization, ASA. p. 45. Retrieved 4 May 2013.
"Video Bridge - V. Putin's State Visit to Armenia on December 2, 2013". Public Dialogues. 9 December 2013. Retrieved 20 July 2014.
"With regard to anti-Russian sentiments, unfortunately, I consider the thoughts of the first president unrelated or misleading from the subject". Aravot. 23 December 2013. Retrieved 26 December 2013.
Abdelal, Rawi (2005). National Purpose in the World Economy: Post-Soviet States in Comparative Perspective. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. pp. 80–81. ISBN 9780801489778.
"East meets West in the Caucasus". BBC News. 22 July 2001. Retrieved 20 July 2014.
Batalden, Stephen K.; Batalden, Sandra L. (1997). The Newly Independent States of Eurasia: Handbook of Former Soviet Republics (2nd ed.). Phoenix: Oryx. p. 99. ISBN 9780897749404.
Cohen, Ariel (1998). Russian Imperialism: Development and Crisis. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 135. ISBN 9780275964818. At his funeral, the Armenians erupted in anti-Russian and anti-Soviet demonstrations.
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References

Template:Pl icon/Template:Ru icon ed. Jerzy Faryno, Roman Bobryk, "Polacy w oczach Rosjan — Rosjanie w oczach Polaków. Поляки глазами русских — русские глазами поляков. Zbiór studiów" - conference proceedings; in Studia Litteraria Polono-Slavica; Slawistyczny Ośrodek Wydawniczy Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa 2000, ISBN 83-86619-93-7.

External links

The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain
Anatol Lieven, Against Russophobia, World Policy Journal, Volume XVII, No 4, Winter 2000/01; a review of a modern Russophobia in international politics.
New York Times After Centuries of Enmity, Relations Between Poland and Russia Are as Bad as Ever, July 3, 2005 (subscription may be required for full text)
Sergei Yastrzhembsky: Russophobia Still Rampant
More Russophobia in International Press
Corruption, Russophobia Weigh on Poland
Finnish Russophobia: The Story of an Enemy Image
Battling Russophobia, Guardian, 2008, by Anna Matveeva

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