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Yasser Arafat (Arabic: ياسر عرفات Yāsir `Arafāt) (August 4 or August 24, 1929 – November 11, 2004), born Muhammad Abd al-Rahman ar-Rauf al-Qudwah al-Husayni and also known as Abu Ammar, was co-founder and Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) (since 1969) and President of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) (since 1993); and a co-winner of the 1994 Nobel Peace Prize. As a guerrilla and a Fatah leader, he was regarded as a freedom fighter by supporters, but a Terrorist or collaborator by his opponents.
Arafat died at the age of 75 at the military hospital of Percy de Clamart near Paris, and his body was interred in Ramallah.
Biography
Early life
Arafat, the fifth of seven children, was born on August 24, 1929 in Cairo, Egypt, to a Palestinian textile merchant . His father’s family includes Egyptian ancestry and his mother descended from a prominent Palestinian family in Jerusalem. Arafat often claimed he was born in Jerusalem on August 4, 1929 however this contradicts numerous first hand accounts and an official Egyptian birth certificate .
Claims that Arafat was related to the Jerusalem Husseini clan through his mother have been disputed by the Palestinian historian Said Aburish, given that the Husseini clan designation comes from his father's side.
When Arafat was four his mother died, and he and his father moved to Jerusalem. He lived in a house close to the Western Wall, and the Al-Aqsa Mosque, which is sited within the Temple Mount, Judaism's holiest site. During this time, local Muslim authorities had effective control of these two sites, but a growing number of Zionist immigrants were agitating to gain control of the Temple Mount. At the age of eight his father married again and they moved back to Cairo. The marriage did not work and his father shortly married again thereafter. When this happened Arafat's sister Inam was left in charge of the upbringing of her siblings. She once noted that Arafat was "not like other children in playing or in his feelings... He gathered the Arab kids of the district, formed them into groups and made them march and drill. He carried a stick and he used to beat those who did not obey his commands."
Arafat attended the University of King Faud I (later renamed Cairo University) and sought to better understand Judaism and Zionism by engaging in discussions with Jews and reading publications by Theodor Herzl and other Zionists. But by 1946 he had become a Palestinian nationalist and was procuring weapons in Egypt to be smuggled into Palestine in the Arab cause. . During the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, Arafat left the university and, along with other Palestinians, sought to enter Palestine to fight for Palestinian independence. He was disarmed and turned back by Egyptian military forces that refused to allow the poorly trained partisans to enter the war zone. Arafat felt that he had been "betrayed by these regimes". After returning to the university, Arafat joined the Muslim Brotherhood and served as president of the Union of Palestinian Students from 1952 to 1956. By 1956, Arafat graduated with a bachelor's degree in civil engineering and served as a second lieutenant in the Egyptian Army during the Suez Crisis. . Later in 1956 at a conference in Prague he donned the keffiyeh, the traditional chequered head-dress which was to become his emblem.
Fatah and the PLO
After Suez, Arafat moved to Kuwait, where he found work as an engineer and eventually set up his own contracting firm. Arafat had decided that the best way for Palestinians to gain control of Palestine was for them to fight and not rely on support from foreign Arab governments. In 1957 in Kuwait, Arafat with a group of refugees from Gaza helped found Fatah, an organization dedicated to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in place of Israel. Fatah's first operation was an unsuccessful attempt to blow up an Israeli water pump station in 1965.
After the Six-Day War, Israel started an offensive against what they viewed as Palestinian terrorist organizations. Arafat is said to have escaped the Israeli attacks by crossing the River Jordan dressed as a woman carrying a baby, a story that enhanced his image as a man who could always manage a narrow escape.
In 1968, the terrorist-group Fatah was the target of an Israeli Defense Force operation on the Jordanian village of Al-Karameh ("honor" in Arabic language), in which 150 Palestinians and 29 Israeli soldiers were killed. Despite the high Palestinian death toll, the battle was considered a victory for Fatah because the Israeli army was repulsed. Amid the post-war gloom, the profiles of Arafat and Fatah were raised by this important turning point, as he came to be regarded as a national hero who dared confront Israel, and masses of young Arabs joined the ranks of Fatah. By the late 1960s, Fatah had come to dominate the PLO, and at the Palestinian National Congress in Cairo on February 3, 1969 Arafat was appointed Palestinian Liberation Organization leader, replacing Ahmad Shukeiri. Arafat became commander-in-chief of the Palestinian Revolutionary Forces two years later and, in 1973, the head of the PLO's political department.
Jordan
In the late 1960s tensions between Palestinians and the Jordanian government had greatly increased; heavily armed Palestinian resistance elements (fedayeen) had created a virtual "state within a state" in Jordan, eventually controlling several strategic positions in Jordan, including the oil refinery near Az Zarq. Jordan considered this a growing threat to its sovereignty and security and attempted to disarm the Palestinian militias. Open fighting erupted in June of 1970.
Other Arab governments attempted to negotiate a peaceful resolution, but continuing fedayeen actions in Jordan (such as the destruction of three international airliners hijacked and held in the desert east of Amman) prompted the Jordanian government to take action to regain control over its territory. On September 16, King Hussein declared martial law. On that same day, Arafat became supreme commander of the Palestine Liberation Army (PLA), the regular military force of the PLO. In the ensuing civil war, the PLO had the active support of Syria, which invaded Jordan with a force of around 200 tanks. The fighting was mainly between the Jordanian army and the PLA; the US Navy dispatched the Sixth Fleet to the eastern Mediterranean and it is rumored that Israel deployed troops to aid Hussein, if necessary. By September 24, the Jordanian army achieved dominance and the PLA agreed to a series of ceasefires . See also History of Jordan and Black September.
Lebanon
Following the expulsion from Jordan, Arafat relocated the PLO to Lebanon. Because of Lebanon's weak central government, the PLO was able to operate virtually as an independent state. Palestinian fighters mounted intermittent cross-border attacks against civilian and military targets in Israel from there; Israel responded with offensive maneuvers into Lebanon.
In September 1972, Black September, under the direction of Arafat, , kidnapped 11 Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympic Games and eventually killed them all. The killings were internationally condemned and Arafat publicly "disassociated" himself and the PLO from such attacks.
In 1974 Arafat "ordered" the PLO to withdraw from acts of violence outside Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Fatah movement continued to launch attacks against Israeli civilians; moreover, in the late 1970s numerous leftist Palestinian organizations appeared which carried out attacks against civilian targets both within Israel and outside of it. Israel claimed that Arafat was in ultimate control over these organizations and hence had by no means abandoned terrorism, but Arafat steadfastly denied responsibility for acts committed by these groups. In the same year, Arafat became the first representative of a nongovernmental organization to address a plenary session of the UN General Assembly, and his Arab rival King Hussein of Jordan, as well as other Arab heads of state recognised the PLO as "the sole legitimate spokesman of the Palestinian people". The PLO was admitted to full membership in the Arab League in 1976.
The PLO played an important part in the Lebanese Civil War; some Lebanese Christians allege that Arafat and the PLO were responsible for the deaths of tens of thousands of Lebanese citizens.
During the Civil War Arafat allied the PLO with the Muslim leftists, however, fearing a loss of power Syria's President Assad switched sides, and sent in his army to help the right-wing Christian Phalangists. The Civil War's first phase ended for Arafat with the siege and fall of the Palestinian refugee camp of Tal al-Zaatar. Arafat himself narrowly escaped with assistance from the Saudis and Kuwaitis.
Israel, allying itself with the Lebanese Christians conducted two major offensives into Lebanon. In the first (Operation Litani in 1978), the Israel Defense Forces and South Lebanon Army occupied a narrow strip of land, described as "the Security Zone". In the second, (Operation Peace for Galilee in 1982), Israel expanded its occupation to most of South Lebanon, but was eventually retreated back to the Security Zone in 1985. It was during this Israeli invasion that Arafat began his personal war with Ariel Sharon. Sharon later said he had Arafat in his sights in Beiruit but chose not to kill him. Arafat himself narrowly escaped death on another occasion when, with a laser-guided vacuum bomb, the Israelis flattened an apartment block he had left moments before.
The Sabra and Shatila Massacre occurred during the second Israeli offensive into Lebanon. Between 460 and 3,500 Palestinian refugees were killed by Lebanese Maronite Christian Phalangist militias (which were allowed into the refugee camps by Israeli forces following the assassination of Lebanon's Christian president Bachir Gemayel). The Israeli offensive maneuvers into Lebanon and the Phalangist massacre of Palestinian civilians amplified the deep bitterness and mistrust between Palestinians and the then-Minister of Defense, Ariel Sharon.
Arafat was being attacked now on all sides the Israelis, Maronites, Phalangists and Syrians, indeed President Assad was urging Fatah members to rise up against the PLO. He found his only way out was through a European brokered safe passage which sent him to exile in Tunis.
Tunisia
In September 1982, during the Israeli offensive into Lebanon, the Americans and Europeans brokered a cease-fire deal in which Arafat and the PLO were allowed to leave Lebanon; Arafat and his leadership eventually arrived in Tunisia, which remained his center of operations up until 1993.
Arafat again narrowly survived an Israeli attack in 1985, as IDF F15s bombed his headquarters in Tunis leaving 73 people dead; Arafat had gone out jogging that morning.
During the 1980s, Arafat received assistance from Iraq and Saudi Arabia, which allowed him to reconstruct the badly-battered PLO. This was particularly useful during the First Intifada in December, 1987. Altough the Intifada was a spontaneous burst of revolt, within weeks Arafat was in control of the revolt, and it was mainly because of Fatah forces in the West Bank that the civil unrest could continue for any length of time.
On November 15, 1988, the PLO proclaimed the independent State of Palestine, a government-in-exile for the Palestinians which laid claim to the whole of Palestine as defined by the British Mandate of Palestine, rejecting the idea of partition. In a December 13, 1988 address, Arafat accepted UN Security Council Resolution 242, promised future recognition of Israel, and renounced "terrorism in all its forms, including state terrorism" . Arafat's December 13 statement was encouraged by the U.S. administration, which insisted on the recognition of Israel as a necessary starting point in the Camp David peace negotiations. Arafat's statement indicated a shift from one of the PLO's primary aims — the destruction of Israel (as in the Palestinian National Covenant) — towards the establishment of two separate entities, an Israeli state within the 1949 armistice lines and a Palestinian state in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. However, on April 2, 1989, Arafat was elected by the Central Council of the Palestine National Council (the governing body of the PLO) to be the president of the proclaimed State of Palestine, an entity which laid claim to the whole of Palestine as defined by the British Mandate of Palestine, rejecting the idea of partition.
In 1990 Arafat married Suha Tawil, a Palestinian Orthodox Christian working for the PLO in Tunis, who converted to Islam before marrying him.
During the 1991 Madrid Conference, Israel conducted open negotiations with the PLO for the first time. Prior to the Gulf War of 1991, Arafat opposed the U.N. attack on Iraq, alienating many of the Arab states, and leading to the U.S. disregarding his claims of being a partner for peace.
Arafat narrowly escaped death again in 1992 as his aircraft crash-landed during a Libyan sandstorm.
Palestinian Authority
In the early 1990s Arafat engaged the Israelis in a series of secret talks and negotiations which would enevitably lead to the 1993 Oslo Accords, which called for the implementation of Palestinian self rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip over a five year period. The following year he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize along with Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin. Arafat returned back to Palestine a hero to some but a traitor and collaborator to others.
In 1994, Arafat moved to the Palestinian Authority (PA) — the provisional entity created by the Oslo Accords. In July 1995 he had a daughter Zahwa, named after his deceased mother.
On January 20, 1996, Arafat was elected president of the PA, with an overwhelming 87% majority (the only other candidate was Samiha Khalil). Independent international observers reported the elections to have been free and fair. However, some critics allege that because most of the opposition movements chose not to participate in the elections the elections were not truly democratic. Further elections were announced for January 2002, but were later postponed, purportedly because of inability to campaign due to Israel Defense Force incursions and restrictions on freedom of movement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Since 1996, Arafat's title as Palestinian Authority leader has been the Arabic word ra'is (or "head", the title translation varies: Israel translates it as "chairman" and the U.S. uses this term, while Palestinians translate it as "president" and the U.N uses this term.)
In mid-1996, following multiple suicide bus bombings, in which scores of Israeli civilians were killed, Benjamin Netanyahu was elected Prime Minister of Israel. Palestinian-Israeli relations grew even more hostile as a consequence of continued incidents. Benjamin Netanyahu tried to obstruct the transition to Palestinian statehood outlined in the Israel-PLO accord. In 1998 U.S. President Bill Clinton intervened, arranging meeting with the two leaders. The resulting Wye River Memorandum of 23 October 1998 detailed the steps to be taken by the Israeli government and PLO to complete the peace process.
Arafat continued negotiations with Netanyahu's successor, Ehud Barak, at the Camp David 2000 Summit. Due partly to his own politics (Barak was from the leftist Labor Party, whereas Netanyahu was from the rightist Likud Party) and partly due to immense pressure placed by American President Bill Clinton, Barak offered Arafat a Palestinian state in parts of the West Bank and all of the Gaza Strip with an outlying suburb of East Jerusalem as its capital. The final proposal proffered by Barak would have meant Israeli annexation of 10% of the West Bank (largely encompassing current settlement blocs) in exchange for a much smaller swathe of land in the Negev desert. Many Palestinians claim that accepting the offer would have the effect of reducing the Palestinian state to what they characterized as "Bantustans:" scattered pieces of territory separated by highways for Israelis, security checkpoints and Israeli settlements. In addition, under the Israeli proposal, Israel would control the Palestinian state's water resources, borders and customs, and a further 10% of the West Bank under nominal Palestinian sovereignty (chiefly along the Jordanian border). Also included in the offer was a return of a limited number of refugees and a compensation for the rest. In a move widely criticized abroad and even by a member of his negotiating team and Cabinet, Nabil Amr, Arafat rejected Barak's offer and refused to make a counter-offer and when the Al-Aqsa Intifada, or Second Palestinian Intifada, was launched (2000-present) the day after a visit by Ariel Sharon to the Al-Aqsa Mosque (on theTemple Mount) the peace process completely collapsed. After the start of the Second Intifada, Arafat's wife moved to live with her mother and daughter in Paris.
Recent news and commentary
Arafat's long personal and political survival was taken by most Western commentators as a sign of his mastery of asymmetric warfare and his skill as a tactician, given the extremely dangerous nature of politics of the Middle East and the frequency of assassinations. Some commentators believe his personal survival was largely due to Israel's fear that he could become a martyr for the Palestinian cause if he were to be assassinated or even just arrested by Israel.
Arafat's ability to adapt to new tactical and political situations was perhaps exemplified by the rise of the Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad organizations, fundamentalist groups using Islamic rhetoric to motivate suicide attacks against Israel. In the 1990s, these groups seemed to threaten Arafat's capacity to hold together a unified secular nationalist organization with a goal of statehood. They appeared to be out of Arafat's influence and control, and were actively fighting with Arafat's Fatah group. Some allege that activities of these groups were tolerated by Arafat as a means of applying pressure on Israel (see PLO and Hamas.) Some Israeli government officials opined in 2002 that the Fatah's faction Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades began attacks on Israel to compete with Hamas. Some sources claim that frequent Israeli military strikes against the terrorist targets in Palestinian Authority have made it difficult for Arafat's security infrastructure to effectively counter the increasing influence of groups like Hamas. As well, spokesmen for Hamas and Islamic Jihad have at times publicly supported Arafat, suggesting that the common goals loom large over infighting between these factions.
On May 6, 2002, the Israeli government released a report, based in part on documents allegedly captured during the Israeli occupation of Arafat's Ramallah headquarters, with copies of papers apparently signed by Arafat authorizing funding for the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades' activities. These documents, however, drew skepticism from various quarters because the Israeli military had forcefully prevented any independent observers or reporters from observing the operation.
Others point to the constraints of the political situation, and argue that Arafat could neither condemn nor constrain the tactics employed; and that any attempt to do so would endanger his rule or his life, or more dangerously begin a disastrous civil war. Furthermore, ending violent resistance activities would amount to a de facto surrender to Israel, which has access to weapons that Palestinians so far lack. The use of suicide bombers appears to be a permanent feature of this conflict. The number and intensity of attacks rose sharply in the first months of 2002.
In March 2002, the Arab League made an offer to recognize Israel in exchange for Israeli retreat from all territories captured in the Six-Day War and statehood for Palestine and Arafat's Palestinian Authority. Supporters of this declaration saw this offer, which included recognition of Israel by the Arab states, as a historic opportunity for comprehensive peace in the region, while critics of this offer say that it would constitute a heavy blow to Israel's security, while not even guaranteeing Israel the cessation of suicide bombing attacks. Israel ignored the facetious offer.
This was followed by a terrorist attack carried out by Palestinian terrorists which led to the deaths of more than 135 Israelis. Ariel Sharon, who previously pressured Arafat to speak strongly in Arabic against suicide bombings, then declared that Arafat "assisted the terrorists and made himself an enemy of Israel and irrelevant to any peace negotiations". This was followed by the major Israeli invasion of the West Bank, during which Israel killed hundreds of Palestinians and razed entire city blocks (see "Operation Defensive Shield".)
Persistent attempts by the Israeli government to identify another Palestinian leader to deal with had failed; and Arafat was enjoying the support of groups that, given his own history, would normally have been quite wary of dealing with him or of supporting him. Marwan Barghouti emerged as a leader during the Al-Aqsa intifada, but Israel had him arrested and sentenced to 4 life terms. Arafat was finally allowed to leave his compound on May 3, 2002 after intensive negotiations led to a settlement; six militants wanted by Israel, which considers them terrorists, who had been holed up with Arafat in his compound, would not be turned over to Israel, but neither would they be held in custody by the Palestinian Authority. Rather, a combination of British and American security personnel would ensure that the wanted men remained imprisoned in Jericho. With that, and a promise that he would issue a call in Arabic to the Palestinians to halt attacks on Israelis, Arafat was released. He issued such a call on May 8, 2002, but, as was the case before, his public call to halt attacks was ignored.
On July 18 2004, U.S. President George W Bush stated regarding Yasser Arafat: "The real problem is that there is no leadership that is able to say 'help us establish a state and we will fight terror and answer the needs of the Palestinians'". (Le Figaro).
Illness and death
Main article: Death of Yasser Arafat
First reports of Arafat's treatment by his doctors, for what his spokesman said was 'flu' came on October 25, 2004. His condition deteriorated in the following days and he became unconsious for a short period. Following visits by other doctors, and agreement by Israel, Arafat was taken on October 29 to the Percy training hospital of the Armies near Paris. On November 3 he lapsed into a gradually deepening coma. Suffering progressive organ failure, he was kept alive on life support machines. Arafat was pronounced dead at 02:30 UTC on November 11 at age 75. The cause of his illness has not been made public.
Israel refused Arafat's wish to be buried in or near East Jerusalem. Following a state funeral in Cairo, attended by many Arab leaders, Arafat was laid to rest on November 12 within his former headquarters in Ramallah in the West Bank.
On November 11, Arafat's official functions were transferred. Pending elections, Speaker Rawhi Fattuh succeeded Arafat as President of the Palestinian Authority. Former PM Mahmoud Abbas became leader of the PLO and Foreign Minister Farouk Kaddoumi became head of Fatah. Ahmed Qurei remained as Prime Minster and took additional security responsibilities.
Relations with the Arab world
Many in Europe and the United States assume that all Arab governments supported Yasser Arafat, or assume the Arab nations have united policies and views. In contrast, Arafat had a mixed relationship at best with the leaders of other Arab nations. At various times he has come under withering criticism from Arab leaders and press. In the last few years growing disenchantment with Arafat and his peers has surfaced within the general Arab press. However, he remains by far the most popular Arab leader amoung the general populace.
- Arab Times (Kuwait): 'Mr Arafat should quit his position because he is the head of a corrupt authority. There is no point for him to remain in politics... He has destroyed Palestine. He has led it to terrorism, death and a hopeless situation... All Arab leaders know this fact. It won't be possible for us to gain from the Middle East road map for peace if this man remains in power.'
- BBC quoted a Jenin Martyrs' Brigade spokesman: 'With all due respect to President Arafat, the Palestinian Authority cannot continue being monopolised by and his relatives...we have our own ways to show our rejection.'
- Al-Quds Al-Araby (London): 'What is happening in Gaza is a healthy phenomenon because it is a revolution against corruption and the corrupt... This is a warning not only to Mr Arafat... but to all Arab regimes which subjugate their people by turning a deaf ear to their calls for comprehensive change.'
Earlier, Muammar Qadhafi had deemed him a betrayer of the Palestinian cause and had given his support to Arafat's biggest Palestinian enemy, Sabri Al-Banna (Abu Nidal), whose Fatah-Revolutionary Council split from the PLO in 1974.
Arafat's support from Arab leaders tended to increase whenever he was pressured by Israel; for example, in 2003 when Israel declared it had taken the decision, in principle, to remove him from the Israeli-controlled West Bank.
Financial dealings
In August of 2002 the Israeli Military Intelligence Chief claimed that Arafat's personal wealth was USD $1.3 billion , though he provided no substantiation for this claim. The U.S. business magazine "Forbes" ranked Arafat as sixth on its 2003 list "Kings, Queens and Despots" , estimating his personal wealth to "at least $300 million", without indicating its source for this claim.
In 2003 a team of American accountants — hired by Arafat's own finance ministry — began examing Arafat's finances. The team determined that part of the Palestinian leader's wealth was in a secret portfolio worth close to $1 billion — with investments in companies like a Coca-Cola bottling plant in Ramallah, a Tunisian cell phone company and venture capital funds in the U.S. and the Cayman Islands. The head of the investigation stated that "although the money for the portfolio came from public funds like Palestinian taxes, virtually none of it was used for the Palestinian people; it was all controlled by Arafat. And none of these dealings were made public". Arafat appeared to use his wealth to improve his standing and influence; his own lifestyle remained quite frugal.
In 2003 the International Monetary Fund (IMF) conducted an audit of the Palestinian Authority and stated that Arafat diverted $900 million in public funds to a special bank account controlled by Arafat and the PA Chief Economic Financial Advisor. The IMF did not claim that there were any improprieties and it specifically stated that most of the funds have been used to invest in Palestinian assets, both internally and abroad.
An investigation by European Union of claims of misuse of EU funds by the Palestinian Authority has found no evidence EU funds being diverted to terrorist activities. However, the EU has insisted on "deepening reform in the PA and improving its financial management and audit capacities" as "the best preventive strategy against the misuse of funds and corruption in the PA", and has made further funding contingent on these reforms.
Claims by unnamed sources in the PA Finance Ministry stated that Arafat's wife, Suha, receives a stipend of $100,000 each month from the PA budget. In an interview with the London-based newspaper Al Hayat, Mrs. Arafat accused Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of spreading rumors about money-laundering to distract media attention away from corruption allegations against him. In October 2003, French government prosecutors opened an money-laundering probe of Suha Arafat after Tracfin alerted the prosecutors to transfers of nearly $1.27 million each with some regularity from Switzerland to Mrs. Arafat's accounts in Paris.
Statements regarding Arafat's death
See also Death of Yasser Arafat
On November 11, 2004, the day of Arafat's death, a number of world leaders made statements summarizing his life and legacy:
Statements by World Leaders
French President Jacques Chirac called Arafat "a man of courage and conviction".
South African President Thabo Mbeki: Arafat had given hope to millions "by instilling in them the knowledge and consciousness that despite current difficulties, they hold the gift of freedom in their hands".
Australian Prime Minister John Howard said: "I think history will judge him very harshly for not having seized the opportunity in the year 2000 to embrace the offer that was very courageously made by the then Israeli Prime Minister, Ehud Barak, which involved the Israelis agreeing to 90 per cent of what the Palestinians had wanted."
British Prime Minister Tony Blair told GMTV: "The most important thing is to make sure we reinvigorate the peace process because there is misery for Palestinians, there is misery for Israelis who suffer terrorist activity." In a tribute to Yasser Arafat he expressed his condolences to Arafat's family and the Palestinian people, declaring: "President Arafat came to symbolise the Palestinian national movement He led his people to an historic acceptance of the need for a two-state solution."
Former U.S. President Bill Clinton on Thursday offered condolences to Palestinians after the death of Yasser Arafat but said their leader had missed the opportunity to create lasting Middle East peace in 2000.
Statements of Israeli leaders
To Israelis, Arafat was an arch-terrorist and later, an obstacle to peace. The general public atmosphere regarding his death was one of relief and joy over the death of a bitter and cruel enemy. Israeli officials, however, reacted with restraint.
Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon said: "The recent events could be a historic turning point for the Middle East. Israel is a country that seeks peace and will continue its efforts to reach a peace deal with the Palestinians without delay."
Israeli opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Shimon Peres sais: "There is no doubt that with the death of Yasser Arafat an era has ended... for good or bad. The biggest mistake of Arafat was when he turned to terror. His greatest achievements were when he tried to build peace."
Justice Minister Yossef Lapid was the sharpest: "(It is) good that the world is rid of him... The sun is shining in the Middle East."
National Religious Party Chairman Effi Eitam said: "Today a heavy cloud has been removed from the values of life, freedom and liberty .. is gone, but his teachings have sunk like poison into the hearts of his people, and it will take many years to heal this wound ... The Palestinians must now strive to return to a culture of life, justice and compassion, so that in the future, we will be able to speak together to achieve peace and quiet."
Statements by Palestinian leaders
Palestinian cabinet minister Saeb Erekat said: "Arafat's legacy will be the one, the leader, the president who united the Palestinian people, the leader who kept the Palestinian national identity from extinction, the man who initiated the peace of the brave, the man who united the Palestinian people and it's his legacy of peace. It's the determination today that we continue the path of freedom and independence and peace, the path of an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital."
Bibliography
- Aburish, Said K., Arafat: From Defender to Dictator, Bloomsbury Publishing, 1998. ISBN 1582340005
- Bukay, David, Arafat, the Palestinians and Israel, Sussex Academic Press, 2004. ISBN 1845190106
- Downing, David, Arafat (Leading Lives Series), Heinemann Library, 2002. ISBN 0431138656 children's book
- Ferber, Elizabeth, Yasir Arafat: A Life of War and Peace, Millbrook Press, 1995. ISBN 1562945858
- Gowers, Andrew and Tony Walker, Arafat: The Biography, Virgin Books, 2003. ISBN 1852279249
- Gowers, Andrew and Tony Walker, Behind the Myth: Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian Revolution, W.H. Allen, 1990. ISBN 1852272856
- Hart, Alan, Arafat, Sidgwick & Jackson, 1994. ISBN 0283062207
- Hart, Alan, Arafat: A Political Biography, Indiana University, 1989. ISBN 0253205166
- Hart, Alan, Arafat: Terrorist or Peacemaker?, Sidgwick & Jackson, 1984. ISBN 0283990082
- Headlam, George, Yasser Arafat, Lerner Publications, 2003. ISBN 0822550040
- Karsh, Efraim Karsh, Arafat's War: The Man and His Battle for Israeli Conquest, Grove Press, 2003. ISBN 0802117589
- Kiernan, Thomas, Arafat, the Man and the Myth, Norton, 1976. ISBN 0393075036
- Mishal, Shaul, Palestine Liberation Organization Under Arafat: Between the Gun and the Olive Branch, Yale University Press, 1986. ISBN 0300037090
- Rubin, Barry M. and Judith Colp Rubin, Yasir Arafat: A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, 2003. ISBN 0195166892
- Rubinstein, Danny and Dan Leon The Mystery of Arafat, Steerforth Press, 1995. ISBN 1883642108
- Swisher, Clayton E., The Truth about Camp David: The Untold Story about Arafat, Barak, Clinton, and the Collapse of the Middle East Peace Process, Nation Books, 2004. ISBN 1560256230
- Wallach, Janet and John Wallach, Arafat: In the Eyes of the Beholder, Carol Pub Group, 1990. ISBN 9993251305
- Williams, Colleen Madonna Flood, Yasir Arafat (Major World Leaders), Chelsea House Publications, 2002. ISBN 0791069419 children's book
External links
Biographies and Profiles
- The Nobel e-Museum - Biography of Yasser Arafat
- Trailer of a documentary with video clips of Arafat's speeches, mostly towards the end of the trailer
- Recent BBC profile of Arafat
- ICT - Yasir Arafat: Psychological Profile and Strategic Analysis
- Interactive biography of Arafat from the Associated Press
- Life and times of Yassir Arafat, Profile: Yassir Arafat from Times Online, UK
- Think Again: Yasser Arafat from Foreign Policy Magazine
- Someone Was Going to Kill Newsweek Interview of Mahmoud Abbas (June 21 Issue)
- Obituary, The Guardian
- A Profile of Arafat's Alleged Terrorist Career
- "Arafat the Monster" (Boston Globe column after Afarat's death)
Directories
- LookSmart - Yasser Arafat directory category
- Open Directory Project - Yasser Arafat directory category
- Yahoo! - Yasser Arafat directory category
- Zeal - Yasser Arafat directory category