Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by VersoArts (talk | contribs) at 07:37, 21 December 2014. The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

Revision as of 07:37, 21 December 2014 by VersoArts (talk | contribs)(diff) ← Previous revision | Latest revision (diff) | Newer revision → (diff)

This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these messages)

This article provides insufficient context for those unfamiliar with the subject. Please help improve the article by providing more context for the reader. (December 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

This article needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (December 2014)

The neutrality of this article is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. (December 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

(Learn how and when to remove this message)

This article or section is in a state of significant expansion or restructuring. You are welcome to assist in its construction by editing it as well. If this article or section has not been edited in several days, please remove this template.
If you are the editor who added this template and you are actively editing, please be sure to replace this template with {{in use}} during the active editing session. Click on the link for template parameters to use. This article was last edited by VersoArts (talk | contribs) 10 years ago. (Update timer)

Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People
Formation	1990
Founders	Ken Saro-Wiwa
Type	Social Movement Organization
Purpose	Indigenous rights of the Ogoni people
Headquarters	Bori, Ogoni, Rivers State, Nigeria
Region	Ogoniland
Membership	Ethnic Minority Rights Organization of Africa (EMIROAF) Federation of Ogoni Women Association (FOWA) National Youth Council of Ogoni People (NYCOP) Ogoni Council of Churches (OCC) Council of Ogoni Traditional Rulers (COTRA) Council of Ogoni Professionals (COP) National Union of Ogoni Students (NUOS) Crisis Management Committee (CMC) Ogoni Teachers Union Ogoni Technical Association Ogoni Central Indigenous Authority
President	Legborsi Saro Pyagbara
Affiliations	Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization Greenpeace International Amnesty International
Website	mosop.org

The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, also known as (MOSOP), is a mass‐based social movement organization of the indigenous Ogoni people of Central Niger Delta. MOSOP is the umbrella organization of currently 11 member groups representing more than 700,000 indigenous Ogoni in campaigning for social, economic and environmental justice in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. MOSOP's mandated use of non-violent methods to promote democratic principles assist Ogoni people pursue rights of self-determination in environmental issues in the Niger Delta, cultural rights and practices for Ogoni people.

Founded in 1990 by Ken Saro-Wiwa, the Ogani Chiefs of MOSOP initiated its efforts with the Ogoni Bill of Rights and led its submission to the government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Peoples in Geneva .

Backround

This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (December 2014)

The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People began as a struggle against the exploitation of natural resources of Ogoniland by Shell Oil Company, a subsidiary of Royal Dutch Shell, when in 1957 it's Nigerian operations, Shell Nigeria, known as Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited (SPDC), struck oil in the Niger River Delta.

Boys fishing with nets in the Inner Delta of the Niger River near Mopti
Net fishing on the Niger River near Mopti

Environmental Impact on the Niger River Delta Region

Communities of the Niger River Delta that had sustained their economy on farming and fishing saw that the takeover of their land by multinational oil companies was causing devastating environmental degradation. Saro-Wiwa called it an ecological war. In an interview on Channel 4 (U.K.) on 15 Nov. 1995, Saro-Wiwa described the warfare:

"The Ogoni country has been completely destroyed by the search for oil....Oil blowouts, spillages, oil slicks, and general pollution accompany the search for oil....Oil companies have flared gas in Nigeria for the past thirty three years causing acid rain....What used to be the bread basket of the delta has now become totally infertile. All one sees and feels around is death. Environmental degradation has been a lethal weapon in the war against the indigenous Ogoni people"

Bronwen Manby, then researcher in the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch, documented in July 1997 that "according to the official estimates of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), based on the quantities reported by the operating companies, approximately 2,300 cubic meters of oil are spilled in 300 separate incidents annually. It can be safely assumed that, due to under-reporting, the real figure is substantially higher: conservative estimates place it at up to ten times higher. Statistics from the Department of Petroleum Resources indicate that between 1976 and 1996 a total of 4,835 incidents resulted in the spillage of at least 2,446,322 barrels (102.7 million U.S. gallons), of which an estimated 1,896,930 barrels (79.7 million U.S. gallons; 77 percent) were lost to the environment. Another calculation, based on oil industry sources, estimates that more than 1.07 million barrels (45 million U.S. gallons) of oil were spilled in Nigeria from 1960 to 1997. Nigeria’s largest spill was an offshore well blowout (well drilling) in January 1980, when at least 200,000 barrels of oil (8.4 million U.S. gallons), according to oil industry sources, spewed into the Atlantic Ocean from a Texaco facility and destroyed 340 hectares of mangroves. DPR estimates were that more than 400,000 barrels (16.8 million U.S. gallons) were spilled in this incident. Mangrove forest is particularly vulnerable to oil spills, because the soil soaks up the oil like a sponge and re-releases it every rainy season."

Water contamination of local water supply resulted in fish kills and ruinous effects on farmland.

Natural gas flaring associated with oil extraction destroyed the ecosystem by releasing the greenhouse gas toxins methane and carbon dioxide into the atmosphere.

Concessions in Nigeria: Oil and Gas licenses Concessions in Nigeria: Oil and Gas licenses
Royal Dutch shell license blocks in Nigeria Royal Dutch shell license blocks in Nigeria
Gas Flares in Niger River Delta 2003

Human Rights Watch interview with Uche Onyeagocha, staff attorney, Civil Liberties Organisation (Port Harcourt), Washington, D.C., May 12, 1995 documented that members of minority groups in the Niger Delta, whose land is the source of over 90% of Nigeria's oil, especially opposed the prevailing revenue allocation formula, under which the federal, state, and local governments had almost complete discretion over the distribution of oil proceeds. 80% of Nigeria's federal government revenue comes from this resource rich region.

However, in 2003, around 70% of the oil revenues were estimated by Nigerian anti-corruption agency to have been wasted or lost to corruption.

Shell Oil Greenwashing efforts

On May 8, 2007, Friends of the Earth Europe filed simultaneous complaints in three European countries to the national advertising standards authorities of Belgium, the Netherlands, and the UK about Shell's advertisements which depicted the outline of an oil refinery emitting flowers rather than smoke and claimed that it uses its "waste CO2 to grow flowers and waste sulphur to make concrete".

Because of the oil-related suffering of the Ogoni people, governmental neglect, lack of social services, and political marginalization, these concerns were placed in the context of Ogonis as "a separate and distinct ethnic nationality." On this basis they sought autonomy, environmental protection, control of a fair share of the revenues from their resources, and cultural rights (such as the use of their local languages).

History

This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (December 2014)

In 1970, Ogoni Chiefs W. Nzidee, F. Yowika, N. Ndegwe, E. Kobani, O. Nalelo, Chief A. Ngei and O. Ngofa, submitted a petition to the local Military Governor as a formal complaint against Shell, then operating a joint venture with BP. According to the petition, the company was “seriously threatening the well-being, and even the very lives” of the Ogoni.

In July of that year, there was a major blow-out at the Bomu oilfield in Ogoni. It continued for three weeks, causing widespread pollution and outrage. P. Badom, of the Dere Youths Association, issued a letter of protest citing:

"Our rivers, rivulets and creeks are all covered with crude oil" wrote the Dere Youths Association, "We no longer breathe the natural oxygen, rather we inhale lethal and ghastly gases. Our water can no longer be drunk unless one wants to test the effect of crude oil on the body. We no longer use vegetables, they are all polluted".

The Iko people wrote to Shell in 1980 demanding, “compensation and restitution of our rights to clean air, water and a viable environment where we can source for our means of livelihood.”

In 1987, when the Iko once again held a peaceful demonstration against Shell, the notorious Mobile Police Force (MPF), locally known as “kill-and-go” was called. 40 houses were destroyed and 350 people were made homeless by the MPF’s attack.

In August 1990, the Ogoni elders signed the Ogoni Bill of Rights, which called for “political control of Ogoni affairs by Ogoni people, control and use of Ogoni economic resources for Ogoni development, adequate and direct representation as of right for Ogoni people in all Nigerian national institutions and the right to protect the Ogoni environment and ecology from further degradation”.

MOSOP was the outgrowth of these protest demonstrations in the Delta. Goodluck Diigbo, a journalist, was the National President of the National Youth Council of Ogoni People, NYCOP. Saro-Wiwa had charged him with the responsibility of establishing seven of the ten affiliates that made up MOSOP. Before the affiliates came into being, Ken Saro-Wiwa who initiated the idea of MOSOP had attracted a mix of educated Ogoni elites and chiefs, including its first president Dr. Garrick Barile Leton . Chief E. N. Kobani became vice president of MOSOP.

MOSOP succeeded in organizing its first efforts with the 1990 Ogoni Bill of Rights addressed to the Government of the Federal Republic and the People of Nigeria, General Ibrahim Babangida, the former military president of Nigeria and members of the Armed Forces Ruling Council, but received no reply to its demands for autonomy. The Ogoni lists their concerns: political autonomy to participate in the affairs of the Republic as a distinct and separate unit (by whatever name called), provided that this autonomy guarantees political control of Ogoni affairs by Ogoni people; the right to control and use a fair proportion of Ogoni economic resources for Ogoni development; adequate representations, as of right, in all Nigerian national institutions, and the right to protect the Ogoni environment and ecology from further degradation.

The Niger Delta was brought to international attention with the protest at Shell's facility in the Umuechem community of Etche, east of Port Harcourt, Rivers State on October 30 and 31, 1990. Shell specifically requested the presence of the MPF. This incident saw approximately 80 unarmed demonstrators killed and the destruction and sever damage of 495 houses by the Nigerian Mobile Police.

Early 1990s and The Ogoni Crises

1992

July 1992
Saro-Wiwa addresses the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Peoples in Geneva.
Early December 1992
The conflict escalated to a level of greater seriousness and intensity on both sides. It was in this phase of the conflict that overt violence was applied on the large scale by the Nigerian government. In December 1992, MOSOP sent its demands to SPDC, Chevron, and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, along with an ultimatum to pay back royalties and compensation within thirty days or quit Ogoniland. The collision course between the two parties was set with an ultimatum to the oil companies (Shell, Chevron, and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company) which demanded some $10 billion in accumulated royalties, damages and compensation, and "immediate stoppage of environmental degradation," and negotiations for mutual agreement on all future drilling. If the companies failed to comply, the Ogonis threatened to embark on mass action to disrupt their operations. By this act, the Ogonis shifted the focus of their actions from an unresponsive federal government to oil companies actively engaged in their own region. The bases for this assignment of responsibility were the vast profits accrued by the oil companies from extracting the natural wealth of the Ogoni homeland, none of which were trickling down to the Ogoni.

1993

January 4
The national government responded by banning public gatherings and declaring that disturbances of oil production were acts of treason. In spite of the ban, MOSOP went ahead with a massive public mobilization on January 4, 1993. The event, called the first Ogoni Day, attracted about 300,000 people in massive festivities. Over the next month as the mobilization continued, one Shell employee (out of thousands) was beaten by an Ogoni mob. As a security measure, Shell Petroleum Development Company withdrew its employees from Ogoniland. This action had very mixed consequences. Oil extraction from the territory has slowed to a trickle of 10,000 barrels per day (1,600 m/d) (.5% of the national total). However, because the withdrawal was a temporary security measure, it provided the government with a compelling reason to "restore order": resume the flows of oil from Ogoniland and of oil money to national coffers.
February 15-16
Shell International advisors meet with the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) in London and the Hague to consider strategies for countering the "possibility that internationally organized protest could develop" over Shell's activities in Ogoni.
April
A memo was sent from Komo to Okuntimo, entitled “Restoration of Law and Order in Ogoniland” It gave details for an extensive military presence in Ogoni, drawing resources from the army, air force, navy, and police, including both the Mobile Police Force and conventional units. In a move meant to facilitate the reopening of oil installations, one of the missions of this operation was to ensure that those “carrying out business ventures … within Ogoniland are not molested”. Saro-Wiwa, commenting on the memo above, said: “This is it – they are going to arrest us all and execute us. All for Shell.” The following month Okuntimo sent a “restricted” memo back to Komo remarking that “Shell operations still impossible unless ruthless military operations are undertaken for smooth economic activities to commence”. To counter this, Okuntimo recommended: “Wasting operations during MOSOP and other gatherings making constant military presence justifiable.”
April 18
Ken Saro-Wiwa, chairman of the resistance group "Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP)," is held by the Nigerian State Security Service at Port Harcourt Airport for 16 hours without charges, is released, but then arrested 5 days later.
April 30
Construction work on Shell's Rumuekpe-Bomu Pipeline destroys freshly planted Ogoni farmland sparking a peaceful demonstration of approximately 10,000 Ogoni villagers. Nigerian Federal government soldiers open fire on the crowd of demonstrators, wounding at least 10.
May 1
Mass demonstrations along Bori Road against the pipeline construction continue. Shell decides to withdraw American workers and equipment.
May 3
Agbarator Otu is shot and killed by members of the Nigerian military while protesting work on the pipeline at Nonwa.
May 16
Mr. Saro-Wiwa has his passport seized while trying to leave for London.
May 19
Amnesty International issues an Urgent Action concerning the extra judicial killing of Mr. Otu and the Nigerian government's use of force against peaceful Ogoni protests.
May 24
Mr. Saro-Wiwa begins a European tour and succeeds in drawing attention to the struggle of the Ogoni people. Shell responds to the international attention and is 'happy to discuss these matters further....'
June 12
Presidential elections are boycotted by the Ogoni. A ruptured pipeline begins to spray oil in Bunu Tai, Ogoni land. Forty days later, the flow is yet to be stopped. Mr. Saro-Wiwa is prevented from travelling to the UN conference in Vienna by Nigerian SSS, and his passport is seized.
June 21
Mr. Saro-Wiwa and other MOSOP officials are arrested.
June 22
Ogoni people march in Bori, in protest against MOSOP arrests. In reaction, Federal government soldiers are moved from Port Harcourt and stationed in Bori. Indiscriminate beatings and arrests of Ogoni people by 'heavy armed and unfriendly Nigerian soldiers and police' are frequent.
June 30
Amnesty International issues a Fast Action concerning Mr. Saro- Wiwa.
July 9
At least 60 Ogoni people are killed by Andoni when arriving back from the Cameroon Republic by boat. This 'incident' marks the beginning of Ogoni-Andoni violence.
Mid-July
Mr. Saro-Wiwa is moved to a hospital and later released on bail, but charges still stand.
August 5
Kaa is the first village attacked in the Andoni-Ogoni conflict, resulting in 33 deaths and 8,000 refugees. Over the coming months, similar incidents occur in over 20 other villages. MOSOP accuses Shell of being behind the Andoni-Ogoni violence.
August 31
MOSOP leaders are summoned to Abuja for a meeting with the Interim government, installed by former head of state Babangida after the annulment of the June 12 election results. This is the first time that the Nigerian government officially discussed the situation in Ogoniland with MOSOP.
Beginning September
Mr. Saro-Wiwa, Senator Birabi, and representatives of the Rivers State Security Council visit the destroyed village of Kaa and urge Governor Ada George to take measures to curb Andoni-Ogoni violence. Meetings are arranged between Andoni and Ogoni leaders and government representatives. This leads to the creation of a Peace Committee, headed by Professor Claude Ake.
September 15
General Sani Abacha promises Mr. Saro-Wiwa that Federal troops will be sent to Ogoniland to help curb Andoni-Ogoni violence.
October 6
A Peace Agreement is signed concerning the Ogoni-Andoni troubles, but without the signature of Mr. Saro-Wiwa, or the 'consultation of the communities involved.'
October 17
An oil spill at Korokoro oil fields in Ogoni, operated by Shell. Baritonle Kpormon is shot dead at a checkpoint in Bori by a Federal soldier who has been sent to ensure peace at the Ogoni-Andoni border; however Bori is not at the border. A MOSOP Steering Committee meeting accepts the Peace Agreement but for two paragraphs, and calls for a Judicial Commission of Inquiry to be installed by the Federal government.
October 19
Professor Ake, chairman of the Peace Conference, send a letter to Governor Ada George, stating that he does not agree with the Peace Agreement. According to him, it was drafted in haste and without proper consultation of the communities involved.
October 23
Two fire trucks from SPDC are seized at Korokoro by local inhabitants.
October 25
Three Ogoni men are shot at Korokoro oil fields by Federal government soldiers accompanying Shell workers who went back to retrieve the fire trucks. One man dies (Uebari Nna), and two are wounded (Pal Sunday and Mboo Ndike).
November 17
The interim government resigns. General Abacha becomes the new Nigerian head of state.
December 13
Governor Ada George is replaced by Lt. Col. Dauda Komo. Violent clashes between Ogoni and Okirika over crowded land at waterfronts, Port Harcourt. Over 90 people are reported dead, many more wounded.
December 28
Probably to prevent the start of the Ogoni Week, MOSOP leaders Dr. Owen Wiwa and Ledum Mitee, a lawyer, are arrested without being charged. The Ogoni Assembly is dispersed by Nigerian soldiers. Lt. Col. Komo states that Ogoni Week was aborted because MOSOP didn't apply for a permit.

1994

January 2
Mr. Saro-Wiwa is placed under house arrest.
January 4
Dr. Owen Wiwa and Mr. Ledum are released and Mr. Saro-Wiwa's house arrest is lifted.
January 11
A seven member Commission of Inquiry is installed by the Rivers State government to investigate Ogoni-Okirika clashes, and starts public sittings in Port Harcourt.
January 20
A three-member ministerial team starts a two-day tour of Rivers State to investigate the hostilities between the communities there, as part of a general inquiry of community clashes. The Nigerian government is especially worried about troubles in oil producing areas.
January 21
A $500 million contract is signed in Port Harcourt between Shell Nigeria and ABB Global Engineering UK, allowing the latter to collect gas from 10 flow stations in Rivers State.
January 24
The three major oil companies in Port Harcourt estimate to have lost over $200 million during 1993, due to 'unfavorable conditions in their areas of operation,' and call for urgent measures to combat the situation.
Beginning April
A small conflict between Ogoni and Okoloma leads to serious clashes; Lt. Col. Komo is reported to have said that soldiers have been directed to deal with aggressive communities, and if necessary shoot trouble makers. Fifteen Ogoni people are arrested without being charged, including Dr. Owen Wiwa.

On May 21, 1994, four Ogoni chiefs (all on the conservative side of a schism within MOSOP over strategy) were murdered. Saro-Wiwa, head of the opposing faction, had been denied entry to Ogoniland on the day of the murders, but was then detained in connection with the killings. Rivers State Military Administrator Lt. Col. Dauda Komo did not wait for a judicial investigation to blame the killings on "irresponsible and reckless thuggery of the MOSOP element".

Led by Major Paul Okuntimo of Rivers State Internal Security, who claimed to be "searching for those directly responsible for the killings of the four Ogonis", witnesses say that they engaged in terror operations against the general Ogoni population. Amnesty International characterized the policy as deliberate terrorism. By mid-June, 30 villages had been completely destroyed, 600 people had been detained, and at least 40 had been killed. An eventual total of around 100,000 internal refugees and an estimated 2,000 civilian deaths was recorded.

Mid 1990s and the Execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni Nine

1997-Present

This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (December 2014)

On January 4, 1998, The Rivers State Internal Security Task Force (RVISTF), arrest dozens of activists and raided several villages on Ogoni national day, January 4th 1998.

Wiwa vs. Shell

On November 10, 2014, MOSOP President, Legborsi Saro Pyagbara, at the 19th anniversary commemoration of 'Ogoni Martyrs' held in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, called on the federal government to clear the late activist, Ken Saro-Wiwa, and the other nine Ogoni people executed by the General Sani Abacha's government for murder. Pyagbara recalled that the UN, which monitored the trial of Saro-Wiwa and The Ogoni Nine, observed that the returned verdict did not follow any known local or international standard.

The MOSOP's model for Environmental Activistism

This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (December 2014)

The MOSOP became the model used throughout Africa for environmental activism.

Silence Would be Treason: Last Writings of Ken Saro-Wiwa , are a collection of letters and poems written by Saro-Wiwa to Irish solidarity activist Sister Majella McCarron during his time in military detention. The two met while Majella was lecturing in education at the University of Lagos. "At the heart of this collection is the idea of solidarity. Majella helped Ken internationalise the Ogoni struggle and ignited Irish campaigning against Shell. Majella was also active in the Shell to Sea campaign in Rossport. Introductory essays note the mural in Erris in County Mayo remembering the Ogoni 9, executed by the Nigerian government, and the nine white crosses at the Shell terminal at Ballinaboy.

In his poem to Sister Majella, Ken writes:

‘What is it, I often ask, unites
County Fermanagh and Ogoni?
Ah well it must be the agony,
The hunger for justice and peace.’

The poem ends with the words ‘your Ogoni, my Fermanagh’."

This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (December 2014)

The activism in Shell to Sea correlations to the model of MOSOP.

Nigerian visitors at Rossport Solidarity Camp
Shell to Sea Mural in Glenamoy
Barnacullew pier, North Erris

January 4th Ogoni Day

References

"Ogoni". unpo.org. Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. March 25, 2008. Retrieved December 13, 2014.
"Ogoni: Oral Intervention on the Human Rights Situation of States and Territories threatened with Ex". unpo.org. Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. Retrieved December 19, 2014.
"About Us - Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP)". Retrieved 2009-05-27.
^ "Ogoni Bill of Rights" (PDF). ogoniyouthnetwork.org. Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People. Retrieved December 13, 2014.
[[s:Trial Speech of Ken Saro-Wiwa|Trial Speech of Ken Saro-Wiwa]]. November 10, 1995. Retrieved 19 December 2014 – via Wikisource. {{citation}}: URL–wikilink conflict (help)
Nixon, Rob (January 1996). "Pipe Dreams: Ken Saro-Wiwa, Environmental Justice, and Micro-Minority Rights" (PDF). english.widc.edu. University of Wisconsin-Madison. Retrieved 19 December 2014.
^ Manby, Bronwen (January 1999). "The Price of Oil". Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 16 December 2014. Cite error: The named reference "HRW Reports" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
"Nigerian Economy". Embassy of Nigeria, Stockholm Sweden. Retrieved 19 December 2014.
"Oil refineries emit smoke not flowers". Friends of the Earth. 8 May 2007. Retrieved 19 December 2014.
Rwomire, Apollo (2001). Social problems in Africa: new visions. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 83–85. ISBN 978-0-275-96343-9.
Badom, P. (No Date). "A Protest Presented to Representatives of the Shell-BP Dev.Co of Nig. Ltd. by the Dere Youths Association. Against the Company's Lack of Interest in the Sufferings of Dere People which Sufferings are Caused as a Result of the Company's Operations". {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help); Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
^ Andrew Rowell; Stephen Kretzmann; Lowenstein Nigeria Project, Yale Law School (November 1, 1996). "ALL FOR SHELL:The Ogoni Struggle - A Project Underground Report". ratical.org. Archived from the original on March 4, 1997. Retrieved 21 December 2014.
Okafor, Obiora Chinedu (2006). Legitimizing human rights NGOs: lessons from Nigeria. Africa World Press. pp. 39–41. ISBN 978-1-59221-286-6.
^ "Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People". nigerdeltaaffairs.org. Retrieved 20 December 2014.
Videotape, press conference, Port Harcourt, Nigerian Television Authority, May 22, 1994.
Ayodele, Thompson (July 28, 2008). "Nigeria: Deriving Benefits From Oil Revenue". allafrica.com.
"UA 238/93 - Nigeria: health concern / legal concern: Ken Saro-Wiwa, N G Dube, Kobari Nwile". Amensty International. Retrieved 2014-12-17.
"Hopes on the Horizon_Africa in the 1990s_Nigeria". PBS. Retrieved 2014-12-14.
"Nigeria suspended from Commonwealth". CNN. Retrieved 2010-05-13.
"Nigeria suspended from Commonwealth". CNN. Retrieved 2014-12-14.
Rowell, Andy; Lubbers, Eveline (December 5, 2010). "Ken Saro-Wiwa was framed, secret evidence shows". independent.co.uk. Retrieved 20 December 2014.
Chinwo, Ernest (January 12, 1998). "PRESS RELEASE JANUARY 12th 1998 MOSOP CALLS FOR URGENT ACTION". africafocus.org. Retrieved 20 December 2014.
Chinwo, Ernest (November 11, 2014). "Nigeria: Clear Ken Saro-Wiwa, Others of Murder, MOSOP Urges Govt". allafrica.com. Retrieved 16 December 2014.
Saro-Wiwa, Ken (October 25, 2013). Corley, Ide; Fallon, Helen; Cox, Laurence (eds.). Silence Would be Treason: Last Writings of Ken Saro-Wiwa. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform. ISBN 9781493590223.
Shoraka, Sarah (June 2014). "Silence Would Be Treason". redpepper.org.uk. Red Pepper. Retrieved December 14, 2014.

External links

v t e Members of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization
Africa	Afrikaners Barotseland Bellah people Biafra Haratin Kabylia Ogaden Ogoni Oromo Rehoboth Basters Somaliland Western Togoland Yoruba Zambesia
Asia	Aceh Assyria Balochistan Chittagong Hill Tracts East Turkestan Gilgit Baltistan Hmong Iranian Kurdistan Khmer Krom Khuzestani Madhesh Nagalim Southern Azerbaijan South Moluccas Southern Mongolia Sindh Sulu Taiwan Tibet West Balochistan
Europe	Abkhazia Brittany Catalonia Crimean Tatars Lezghin Savoy
North America	District of Columbia (Washington, D.C.)
Oceania	Guam West Papuans

Categories:

Misplaced Pages