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Revision as of 01:08, 14 August 2006 by FunkyFly (talk | contribs) (Jane -> Yane)(diff) ← Previous revision | Latest revision (diff) | Newer revision → (diff) This article is about the region spanning several countries in southeastern Europe. For other uses of the term, see Macedonia and Macedonia (terminology).Template:Geographical Macedonia Macedonia is a geographical and historical region of the Balkan peninsula in southeastern Europe whose area was re-defined in the early 20th century. It covers approximately 67,000 square kilometers and a population of 4.76 million. There is no official recognition of these arbitrary delimitation, especially since they include territories of Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania that are not called "Macedonia". This arbitrary territory corresponds to the basins of (from west to east) the Aliákmon, Vardar/Axios and Struma/Strymon rivers (of which the Axios/Vardar drains by far the largest area) and the plains around Thessaloniki and Serres.
According to geographer H.R. Wilkinson, "it defies definition". Its current 'geographical' limits are nonhomogeneous - either ethnically or geographically - and they were established only in 1899, by the Greek cartographer C. Nicolaides for political purposes. His map took hold a few years later (Wilkinson 1951:120). The map area was adopted by Bulgarian geographers V. Kancev, in 1900 and D.M.Brancoff in 1905. (Wilkinson 1951:130,136). The perception of the 'division' of a single area emerged as a historical hindsight.
Etymology of the name of Macedonia
According to ancient Greek mythology, Macedon - ancient Greek Template:Polytonic Makedōn, poetic Template:Polytonic Makēdōn - was the name of the first phylarch (tribal chief) of the Template:Polytonic Makedónes, the part of the Template:Polytonic Makednoí tribe which initially settled western, southern and central Macedonia and founded the kingdom of Macedon. According to Herodotus (Histories 8.47), the Makednoí were in turn a tribe of the Dorians. All these names are probably derived from the Doric adjective Template:Polytonic makednós (Attic Template:Polytonic mēkedanós), meaning "tall". This in turn is derived from the Doric noun Template:Polytonic mākos (Attic and modern Greek Template:Polytonic mákros and Template:Polytonic mēkos), meaning "length". Both the Macedonians (Makedónes) and their Makednoí tribal ancestors were regarded as tall people, and they are likely to have received their name on account of their height. See also List of traditional Greek place names.
Homer uses the genitive Template:Polytonic, makednēs, to describe a tall poplar tree:
- Template:Polytonic
- Template:Polytonic
- "and others weave webs, or, as they sit, twirl the yarn,
- like unto the leaves of a tall poplar tree"
- (of the female slaves of the Phaeacians, Od. 7.105f.)
It has been suggested that the name Makedónes may mean "highlanders", from a hypothetical (i.e. unattested) Macedonian bahuvrihi *Template:Polytonic *maki-kedónes "of the high earth", with the first constituent Template:Polytonic maki-, allegedly meaning "high", and an unattested second part Template:Polytonic -kedōn, being cognate to Attic Template:Polytonic khthōn, "earth". However the word Template:Polytonic has only been used to describe tall physical stature in humans, and only in two instances has it been used to mean "height" of inanimate objects: the aforementioned Homeric tall poplar tree and the imaginary wall built around the city of the Birds (in the comedy by the same name by Aristophanes). Furthermore, if the word Makikedōn actually ever existed, it should be paroxytone (Μακικέδων, as in αυτόχθων, etc), not oxytone.
Boundaries and definitions
The name of Macedonia has not been always used with regard to the region as defined today. In its beginnings, the ancient state of Macedon encompassed only a part of this region, approximately equal to the present-day Greek Macedonia.
The majority of the Roman province of Macedonia consisted what is today Northern Greece, but also included present-day geographical region of Macedonia and Albania. It covered a much larger area than Macedon.
In the Byzantine empire and for the next 1,700 years, there was no Macedonian region. There was a number of different themas (provinces). A thema under the name of Macedonia was, however, carved out of the original Thema of Thrace well to the east of the Struma River during the Middle Ages. This thema variously included parts of Eastern Rumelia and western Thrace within its shifting boundaries and gave its name to the Macedonian dynasty, whose founder, Emperor Basil I, was probably of Armenian descent and born near Adrianople. Hence, Byzantine documents of this era mentioning Macedonia and Macedonians actually refer to the thema by that name. The region of Macedonia (ruled by the First Bulgarian Empire throughout the 9th and the 10th century) was, on the other hand, incorporated into the Byzantine Empire in 1018 as the Thema of Bulgaria.
With the gradual conquest of southeastern Europe by the Ottomans in the late 14th century and its incorporation into the Ottoman Rumili Province, the name of Macedonia disappeared for good as an administrative designation for several centuries and was rarely displayed on maps. The name was again revived to mean a distinct geographical region with roughly the same borders as today by European cartographers in the 20th century. With the conquest of the region by the Ottomans in the late 14th century and its incorporation into the Ottoman Rumili Province, the name of Macedonia disappeared as an administrative designation for several centuries and was rarely displayed on maps. The name was again revived to mean a distinct geographical region with roughly the same borders as today by European cartographers in the 19th century.
Demographics
- Main articles: Demographic history of Macedonia
As a frontier region where several very different cultures meet, Macedonia has an extremely diverse demographic profile.
Greeks (Macedonians) form the majority of the region's population, living almost entirely in Greek Macedonia (Aegean Macedonia), although there are also Greek minorities in Albania, Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia. In Albania, Greeks number 58,785 according to the 1989 census, and in the Blagoevgrad Province (Pirin Macedonia) in Bulgaria, 86 people declared themselves Greeks in the 2001 census (out of a total of 3,408 in all Bulgaria) and the number of Greeks in the Republic of Macedonia is 442 according to the 2002 census.
Ethnic Macedonians (also known as Macedonian Slavs) are the second largest ethnic group in the region. They are primarily of Slavic origin forming the majority of the population in the Republic of Macedonia. According to the 2002 census, approximately 1,300 000 people declared themselves as Macedonians. According to the latest Bulgarian census held in 2001, there are 3,117 people declaring as ethnic Macedonians in the Blagoevgrad Province of Bulgaria (Pirin Macedonia). The official total number of ethnic Macedonians in Bulgaria is 5,071. The number of ethnic Macedonians or Slavic speakers (without both terms been equivalent) in Greek Macedonia (Aegean Macedonia) is uncertain, as Greek censi have not posed the question mother tongue in Macedonia since the 1951 census which recorded 41,017 Slavophones mostly in the Periphery of Western Macedonia. The linguistic classification of the Slavic dialects spoken by these people can be either Bulgarian to Macedonian Slavic depending on dialect, although the people themselves call their language Slavic. Most of these people declare themselves as Greeks (Slavophone Greeks), although there are small groups espousing ethnic Macedonian and Bulgarian national identities. A political party promoting the concept and rights of what they describe as the "Macedonian minority in Greece" - the Rainbow (Ουράνιο Τόξο) - was founded in September 1998, and received 2,955 votes in Macedonia in the 2004 elections. Similarly, a pro-Bulgarian political party, known as Bulgarian Human Rights in Macedonia (Βουλγαρικά Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα στη Μακεδονία) was established in June 2000, promoting the concept and rights of what they describe as the "Bulgarian minority in Greece", although they have yet to participate in elections. In the 1989 Albanian census approximately 5,000 Albanian citizens declared themselves Macedonians.
The identity of the Macedonians is a disputed question in the region; most Greeks oppose their use of the term "Macedonians" and some Bulgarians and Greeks consider them a subset of another people - usually the Bulgarians. This issue is discussed further in the article on the Macedonians (ethnic group).
The other two major ethnic groups in the region are the Bulgarians and the Albanians. Bulgarians represent the bulk of the population of Pirin Macedonia (Blagoevgrad Province), although there are Bulgarian-identifying groups in Albania, Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. Albania and Greece each have both a Bulgarian and an ethnic Macedonian organization, and in the 1,487 people claimed a Bulgarian ethnic identity, in the 2002 census.
Ethnic Albanians make up the majority in certain northern and western parts of the Republic of Macedonia, and account for 25.2% of the total population of the Republic of Macedonia, according to the last census held in 2002.
Smaller numbers of Turks, Bosniaks, Roma, Serbs, Vlachs (Aromanians and Megleno-Romanians), Armenians and Jews (Sephardim and Romaniotes) are also be found in Macedonia.
Most of the inhabitants of the regions are Christians of the Eastern Orthodox rite (principally the Bulgarian Orthodox, the Greek Orthodox and the Serbian Orthodox Churches, as well as the unrecognized Macedonian Orthodox Church). There is, however, a substantial Muslim minority - principally among the Albanians, Pomaks (Muslim Bulgarians), Macedonian Muslims or Torbeshi, Bosniaks, and Turks.
History
Ancient Macedonia (500 BC to 146 BC)
- Main article: Macedon.
Macedonia is known to have been inhabited since Neolithic times. Its recorded history began with the emergence of the ancient kingdom of Macedon in what is now the Greek part of Macedonia and the neighboring Bitola district in the south of the present-day Republic of Macedonia. By 500 BC, the early Macedonian kingdom had become subject to the Persian Empire but played no significant part in the wars between the Persians and the Greeks.
King Alexander I of Macedon (died 450 BC) was the first Macedonian king to play a significant role in Greek politics, promoting the adoption of the Attic dialect and culture. The Hellenic character of Macedon grew over the next century until, under the rule of Philip II of Macedon, Macedon extended its power in the 4th century BC over the rest of northern Greece. Philip's son Alexander the Great created an even bigger empire, not only conquering the rest of Greece but also seizing control of the Persian Empire, Egypt and lands as far east as the fringes of India.
Much of the impetus towards the creation of this common identity was provided by Alexander the Great. Alexander's conquests produced a lasting extension of Greek culture and thought across the ancient Near East, but his empire broke up on his death. His generals divided the empire between them, founding their own states and dynasties - notably Antigonus I, Antipater, Lysimachus, Perdiccas, Ptolemy I, and Seleucus I. Macedon itself was taken by Cassander, who ruled it until his death in 297 BC. Antigonus II took control in 277 BC following a period of civil strife. During his long reign, which lasted until 239 BC, he successfully restored Macedonian prosperity despite losing many of the subjugated Greek city-states. His successor Antigonus III (reigned 229 BC-221 BC) re-established Macedonian power across the region.
Macedon sovereignty was brought to an end at the hands of the rising power of Rome in the 2nd century BC. Philip V of Macedon took his kingdom to war against the Romans in two wars during his reign (221 BC-179 BC). The First Macedonian War (215 BC-205 BC) was fairly successful for the Macedonians but Philip was decisively defeated in the Second Macedonian War in (200 BC-197 BC). Although he survived war with Rome, his successor Perseus of Macedon (reigned 179 BC-168 BC) did not; having taken Macedon into the Third Macedonian War in (171 BC-168 BC), he lost his kingdom when he was defeated. Macedonia was initially divided into four republics subject to Rome before finally being annexed in 146 BC as a Roman province.
Medieval Macedonia
With the division of the Roman Empire into west and east in 298 AD, Macedonia came under the rule of Rome's Byzantine successors. The city of Thessaloniki became an important trade and cultural centre. Despite the empire's power, from the beginning of the 6th century the Byzantine dominions were subject to frequent massive movements and attacks on the part of the trans-Danubian Slavs. In the beginning of the 7th century at the time when domestic troubles weakened the defenses at the northern frontier of the Byzantine state, they made their settlement between the Danube and the Aimos range. From then onwards, Slavic invasions were carried on intermittently and Slavic penetrations of the northern parts of the Balkan Peninsula continued either in the form of war-like invasions. In 598 the Slavic tribes besieged Thessaloniki and settled its hinterlands in great numbers. Unlike the settlers of Bythinia and Thrace, those Slavs could only be removed by force. Whereas the Byzantine state's prevailing Greek culture flourished in Thessaloniki and the Aegean Sea littoral, various parts of Macedonia were settled from around 600 AD by Slavs. The bulk of the Slavs settled in the north of the region but substantial Slavic populations also settled in rural places of what is now the northern part of Greek Macedonia. The population of the entire region was, however, severely depleted by destructive invasions of Visigoths, Huns, and Vandals.
The Slavic settlements were referred to by Byzantine Greek historians as "Sklavines". Although the Sklavines participated in several assaults against the Byzantine Empire - alone or aided by Bulgars or Avars. In the early 7th century Justinian II organized a massive expeditions against the Sklaviniai of the Greek peninsula, in which he reportedly captured over 110,000 Slavs and transferred them to Cappadocia. By the time of Constans II (who also organized campaigns against the Slavs), the vast majority of the Slavs of Macedonia were captured and transferred to central Asia Minor where they were forced to recognize the authority of the Byzantine emperor and serve in its ranks. Slavic influence in the region re-emerged along with the rise of the Bulgarian Kingdom, which did as much as to temporarily incorporate parts of the region to its domain in 837 AD. There are no Byzantine records of "Sklavines" after 836/837 as the surviving Slavs of northern Macedonia were assimilated into the Bulgarian Kingdom.
At the end of the 10th century what is now Vardar Macedonia (Republic of Macedonia) was turned into the political and cultural center of the First Bulgarian Empire as Byzantine emperor Basil II conquered the eastern part of the country, including the capital of Preslav, in 972. A new capital was established at Ohrid, which also became the seat of the Bulgarian Patriarchate. After several decades of almost incessant war, Bulgaria fell under Byzantine rule in 1018. The whole of Macedonia was incorporated into the Byzantine Empire as the province of Bulgaria and the Bulgarian Patriarchate was reduced in rank to an archbishopric.
In the 13th and 14th century Byzantine control was punctuated by periods of Frankish, Bulgarian and Serbian rule in the north. Conquered by the Ottoman army in the first half of the 15th century, Macedonia remained a part of the Ottoman Empire for nearly 500 years, during which it gained a substantial Turkish minority. (Thessaloniki later becomes the home of a large Jewish population following Spain's expulsions of Jews after 1492.)
Ottoman period
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The Ottomans, in their struggle to capture Constantinople included many Slavs in their army, who after the fall of the Empire settled places in the Greek mainland. In spite of belonging to the same race these populations never felt a common national feeling and most of them were absorbed by the Greek nation. The Slavs of the Ottoman Macedonia were members of the Orthodox millet according to the Ottoman administration system that was recognizing religious and not national identities and they were equalized politically with the Bulgarians, Serbians or Greeks.
Emergence of a Macedonian region
After the revival of Greek, Serbian, and Bulgarian statehood in the 19th century, The Ottoman lands in Europe that became identified as Macedonia, were contested by all three governments, leading to the creation in the 1890s and 1900s of rival armed groups who divided their efforts between fighting the Turks and one another.
The most important of these was the Bulgarian-sponsored Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Committee (BMARC, SMARO from 1902) (an alternative version says that it consisted of the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (MRO, TMORO from 1902)), under Goce Delchev who in 1903 rebelled in the so-called Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising, fighting for an autonomous or independent Macedonian state (before 1902 only Bulgarians could join, but afterwards, it invited anyone who feels Macedonian, whether Greek, Slav or Jew to join together), and the Greek efforts from 1904 until 1908 (Greek Struggle for Macedonia). Diplomatic intervention by the European powers led to plans for an autonomous Macedonia under Ottoman rule. Due to the area's mixed population of, mainly, Bulgarians, Greeks, Turks and indeterminate mixtures of Christians and Muslims, as well as Albanians and Serbs, it gave birth to a mixed salad dish called 'Macedoine' or 'Macedonian salad'.
The birth of nationalism and of the Macedonian identity
Over the centuries Macedonia had become a multicultural region. The historical references mention Greeks, Bulgarians, Turks, Albanian, Gypsies, Jews and Vlachs. Eventually, in the 20th century, 'Bulgarians' came to be understood as synonymous with 'Macedonian Slavs' and, eventually, 'ethnic Macedonians'. The restricted borders of the modern Greek state at its inception in 1830 disappointed the inhabitants of northern Greece (Epirus and Macedonia). Addressing these concerns in 1844, the Greek Prime Minister Kolettis addressed the constitutional assembly in Athens that "the kingdom of Greece is not Greece; it is only a part, the smallest and poorest, of Greece. The Greek is not only he who inhabits the kingdom, but also he who lives in Ioannina (Epirus), or Thessaloniki (Macedonia), or Serres (Macedonia), or Andrianople (Thrace)" . He mentions cities and islands that were under Ottoman possession as composing the 'Great Idea' (Μεγάλη Ιδέα) which dreamt of a reconstructed classical Greek world or Byzantine state. The important idea here is that for Greece, Macedonia was a region with large Greek populations expecting annexation to the new Greek state. At this time, the region which today is the Republic of Macedonia was known as the "fief of Skopje" .
The Congress of Berlin (1878) changed the Balkan map again. The treaty restored Macedonia and Thrace to the Ottoman Empire. Serbia, Romania and Montenegro were granted full independence, and some territorial expansion at the expense of the Ottoman Empire. Russia would maintain military advisors in Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia until May 1879. Austria-Hungary was permitted to occupy Bosnia, Herzegovina and the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. The Congress of Berlin also forced Bulgaria, newly given autonomy by the 1878 Treaty of San Stefano, to cede territory to the Ottoman Empire. The territorial losses dissatisfied Bulgaria whose ambition it was to review the treaty. Besides, Serbia was now interested in Macedonian lands, as was Greece, which after the addition of Thessaly to Greece in (1881) was bordering Macedonia. Thus, the Berlin Congress renewed the struggle for Macedonia rather than setting up a permanent regime. In the following years, all of the neighboring states struggled over Macedonia, and were only kept at bay by the Ottoman Army and the involvement of the Great Powers in the region.
Serbian policy had a distinct anti-Bulgarian flavor, attempting to prevent the Bulgarian Exarchate (established in 1870) influencing the inhabitants of Macedonia. On the other hand, Bulgaria was using the power of its religious institutions to promote its language and make more people identify with Bulgaria. Bramos argues that behind Bulgarian foreign policy was Russia, which wanted to acquire an exit to Aegean Sea, and that a serious obstacle to this was the Greek influence in Macedonia . Greece, in addition, was in an advantageous position for protecting its interests through the influence of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, responsible for educational issues. Sponsoring Greek-language schools, however, put the Patriarchate in dispute with the Exarchate, the protector of Bulgarian interests. Indeed, belonging to one or another institution could define a person's national identity. Simply, if a person supported the Patriarchate they were regarded as Greek, whereas if they supported the Exarchate they were regarded as Bulgarian.
The aim of the adversaries, however, was not primarily to extend their influence over Macedonia but merely to prevent Macedonia succumbing to the influence of the other. This often violent attempt to persuade the people that they belonged to one ethnic group or another pushed some people to reject both. The severe pressure on the peaceful peasants of Macedonia worked against the plans of the Serbians and Bulgarians to make them adopt their ethnic idea and eventually a social divide became apparent. The British Ambassador in Belgrade in 1927 said: "At present the unfortunate Macedonian peasant is between the hammer and the anvil. One day 'comitadjis' come to his house and demand under threat lodging, food and money and the next day the gendarm hales him off to prison for having given them; the Macedonian is really a peaceable, fairly industrious agriculturist and if the (Serbian) government give him adequate protection, education, freedom from malaria and decent communications, there seems no reason why he should not become just as Serbian in sentiment as he was Bulgarian 10 years ago". As a result of this game of tug-of-war, the Slavs of Macedonia did not have any national identity. Moreover, when the imperialistic plans of the surrounding states made possible the division of Macedonia, some Macedonian intellectuals such as Misirkov mentioned the necessity of creating a Macedonian national identity which would distinguish the Macedonian Slavs from Bulgarians, Serbians or Greeks.
Baptizing Macedonian Slavs as Serbian or Bulgarian aimed therefore to justify these countries' territorial claims over Macedonia. The Greek side, with the assistance of the Patriarchate that was responsible for the schools, could more easily maintain control, because they were spreading Greek identity. For the very same reason the Bulgarians, when preparing the Exarchate's government (1871) included Macedonians in the assembly as "brothers" to prevent any ethnic diversification. On the other hand, the Serbs, unable to establish Serbian-speaking schools, used propaganda. Their main concern was to prevent the Slavic-speaking Macedonians from acquiring Bulgarian identity through concentrating on the myth of the ancient origins of the Macedonians and simultaneously by the classification of Bulgarians as Tatars and not as Slavs, emphasizing their 'Macedonian' characteristics as an intermediate stage between Serbs and Bulgarians. To sum up the Serbian propaganda attempted to inspire the Macedonians with a separate ethnic identity to diminish the Bulgarian influence. This choice was the 'Macedonian ethnicity'. The Bulgarians never accepted an ethnic diversity from the Slav Macedonians, giving geographic meaning to the term. In 1893 they established the VMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) aiming to confront the Serbian and Greek action in Macedonia. VMRO hoped to answer the Macedonian question through a revolutionary movement, and so they instigated the Ilinden Uprising (1903) to release some Ottoman territory. Bulgaria used this to internationalize the Macedonian question. Ilinden changed Greece's stance which decided to take Para-military action. In order to protect the Greek Macedonians and Greek interests, Greece sent officers to train guerrillas and organize militias (Macedonian Struggle), known as makedonomahi (Macedonian fighters), essentially to fight the Bulgarians. After that it was obvious that the Macedonian question could be answered only with a war.
The rise of the Albanian and the Turkish nationalism after 1908, however, prompted Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria to bury their differences with regard to Macedonia and to form a joint coalition against the Ottoman Empire in 1912. Disregarding public opinion in Bulgaria, which was in support of the establishment of an autonomous Macedonian province under a Christian governor, the Bulgarian government entered a pre-war treaty with Serbia which divided the region into two parts. The part of Macedonia west and north of the line of partition was contested by both Serbia and Bulgaria and was subject to the arbitration of the Russian Tsar after the war. Serbia formally renounced any claims to the part of Macedonia south and east of the line, which was declared to be within the Bulgarian sphere of interest. The pre-treaty between Greece and Bulgaria, however, did not include any agreement on the division of the conquered territories - evidently both countries hoped to occupy as much territory as possible having their sights primarily set on Thessaloniki.
In the First Balkan War, Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece and Montenegro occupied almost all Ottoman-held territories in Europe. Bulgaria bore the brunt of the war fighting on the Thracian front against the main Ottoman forces. Both her war expenditures and casualties in the First Balkan War were higher than those of Serbia, Greece and Montenegro combined. Macedonia itself was occupied by Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian forces. The Ottoman Empire in the Treaty of London in May 1913 assigned the whole of Macedonia to the Balkan League, without, specifying the division of the region, in order to promote problems between the allies. Dissatisfied with the creation of an autonomous Albanian state, which denied her access to the Adriatic, Serbia asked for the suspension of the pre-war division treaty and demanded from Bulgaria greater territorial concessions in Macedonia. Later in May the same year, Greece and Serbia signed a secret treaty in Thessaloniki stipulating the division of Macedonia according to the existing lines of control. Both Serbia and Greece, as well as Bulgaria, started to prepare for a final war of partition.
In June 1913, Bulgarian Tsar Ferdinand, without consulting the government, and without any declaration of war, ordered Bulgarian troops to attack the Greek and Serbian troops in Macedonia, initiating the Second Balkan War. The Bulgarian army was in full retreat in all fronts. The Serbian army chose to stop its operations when achieved all its territorial goals and only then the Bulgarian army took a breath. During the last 2 days the Bulgarians managed to achieve a defensive victory against the advancing Greek army in the Kresna Gorge. However at the same time the Romanian army crossed the undefended northern border and easily advanced towards Sofia. Romania interfered in the war, in order to satisfy its territorial claims against Bulgaria. The Ottoman Empire also interfered, easily reassuming control of Eastern Thrace with Edirne. The Second Balkan War, also known as Inter-Ally War, left Bulgaria only with the Struma valley and a small part of Thrace with minor ports at the Aegean sea. Vardar Macedonia was incorporated into Serbia and thereafter referred to as South Serbia. Southern (Aegean) Macedonia was incorporated into Greece and thereafter was referred to as northern Greece. The region suffered heavily during the Second Balkan War. During its advance at the end of June, the Greek army set fire to the Bulgarian quarter of the town of Kilkis and over 160 villages around Kilkis and Serres driving some 50,000 refugees into Bulgaria proper. The Bulgarian army retaliated by burning the Greek quarter of Serres and by arming Muslims from the region of Drama which led to a massacre of Greek civilians.
In September of 1915, the Greek government authorized the landing of the troops in Thessaloniki. In 1916 the pro-German King of Greece agreed with the Germans to allow military forces of the Central Powers to enter Greek Macedonia in order to attack Bulgarian forces in Thessaloniki. As a result, Bulgarian troops occupied the eastern part of Greek Macedonia, including the port of Kavala. The region was, however, restored to Greece following the victory of the Allies in 1918. After the destruction of the Greek Army in Asia Minor in 1922 Greece and Turkey exchanged most of Macedonia's Turkish minority and the Greek inhabitants of Thrace and Anatolia, as a result of which Aegean Macedonia experienced a large addition to its population and became overwhelmingly Greek in ethnic composition. Serbian-ruled Macedonia was incorporated into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) in 1918. Yugoslav Macedonia was subsequently subjected to an intense process of "serbianization" during the 1920s and 1930s.
During World War II the boundaries of the region shifted yet again. When the German forces occupied the area, most of Yugoslav Macedonia and part of Aegean Macedonia were transferred for administration to Bulgaria. During the Bulgarian administration of Eastern Greek Macedonia, some 100,000 Bulgarian refugees from the region were resettled there and perhaps as many Greeks were deported or fled to Greece. Western Aegean Macedonia was occupied by Italy, with the western parts of Yugoslav Macedonia being annexed to Italian-occupied Albania. The remainder of Greek Macedonia (including all of the coast) was occupied by Nazi Germany. One of the worst episodes of the Holocaust happened here when 60,000 Jews from Thessaloniki were deported to extermination camps in occupied Poland. Only a few thousand survived.
Macedonia was liberated in 1944, when the Red Army's advance in the Balkan Peninsula forced the German forces to retreat. The pre-war borders were restored under U.S. and British pressure because the Bulgarian government was insisting to keep its military units on Greek soil. The Bulgarian Macedonia returned fairly rapidly to normality, but the Bulgarian patriots in Yugoslav Macedonia underwent a process of ethnic cleansing by the Belgrade authorities, and Greek Macedonia was ravaged by the Greek Civil War, which broke out in December 1944 and did not end until October 1949.
After this civil war, a large number of former ELAS fighters who took refuge in communist Bulgaria and Yugoslavia and described themselves as "ethnic Bulgarian/Macedonian" were prohibited from reestablishing to their former estates by the Greek authorities. Most of them were accused in Greece for crimes committed during the period of the German occupation.
Macedonia in Balkan Wars, World War I and II
The Balkan Wars
The decline of the Ottoman Empire and its imminent collapse was what the Balkan states had been waiting to inherit its European territory. The Young Turk Revolution (1908) proved a nationalistic movement thwarting the peoples' expectations of the empire's modernization and sped up the end of the Ottoman occupation of Balkans. To this direction was oriented the alliance between the Balkan states in the spring 1913. Precisely the First Balkan War, which lasted six weeks, commenced on 8/10/1912 when Montenegro declared war on the Ottoman Empire whose forces finally fought four different wars in Thrace, Macedonia, Northern and Southern Albania and Kosovo. The Macedonian campaign, which is the main concern of this chapter, was fought in atrocious conditions. The retreat of the Ottoman army from Macedonia succeeded the desperate effort of the Greek and Bulgarian forces to reach the city of Thessalonica, the "single prize of the first Balkan War" for whose status no prior agreements were done. In this case possession would be equal to acquisition. The Greek forces entered the city first liberating officially , a progress only positive for them. Glenny says: "for the Greeks it was a good war" .
The first Balkan War managed to liberate Balkans from Turks and settled the major issues except Macedonia. In the spring 1913 the Serbs and Greeks begun the 'Serbianization' and the 'Hellenization' of the parts in Macedonia they already controlled, while Bulgarians faced some difficulties against the Jews and the Turkish populations. Moreover, the possession of Thessalonica was a living dream for the Bulgarians that were preparing for a new war. For this, the Bulgarian troops had a secret order to launch surprise attacks on the Serbs. Greece and Serbia acknowledging the Bulgarian plans signed a bilateral defensive agreement (May 1913) . Consequently, Greece and Serbia decided to attack Bulgaria in its moment of maximum weakness, exhausted by its sacrifice the previous winter. Besides, they had to fight also the Romanians who were claim Bulgarian lands .
The treaty of Bucharest (August 1913) took off most of the Bulgarian conquests of the previous years. Large part of Macedonia became Southern Serbia, including the territory of what today is the Republic of Macedonia and Aegean Macedonia became Northern Greece. Greece almost doubled its territory and population size and its northern frontiers remain today, more or less the same since the Balkan Wars. However, when Serbia acquired 'Vardarska Banovina' (the region of Vardar Macedonia; the present-day Republic of Macedonia), it launched having expansionist views aiming to descend to the Aegean, with Thessalonica as he highest ambition. However, Greece after the population exchange with Bulgaria, soon after its victory in the Balkan wars, managed to give national homogeneity in the Aegean and any remaining Slavic-speakers were absorbed .
World War I
After World War I the status quo of Macedonia remained the same. The establishment of the 'Kingdom of Serbians, Croats and Slovenes' in 1918, which in 1929 was renamed 'Yugoslavia' (South Slavia) predicted no special regime for Skopje neither recognized any Macedonian national identity. In fact, the claims to Macedonian identity remained silent at a propaganda level because, eventually, north Macedonia had been a Serbian conquest.
The situation in Serbian Macedonia changed after the Revolution in Russia (1918-1919). According to Sfetas, Comintern was handling Macedonia as a matter of tactics, depending on the political circumstances. In early 1920s supported the position for a single and independent Macedonia in a Balkan Soviet Democracy. In actual fact, the Soviets wished a common frontier of the Bulgarian communist agriculturists and the Bulgarian-Macedonian societies in order to destabilize the Balkan Peninsula. IMRO, under the protection of Comintern, promoted the idea of an independent Macedonia in a Federation of Balkan states, unifying all Macedonians. However, the possible participation of Bulgaria in a new war, on the Axis side, ended the Soviet support some years later.
World War II and beyond
During the German occupation of Greece (1941-1944) the Greek Communist Party-KKE was the main resistance factor with its military branch EAM-ELAS (National Liberating Frontier). Although many members of EAM were Slavic-speaking, they had either Bulgarian, Greek or distinct Macedonian conscience. To take advantage of the situation KKE established SNOF (Macedonian Liberating Frontier-1943) with the cooperation of the Yugoslav leader Tito, who was ambitious enough to make plans for the Greek Macedonia. For this he established the Anti-Fascistic Assembly for the National Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM) giving an actual liberating character to the whole region of Macedonia. Besides, KKE was very positive to the option of a greater Macedonia including the Greek region, since it realized that a victory in the Greek Civil War was utopic. Later EAM and SNOF disagreed in issues of policy and they finally crashed and the former was expelled from Greece (1944) .
Yugoslav Macedonia was the only region that Tito had not developed a Partisan movement because of the Bulgarian occupation of a large part of Macedonian area. To the improvement of the situation, in 1943 was established the Communist Party of 'Macedonia' in Tetovo with the prospect that it would support the resistance against Axon. In the meanwhile the Bulgarians proved violent losing moral support from the civilians. In the end of the war "a Macedonia national consciousness hardly existed beyond a general conviction, gained from bitter experience, that rule from Sofia was as unpalatable as that from Belgrade. Bur if there were no Macedonian nation there was a Communist Party of Macedonia around which the People's Republic of Macedonia was built" . In August 1944 Tito established People's Republic of Macedonia. Firstly, he limited the Serbian territory and secondly he implied with his political decision that only Macedonia of Vardar was liberated , whilst the Aegean and Pirin were still under foreign occupation .
The end of the War did not bring peace to Greece and a strenuous civil war between the Government forces and EAM broke out with about 50,000 casualties for both sides. The defeat of the Communists (1949) forced its Slav-speaking members to leave Greece followed by the last non Greek-speaking inhabitants . Since 1923 the only internationally recognized minority in Greece are the Muslims in West Thrace
The Yugoslav communist leader Josip Broz Tito separated Yugoslav Macedonia from Serbia after the war. It became a republic of the new federal Yugoslavia (as the Socialist Republic of Macedonia) in 1946, with its capital at Skopje. Tito also promoted the concept of a separate Macedonian nation, as a means of severing the ties of the Slav population of Yugoslav Macedonia with Bulgaria. Although the Macedonian language is very close to Bulgarian, the differences were deliberately emphasized and the region's historical figures were promoted as being uniquely Macedonian (rather than Serbian or Bulgarian). A separate Macedonian Orthodox Church was established, splitting off from the Serbian Orthodox Church,but it has not been recognized by any other Orthodox Church, including the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Communist Party sought to deter pro-Bulgarian sentiment, which was punished severely; convictions were still being handed down as late as 1991.
Tito had a number of reasons for doing this. First, as an ethnic Croat, he wanted to reduce Serbia's dominance in Yugoslavia; establishing a territory formerly considered Serbian as an equal to Serbia within Yugoslavia achieved this effect. Secondly, he wanted to sever the ties of the Macedonian Slav population with Bulgaria as recognition of that population as Bulgarian would have undermined the unity of the Yugoslav federation. Third of all, Tito sought to justify future Yugoslav claims towards the rest of Macedonia (Pirin and Aegean), in the name of the "liberation" of the region. The potential "Macedonian" state would remain as a constituent republic within Yugoslavia, and so Yugoslavia would manage to get access to the Aegean Sea.
Tito's designs on Macedonia were asserted as early as August, 1944, when in a proclamation he claimed that his goal was to reunify "all parts of Macedonia, divided in 1912 and 1913 by Balkan imperialists". To this end, he opened negotiations with Bulgaria for a new federal state, which would also probably have included Albania, and supported the Greek Communists in the Greek Civil War. The idea of reunification of all of Macedonia under Communist rule was abandoned as late as 1949 when the Greek Communists lost and Tito fell out with the Soviet Union and pro-Soviet Bulgaria.
Across the border in Greece, Slavophones were seen as a potentially disloyal "fifth column" within the Greek state by both the US and Greece, and its existence was officially denied. Greeks were resettled in the region many of whom emigrated (especially to Australia) along with many Greek-speaking natives, because of the hard economic conditions after the Second World War and the Greek Civil War. Although there was some liberalization between 1959 and 1967, the Greek military dictatorship re-imposed harsh restrictions. The situation gradually eased after Greece's return to democracy, although even as recently as the 1990s Greece has been criticised by international human rights activists for "harassing" Macedonian Slav political activists, who, nonetheless, are free to maintain their own political party (Rainbow). Elsewhere in Greek Macedonia, economic development after the war was brisk and the area rapidly became the most prosperous part of the region. The coast was heavily developed for tourism, particularly on the Khalkidhiki peninsula.
Under Georgi Dmitrov, Soviet loyalist and head of the Comintern, Bulgaria initially accepted the existence of a distinctive Macedonian identity. It had been agreed that Pirin Macedonia would join Yugoslavian Macedonia and for this reason the population declared itself "Macedonian" in the 1946 census. This caused resentment and many people were imprisoned or interned in rural areas outside Macedonia. After Tito's split from the Soviet bloc this position was abandoned and the existence of a Macedonian nation or language was denied.
Attempts of Macedonian historians after the 1940s to claim a number of prominent figures of the 19th century Bulgarian cultural revival and armed resistance movement as Macedonians has caused ever since a bitter resentment in Sofia. Bulgaria has repeatedly accused the Republic of Macedonia of appropriating Bulgarian national heroes and symbols and of editing works of literature and historical documents so as to prove the existence of a Macedonian Slav consciousness before the 1940s. The publication in the Republic of Macedonia of the folk song collections 'Bulgarian Folk Songs' by the Miladinov Brothers and 'Songs of the Macedonian Bulgarians' by Serbian archaeologist Verkovic under the "politically correct" titles 'Collection' and 'Macedonian Folk Songs' are some of the examples quoted by the Bulgarians. The issue has soured the relations of Bulgaria with former Yugoslavia and later with the Republic of Macedonia for decades.
Birth of the Republic of Macedonia
Kiro Gligorov, the president of Yugoslav Macedonia, sought to keep his republic outside the fray of the Yugoslav wars in the early 1990s. Yugoslav Macedonia's very existence had depended on the active support of the Yugoslav state and Communist Party. As both began to collapse, the Macedonian authorities allowed and encouraged a stronger assertion of Macedonian Slav national identity than before. This included toleration of demands from Macedonian Slav nationalists for the reunification of Macedonia. The Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia were unhappy about an erosion of their national rights in the face of a more assertive Macedonian Slav nationalism. Some nationalist Serbs called for the republic's re-incorporation into Serbia, although in practice this was never a likely prospect, given Serbia's preoccupation with Bosnia and Croatia.
As communism fell throughout Eastern Europe in the late 20th century, Macedonia followed its other federation partners and declared its independence from Yugoslavia in late 1991. In 1991, the (then Socialist) Republic of Macedonia held a referendum on independence which produced an overwhelming majority in favor, although it was boycotted by the ethnic Albanians, although they did create ethnic political parties and actively contributed in the Macedonian government, parliament etc. The republic seceded peacefully from the Yugoslav federation, declaring its independence as the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. Bulgaria was consequently the first country to officially recognize Republic of Macedonia's independence - as early as February 1992, followed by other countries as well. The new Macedonian constitution took effect November 20, 1991 and called for a system of government based on a parliamentary democracy. Kiro Gligorov became the first President of the new independent state, succeeded by Boris Trajkovski.
Controversy: the Republic of Macedonia and Greece
Although no controversy exists in regards to whether or not parts of the historic region of Macedonia are incorporated in the present-day Republic of Macedonia, as indeed part of the ancient Macedonian kingdom is, there is controversy, however, with regards to the Slavic peoples who are concentrated in less than half of the region. They first arrived in the late 6th and early 7th centuries AD when Slavic-speaking populations overturned Macedonia's Greek ethnic composition . As a result, the appropriation by the "Republic of Macedonia" of what Greece held as its "Greek symbols", raised concerns in Greece as well as fuelling nationalist anger. This anger was reinforced by the legacy of the Civil War and the view in some quarters, that members of Greece's Slavic-speaking minority were pro-Yuoslavian and presented a danger to its borders. The status of the Republic of Macedonia became a heated political issue in Greece where demonstrations took place in Athens while one million Macedonian Greeks took to the streets in Thessaloniki in 1992, under the slogan: "Macedonia is Greek", referring to the name and ancient history of the region, not posing a territorial claim against their northern neighbor. Initially, the Greek government objected formally to any use of the name Macedonia (including any derivative names) and also to the use of symbols such as the Vergina Sun. On the other hand, also in 1992, demonstrations by more than 100,000 ethnic Macedonians took place in the capital of the Republic of Macedonia - Skopje over the failure to receive recognition and supporting the constitutional name of the country.
The controversy was not just nationalist, but it also played out in Greece's internal politics. The two leading Greek political parties, the ruling conservative New Democracy under Constantine Mitsotakis and the socialist PASOK under Andreas Papandreou, sought to outbid each other in whipping up nationalist sentiment and the long-term (rather than immediate) threat posed by the irredentist policies of Skopje. To complicate matters further, New Democracy itself was divided; the then prime minister, Mitsotakis, favored a compromise solution on the Macedonian question, while his foreign minister Adonis Samaras took a hard-line approach. The two eventually fell out and Samaras was sacked, with Mitsotakis reserving the foreign ministry for himself. He failed to reach an agreement on the Macedonian issue despite United Nations mediation; he fell from power in October 1993, largely as a result of Samaras causing the government's majority of one, to fall, in September 1993.
When Andreas Papandreou took power following the October 1993 elections, he established a "hard line" position on the issue. The United Nations recommended recognition of the "Republic of Macedonia" under the temporary name of the "former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" (or FYROM for short), which would be used internationally while the country continued to use "Republic of Macedonia" as its constitutional name. The United States and European Union (ergo, including Greece) agreed to this proposal and duly recognized FYROM. This was followed by new, though smaller demonstrations in Greek cities against what was termed a "betrayal" by Greece's allies. Papandreou supported and encouraged the demonstrations, boosting his own popularity by taking the "hard line" against the Republic of Macedonia. In February 1994, he imposed a total trade embargo on the country, with the exception of food, medicines and humanitarian aid. The effect on the Republic of Macedonia's economy was limited, namely because the real damage to its economy had been caused by the collapse of Yugoslavia and the loss of central European markets due to the war. Also, many Greeks broke the trade embargo by entering through Bulgaria. However, the embargo had bad impact on the Republic of Macedonia's economy as the country was cut-off from the port of Thessaloniki and became landlocked because of the UN embargo on Yugoslavia to the north, and the Greek embargo to the south. Later, the signing of the Interim accord between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia marked the increased cooperation between the two neighboring states. The blockade had a political cost for Greece, as there was little understanding or sympathy for the country's position, and exasperation over what was seen as Greek obstructionism from some of its European Union partners. Greece was also used wherever possible as a scapegoat by the EU for its disastrous policies in Bosnia . Athens was criticized in some quarters for contributing to the rising tension in the Balkans, even though the wars in the former Yugoslavia were widely seen as having been triggered by the premature recognition of its successor republics, a move to which Greece had objected from the beginning . It later emerged that Greece had only agreed to the dissolution of Yugoslavia in return for EU solidarity on the Macedonian issue . In 1994, the European Commission took Greece to the European Court of Justice in an effort to overturn the embargo, but while the court provisionally ruled in Greece's favor, the embargo was lifted by Athens the following year before a final verdict was reached. This was for the "Republic of Macedonia" and Greece to enter into an "interim agreement" in which the Republic of Macedonia agreed to remove any implied territorial claims to the greater Macedonia region from its constitution and to drop the Vergina Sun from its flag. In return, Greece lifted the blockade.
The majority of countries have recognized the Republic of Macedonia under its constitutional name, notably the United States, the People's Republic of China and Russia, and also its neighbours Bulgaria, Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Turkey etc., although as the country is referred in the UN only under the provisional reference the "former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia", the constitutional name is used only in bilateral relations and in relations where a state not recognizing the constitutional name is not a party.
Discussions continue over the Greek objection regarding the country's name, but without any resolution so far.
Controversy: the Republic of Macedonia and Bulgaria
There are controversial census data about the number of Macedonian Slavs in Bulgaria. In the censuses in 1946 and 1956 200,000 and 187,000 citizens have declared themselves as Macedonians respectively. In 2001 only 5,071 citizens declared as Macedonians. Bulgarian governments throughout the period continued their policy of non-recognition of Macedonians as a distinct ethnic group. There were repeated complaints of official harassment of Macedonian activists in the 1990's. Attempts of Macedonian separatist organization UMO Ilinden to commemorate the grave of revolutionary Yane Sandanski throughout the 1990's were usually hampered by the Bulgarian police. Several incidents of mobbing of UMO Ilinden members by pro-Bulgarian organization IMRO activists were also reported. After the Bulgarian Electoral Committee endorsed in 2001 the registration of a wing of UMO Ilinden, which had dropped separatist demands from its Charter, the mother organization became largely inactive. No major incidents or harassment has been reported since then.
There are several Macedonian organizations in Bulgaria: Traditional Macedonian Organization Ilinden, later renamed to IMRO independent - Ilinden, registered in 1992 at the Sofia City Court. Later, in 1998, the organization was registered as a public NGO. The United Macedonian Organization (UMO) - Ilinden is another organization. In 1990, the Blagoevgrad District Court refused to register this organization as some parts of the organization statute weren't in accordance with the Bulgarian Constitution. In October 1994 this association split up on three different factions. Later two wings were unified under the UMO Ilinden - PIRIN organization. In 1998 the European Commission of Human Rights gave admissibility to two out of five complaints of Macedonians from Pirin Macedonia. There is a newspaper published by the Macedonian organizations in Bulgaria: Narodna Volja (People's Will) which is printed in 2,500 copies .
Cases of harassment of pro-Bulgarian organisations and activists have been reported in the Republic of Macedonia. In 2000 several teenagers threw smoke bombs at the conference of pro-Bulgarian organization 'Radko' in Skopje causing panic and confusion among the delegates. The perpetrators were afterwards acclaimed by the Macedonian press as national heroes. 'Radko' was later banned by the Macedonian Constitutional Court as separatist. The organization has continued its activity, though mostly in the cultural field.
In 2001 'Radko' issued in Skopje the original version of the folk song collection 'Bulgarian Folk Songs' by the Miladinov Brothers (issued under an edited name in the Republic of Macedonia and viewed as a collection of Slav Macedonian lyrics). The book triggered a wave of other publications, among which the memoirs of the Greek bishop of Kastoria, in which he talked about the Greek-Bulgarian church struggle at the beginning of the 20th century, as well the Report of the Carnegie Commission on the causes and conduct of the Balkan Wars from 1913. Neither of these addressed the ethnic Macedonian population of Macedonia as Macedonians but as Bulgarians. Being the first publications to question the official Macedonian position of the existence of a distinct Macedonian identity going back to the time of Alexander the Great (Macedonism), the books triggered a reaction of shock and disbelief in Macedonian public opinion. The scandal after the publication of 'Bulgarian Folk Songs' resulted in the sacking of the Macedonian Minister of Culture, Dimitar Dimitrov.
As of 2000, Bulgaria started to grant Bulgarian citizenship to members of the Bulgarian minorities in a number of countries, including the Republic of Macedonia. The vast majority of the applications have been from Macedonian citizens. As at May, 2004, some 14,000 Macedonians had applied for a Bulgarian citizenship on the grounds of Bulgarian origin and 4,000 of them had already received their Bulgarian passports. The main reason behind this was the possibility to travel in European Union and other countries without need of a visa, which is still not possible having only the Macedonian passport. In June, 2004, the Macedonian state television announced with alarm that at least one member of every fourth household in the eastern part of the Republic of Macedonia had already received a Bulgarian passport or had at least applied for one. The last quoted number so far was of 63,000 Macedonians (the number has not been confirmed officially) by the Macedonian daily Vecher on April 5, 2005.In 2006 the former macedonian Premier and chief of IMRO-DPMNE Ljubco Georgievski became a Bulgarian citizen.
See also
- Demographic history of Macedonia
- Republic of Macedonia
- History of Bulgaria
- History of Europe
- History of Greece
- History of Macedonia
- History of modern Macedonia
- History of Serbia
- History of the Balkans
- History of the Republic of Macedonia
- Irredentism
- Macedonia (Greece)
- Macedonia (terminology)
- Macedonia
- Blagoevgrad Province
References
- ^ Wilkinson, H.R. 1951. Maps and Politics (a review of the ethnographic cartography of Macedonia). Liverpool University Press
- Macedonia. (2006). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved June 16, 2006, from Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service:
External links
- General
- Bulgarian perspective
- Greek perspective
- Macedonian Slav perspective
- Serbian perspective