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The article does not keep a balanced content regarding the historical facts presented; it is heavily based on the positions of authors affiliated to the Hungarian historiography, ignoring almost completely opinions of those affiliated to the Romanian historiography. When I tried to contribute with legitimate referenced content, I was brutally reverted (against all Misplaced Pages rules) by the user:Borsoka, who basically acts like a private owner of this article. This problem has been notified by other editors, too (this can be verified by reviewing the editing history of all pages regarding this topic: article, talk, and disputes' pages). Thank you. (Rgvis (talk) 13:25, 8 February 2018 (UTC))

Comment: (1) The last of a series of my "brutal reverts" was the following (in November): (), with a clear reference, in the edit summary, to your obious copyright violations. Could you link my other "brutal reverts"? (2) Please also remember that you pretended that Setton-Wattson's book was published in 2015, although it had been first published in the 1930s (). Please read other editors' comment on the use of this old source in the article: () (3) Could you please ping all "other editors" who agree with you? In contrast with you, Anonimu does not states that the whole article is unbalanced, he says that its last section could possibly be described as such, because this section does not present the "the classical Romanian POV about the events, nationalistic as it may be" (). As I have several times mentioned during the last two months, I would be grateful if anyone could expand the article: that's why I sought assistance from the Romanian editors' noticeboard (). Do you really think that an editor who acts like the owner of an article try to persuade other editors to edit it? (4) I would be grateful if you tried to refer to relevant reliable sources instead of making personal attacks. Borsoka (talk) 16:50, 8 February 2018 (UTC)

After 3 months of discussions, I personally think that the main issue in this case is not the content, but rather a behavioral problem. When I made contributions on this article (in accordance with all Misplaced Pages rules), I was reverted by Borsoka without any explanation (references included). Then, when I asked for explanations, Borsoka came up with all sorts of pretexts (which turned out to be ungrounded): first, "Copyright violations", when it was obviously that the contributions were based on the "Fair use" principle (which stays at the base of the so many Misplaced Pages articles' content); then, the content added was labeled as "fringe theory" and the authors of the works cited (reputed Romanian, Britain, American, etc. historians) as not reliable (or even "too old" - very funny assumption, in this context).

In the opinion of Borsoka, only the authors accepted by the Hungarian POV are credible, and should be mentioned and cited. Well, here is a problem, because Misplaced Pages project is governed (or, at least, it should be) by different fundamental principles (NPOV included).

Yes, no doubt that the content of this article could and should (soon or later) be improved, in order to reflect all historical POV. But, the question is: Is this article open for contributions from other editors, or not? (Rgvis (talk) 10:15, 9 February 2018 (UTC))

I do not want to disprove each statement made by Rgvis, because I would like to settle the issue (Those who are interested in the issue can read the whole story on the article's talk page.) @Rgvis:. (1) Yes, I still think that Sedlar's POV is a marginal (rather fringe) theory, but it was included in the article based on the discussion at the NPOV noticeboard. What is your problem with it? (2) Yes, I think that Setton-Wattson's book, which was published in 1934, should not be cited, especially because you have not referred to a single modern reliable source which verifies that his claims are still valid. Please remember that other editors - Only in death and Loesorion - were also sceptical as to whether such an old source could be used (). Could you mention other editors who think that Setton-Wattson's book should be cited in the article? (3) Could you link my statements about other "reputed Romanian, Britain and American historians" proving that I denied to refer to them? Borsoka (talk) 10:36, 9 February 2018 (UTC)

(1) Good for you, but WP:NOT. (2) Yes, an example would be: page 23/33. On the other hand, regardless of the intimate opinion of editors, Misplaced Pages is not the place to judge or contest the activity of historians, not to say, the well-known ones + , whose works are still published: , and still appreciated nowadays by the scientific communities: (3) Review all your past actions of deleting references. (Rgvis (talk) 17:11, 9 February 2018 (UTC))

The context for the content is as follows. India took the Kashmir issue to the UN in 1948 while the war was still going on. Having achieved a cease-fire, three successive UN missions (UNCIP, Dixon and Graham missions) failed to find a solution acceptable to both the sides or to enforce their preferred solution. The world powers felt unable to do anything and encouraged India and Pakistan to discuss the issue bilaterally. A historic opportunity then presented itself in 1953. India lost the goodwill of the popular party in Kashmir. Rather than digging his heels in, Nehru (India's prime minister) was determined to resolve the dispute. Observers in both India and Pakistan expected that if a plebiscite were held in the state, India would lose it in the Kashmir Valley (the key region of the dispute). But plebiscite is exactly what Nehru proposed, i.e., he was willing to lose the Kashmir Valley. All this is explained in great detail in the Gowher Rizvi article. This was a dramatic reversal of India's earlier positions, according to Rizvi. The end of the conflict was within the arm's reach.

The joint communiqué issued at the end of the Nehru-Bogra talks said that both the sides agreed to "appoint" a plebiscite administrator by April 1954. Rizvi also states that this was understood to be a "mutually acceptable" plebiscite administrator. It is important to note that theree was no mention of Admiral Nimitz (American, appointed in 1948 by the UN) anywhere. Nehru had nothing against Nimitz, but he did not want any of the Great Powers (US, Britian and Soviet Union) involved, because in his view it would again embroil Kashmir in Great Power politics. He wanted somebody from a smaller power, which was uninvolved in Asian politics, and one which would be acceptable to both the sides.

1. The idea that this amount to a "replacement of Nimitz" is the Pakistani view. The UN had failed and Nehru was finding his own direction. So, the return of a UN-appointed plebiscite administrator was out of the question. The US understood this, and it gently pressured Nimitz to resign, and resign he did. But, the Pakistani establishment was apparently uncomfortable with this. It wanted the UN back in, it wanted the US in control, which was shortly going to be its major military ally. It didn't care to have a neutral third party running the plebiscite. The magnitude of Nehru's offer was completely lost on the Pakistanis. They were "nit-picking", according ot Snedden.

2. As far as I understand the timelines, within a week of Bogra returning from talks, all hell broke lose in Pakistan. The US was worried that Bogra would lose power, and they decided that he should be visibly supported by making public the previously secret negotations regarding their military alliance. So, things moved pretty quickly after this point. While Bogra might have shown accommodation later, February 1954 is the earliest I know of, it was already too late to retrieve the situation. -- Kautilya3 (talk) 23:22, 21 February 2018 (UTC)

References

1. Rizvi, Gowher (1992), "India, Pakistan and the Kashmir Problem", in Raju G. C. Thomas (ed.), Perspectives on Kashmir: the roots of conflict in South Asia, Westview Press, ISBN 978-0-8133-8343-9
2. Hiro, Dilip (2015), The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India and Pakistan, Nation Books, p. 158, ISBN 978-1-56858-503-1
3. Snedden, Christopher (2005), "Would a plebiscite have resolved the Kashmir dispute?", South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 28 (1): 75, doi:10.1080/0085640050005614
4. The Ambassador in Pakistan (Hildreth) to the Department of State, 26 August 1953, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954, Africa and South Asia, Volume XI, Part 2

Kautilya3 has written a wall of non-NPOV to explain the 'context', probably to sway the mediators to his side. But his context is full of WP:OR and WP:POV. So I will provide here a more accurate context, complete with sources and (copying Kautilya3's style) the quotes from the sources.

India did indeed take the Kashmir conflict to the UN, which subsequently passed resolutions calling for a plebiscite/referendum in the state of J&K whereby its residents would get to choose their political future. A separate commitment to the Kashmiri people for their self determination had already been made earlier by India as a condition of accession on the provisional Instrument of Accession. However, scholars including Indian scholars such as A.G. Noorani have found that India and in particular Nehru (the first Indian PM) were never sincere in their commitment to a referendum for the Kashmiri people and wanted to wriggle their way out of the dead end they got themselves into. You will see this wriggling through the history of the mediation.

So the UNSC passed resolution 29 (1948) and established the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP0 whose role was to mediate between the two countries.

The UNSC first asked its president General McNaughton to mediate. He proposed demilitarization and neutral administration by and on all sides. His proposals were quite popular in the council and one of the parties to the dispute, Pakistan, accepted them with minor modifications. However, India just refused and the Americans who had an important role to play as they were leading the Security Council identified India's refusal as an example of its intransigence and delaying tactics so a referendum would not happen, something Indian officials had admitted privately to their American counterparts already. The Americans saw that the Indians kept on rejecting the findings of neutral UN appointees. Anyways India ended up reluctantly agreeing to the McNaughton proposals. McNaughton's proposals were to be implemented by Sir Owen Dixon for the whole state, who was as UN mediator also going to replace the UNCIP.

Sir Owen Dixon made a number of demilitarization proposals. India rejected them all. So Dixon had to criticize India quite strongly for its negative reactions. In the end Dixon abandoned the state-wide plebiscite idea, to Pakistan's displeasure, and said there only needed to be a plebiscite in the Kashmir Valley. India ended up rejecting even that, saying only its troops should be allowed to remain in Kashmir during the plebiscite even though Dixon's proposals were that both countries keep their troops out. Dixon concluded that India won't be agreeing to conditions conducive for a free and fair plebiscite.

After this the Americans became more distrustful of India and decided to keep out of the Kashmir negotiations because Nehru was deliberately stirring up anti-American propaganda, alleging that they were 'pro-Pakistan'. So America is the real victim here, not India.

So the Commonwealth took the matter up after the UN and made a proposal so that there would either be a joint Indo-Pakistani force or Commonwealth force in Kashmir while a plebiscite would take place. Pakistan accepted but India once again rejected. Then the UNSC asked both countries again to honour the resolutions calling for a plebiscite. UK and USA said that if the two countries could not agree bilaterally arbitration could be considered. Pakistan accepted, India once again rejected, for which it got criticized by the Chairman of UNCIP, Josef Korbel.

Then India got into conflict with Sheikh Abdullah, the most popular political party in Indian held-Kashmir, who was dreaming of an independent Kashmir and India ended up imprisoning him. Around this time Nehru and the Pakistani PM got into voluntary bilateral negotiations. The UN even at this point remained relevant and had a continued role later in the 1950s. In the negotiations both 'agreed' to holding a plebiscite, though it has been argued in WP:RS that India's agreement with Pakistan was all for show to demoralize the Kashmiris seeking independence from both countries and also to avert UN attention otherwise it could increase Kashmiri unrest.

Now here comes the Nimitz problem. The mainstream scholarly assessment is that Nehru was intransigent, in other words never sincere in his promise to hold a plebiscite. This is admitted by the minority of scholars like Mahesh Shankar who champion Nehru. America which had tried to solve the dispute like the UN, UK and Commonwealth was accused of being pro-Pakistan by India. That the American Adm. Nimitz, initially appointed as plebiscite administrator by the neutral UN, was being kicked out by India was because of its own perception that he would have a pro-Pakistani bias. This is not a fact, just India's perception, according to the reliable sources.

The common thread you see in all this history is that India constantly dodged a plebiscite under one excuse or the other. Even the minority pro-Nehru scholars agree that India laid obstructions to a plebiscite although they think the obstructions were for nobler reasons.

Now why should we worry about India/Nehru's perceptions about bilateral/multilateral? All that matters is the history, the common thread that runs through the historical events and the mainstream scholarly interpretation of the events.--NadirAli نادر علی (talk) 05:00, 22 February 2018 (UTC)

References

1. Noorani, A.G. "PLEBISCITE IN KASHMIR: Stillborn or Killed?- Part 1". Greater Kashmir. Less than a month after Kashmir's accession and its accompanying pledge to its people of reference to them and of plebiscite, Nehru had decided to back out. {{cite news}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (help)
2. Victoria Schofield (1996). Kashmir in the crossfire. I.B. Tauris. p. 174. ISBN 978-1-86064-036-0. General A.G.L. McNaugton, the Canadian president of the Security Council, was appointed as an ;informal mediator' in order to establish a plan for demilitarization prior to the holding of a plebiscite. Although Pakistan agreed to his proposals, India did not/
3. Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta (6 December 2012). Jammu and Kashmir. Springer. p. 154. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6. India suggested two far reaching amendments to the proposals and thus rejected them by implication. Pakistan accepted the proposals with minor modifications
4. Howard B. Schaffer (1 September 2009). The Limits of Influence: America's Role in Kashmir. Brookings Institution Press. pp. 28–. ISBN 978-0-8157-0370-9. U.S. policymakers considered India's rejection the worst example yet of its intranigence.
5. Robert J. McMahon (1 June 2010). The Cold War on the Periphery: The United States, India, and Pakistan. Columbia University Press. pp. 60–. ISBN 978-0-231-51467-5. He urged India to reconsider its position and noted rather pointedly that if McNaughton's effort failed owing to India's rejection, it "will be third consecutive time Ind has refused accept findings impartial UN agent." Under those circumstances, the United States would then have no choice but to support whatever Security Council action would be necessary to overcome the stalemate.
6. Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta (6 December 2012). Jammu and Kashmir. Springer. p. 156. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6. At the next meeting the Security Council appointed Sir Owen Dixon as the U.N. representative for India and Pakistan on 12 April 1950. He was to implement the McNaughton proposals for the demilitarization of the State.
7. Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta (6 December 2012). Jammu and Kashmir. Springer. p. 162. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6. The Indian Prime Minister rejected the plan for limited plebiscite on the following grounds: 4) The security of the State necessitated the presence of Indian troops and the exclusion of the Pakistani troops from the plebiscite area. Sir Owen Dixon disagreed with the Indian position. He aired his views that a neutral administration was necessary for a fair plebiscite.
8. Josef Korbel (8 December 2015). Danger in Kashmir. Princeton University Press. pp. 172–. ISBN 978-1-4008-7523-8. In the end I became convinced that India's agreement would never be obtained to demilitarisation in any such form, or to provisions governing the period of the plebiscite of any such character, as would in my opinion permit of the plebiscite being conducted in conditions sufficiently guarding against intimidation and other forms of influence and abuse by which the freedom and fairness of the plebiscite might be imperilled.
9. Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta (6 December 2012). Jammu and Kashmir. Springer. pp. 160–. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6. He summed up his impressions in very strong language, sharply taking India to task for its negative attitude towards the various alternative demilitarization plans.
10. Howard B. Schaffer (1 September 2009). The Limits of Influence: America's Role in Kashmir. Brookings Institution Press. p. 30. ISBN 978-0-8157-0370-9. The failure of the Dixon mission seems to have sharpened even further Ambassador Henderson's already deep suspicions of Indian motives and good faith. He concluded that growing resentment in India about the allegedly pro-Pakistan attitude of the United States on Kashmir-which he reported had been quietly stimulated by Nehru himself- made it desirable to have Britain and other commonwealth countries take the lead in working out a solution. Washington appears to have heeded the amassador's advice. For the rest of 1950 it showed scant interest in taking part in another major international initiative on Kashmir.
11. Victoria Schofield (30 May 2010). Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War. I.B.Tauris. pp. 102–103. ISBN 978-0-85773-078-7.
12. Altaf Gauhar (24 October 1996). Ayub Khan: Pakistan's first military ruler. Oxford University Press. p. 265. ISBN 978-0-19-577647-8.
13. Jawaharlal Nehru. Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru: 1 November-31 December 1957. Vol. 23. p. 347. But for some kind of an agreement between us and Pakistan, the matter would inevitably have been raised in the U.N. immediately and they might well have sent down their representative to Kashmir. All this again would have kept the agitation alive and made it grow. In the circumstances, this is a good statement and helps us in trying to get a quieter atmosphere
14. Mahesh Shankar (2016) Nehru’s legacy in Kashmir: Why a plebiscite never happened, India Review, 15:1, 16. ″Most prominent accounts of the Kashmir dispute attribute Nehru’s role in the failure to achieve peace to the immense nationalist, strategic, and even emotional value India’s first prime minister attached to the territory. To critics of Nehru, such high stakes created a sense of indivisibility about the disputed territory that naturally engendered an intransigence, and even insincerity, in how the Indian government of the time addressed the dispute both bilaterally and in international forums.″
15. Mahesh Shankar (2016) Nehru’s legacy in Kashmir: Why a plebiscite never happened, India Review, 15:1, 6. ″Scholars have similarly pointed to Nehru’s occasional expression of skepticism about the wisdom and practicality of holding a plebiscite″
16. Sumit Ganguly (5 January 2002). Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan Tensions Since 1947. Columbia University Press. pp. 24–. ISBN 978-0-231-50740-0. India had taken the lead in pushing for Minitz's removal because it had perceived a pro-Pakistani bias on the part of the United States in the Security Council debates.
17. Mahesh Shankar (2016) Nehru’s legacy in Kashmir: Why a plebiscite never happened, India Review, 15:1, 16. ″Rather, the Indian obstacles to the plebiscite—pre-conditions regarding demilitarization and the political dispensation in the state—were motivated not by a desire to stall the process altogether, but by fear that making concessions on those issues would carry with them strategic and reputational costs in the Kashmir theater that would be easily exploited by a Pakistan that had already demonstrated hostile intentions. ″

India did indeed have something against Nimitz. Thats why it took the lead in demanding his removal. It perceived a pro-Pakistani bias on America's part (which we know from reading other sources is an Indian self-made perception and not a fact). So India's lack of approval for Nimitz or something that shows India's opposition to Nimitz is key here.

India's wanting to keep out major powers was just another one of its games, it did not want the UN or anyone involved because it wanted to force the Kashmiris quiet after their leader Sheikh Abdullah was arrested for toying with independence. Keeping the Kashmiris quiet was the goal of the drama behind the so-called 'plebiscite offer' according to scholars including Indian ones such as Noorani.--NadirAli نادر علی (talk) 05:19, 24 February 2018 (UTC)

References

1. Sumit Ganguly (5 January 2002). Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan Tensions Since 1947. Columbia University Press. pp. 24–. ISBN 978-0-231-50740-0. India had taken the lead in pushing for Nimitz's removal because it had perceived a pro-Pakistani bias on the part of the United States in the Security Council debates.
2. Howard B. Schaffer (1 September 2009). The Limits of Influence: America's Role in Kashmir. Brookings Institution Press. p. 30. ISBN 978-0-8157-0370-9. The failure of the Dixon mission seems to have sharpened even further Ambassador Henderson's already deep suspicions of Indian motives and good faith. He concluded that growing resentment in India about the allegedly pro-Pakistan attitude of the United States on Kashmir-which he reported had been quietly stimulated by Nehru himself- made it desirable to have Britain and other commonwealth countries take the lead in working out a solution. Washington appears to have heeded the ambassador's advice. For the rest of 1950 it showed scant interest in taking part in another major international initiative on Kashmir.

• @Robert McClenon: can you please advise NadirAli to refrain from WP:OR innuendo on Nehru etc., and focus on the dispute. He has not yet provided the paragraph you have requested. -- Kautilya3 (talk) 23:43, 24 February 2018 (UTC)

The following discussion is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the dispute resolution noticeboard's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

Have you discussed this on a talk page?

Yes, I have discussed this issue on a talk page already.

Location of dispute

• Talk:Near-death experience (edit | subject | history | links | watch | logs)

Users involved

• Perky28 (talk · contribs)
• Jytdog (talk · contribs)
• Skeptic from Britain (talk · contribs)

Dispute overview

About a month ago, I was shocked to see the total disappearance of S. L. Thaler’s research from the WP page on near-death experience, along with all its supporting references. Knowing that for years this article has included his work, and then reading the personal attacks on its talk page, I was especially motivated to reintroduce his research. Then, after two reversions involving Jytdog, I attempted a compromise, simply adding references to the article so that readers would have the option to dig deeper into this highly relevant research. However, even that minor edit was rejected by Jytdog, who seems steadfastly resistant to any mention whatsoever of Thaler in this article.

The irony is that the page cites the Journal of Near-Death Studies three times, as a primary sources for other researchers, but for some reason Thaler's peer-reviewed papers in this same journal are disallowed by Jytdog. Also, an article by a staff reporter for Scientific American serves as a secondary source in this article. However, for Thaler, a similar article doesn't even qualify as valid.

Jytdog also disqualifies Thaler's peer-reviewed, secondary and primary sources out of Elsevier. I would think the papers' merit and relevance had already been determined prior to their publication by experts in the field.

Other editors, such as Skeptical Brit, dismisses (with prejudice) a published article in Elsevier's most selective neural network journal, Neural Networks, simply calling it weird, and then deleting it.

Jytdog, the SciAm article was published in the cellulose magazine, with another following in 1995, not just in archival html. Obviously there are different perspectives on the topic of NDE, and if one camp wants to dominate, they purposely leave out contradictory work. Besides, the Atlantic article was incomplete, possibly to widen the article's appeal among its non-mathematical readership. In the meantime, more thorough authors have repeatedly mentioned Thaler's work. The point is that the Thaler model is agnostic to brain anatomy, and discusses the phenomenon from first principles, namely non-linear switching elements (i.e., neurons) and synaptic integration. The argument typically goes over the head of the general public, but hardly a reason to obliterate all Thaler content and references. And with all DUE respect, the merit of his work has already been determined by peer review by some very reputable journals. Perky28 (talk) 21:56, 20 February 2018 (UTC)

Have you tried to resolve this previously?

I've tried, without success, to engage Jytdog on the article's talk page to seek a resolution.

How do you think we can help?

Neutral parties are needed to judge the validity of the references used in what was once the long-standing Computational Psychology section of this article.

Summary of dispute by Jytdog

I think we need to get clarity on where everybody is coming from before we can turn and address content. I am still awaiting a response to this. Jytdog (talk) 20:59, 20 February 2018 (UTC)

On the content issue, Perky keeps citing primary sources by Thaler, and an editorial rebutting Thaler. There was a hm! report in scientific american back in 1993 (see JSTOR 24941474 but if you look at sources providing authoritative overviews of NDE (say PMID 25357254, called "Almost 40 years investigating near-death experiences: an overview of mainstream scientific journals.", nor in the recent book ISBN 978-0-06-177725-7, or to grab something easy, this popular summary in the Atlantic) this "AI as a model for NDE" stuff isn't mentioned. Perky has been nonresponsive on this essential point. What that means is that this is UNDUE. I of course remain open to seeing sources about NDE generally that discuss this so that we can see that it is given WEIGHT by people in the field.

This is the typical problem we have conflicted or advocacy editors - wanting to give UNDUE emphasis to pet theories (their own or those of others), but I haven't been able to have that discussion as the OP is not engaging. Jytdog (talk) 21:15, 20 February 2018 (UTC)

Summary of dispute by Skeptical Brit

Talk:Near-death experience discussion

• Volunteer note - There has been discussion on the article talk page. The filing editor has notified one of the other editors but not the other listed editor. Also, an additional editor who is not listed took part in the talk page discussion. Robert McClenon (talk) 04:27, 21 February 2018 (UTC)

The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the dispute resolution noticeboard's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

For what it's worth, there's no dispute that the currently written content is accurately reflected from a very-reliable source and the sole bone of contention has been already explicitly laid-out by Sitush on the talk-page.

Still, if anybody wishes, I can provide an OCR-grab of the G-books text at the t/p.

I will also advise the filing editor to kindly disclose the previous accounts he/she may have used in Misplaced Pages and read about our strong prohibition upon any attempts to right great wrongs.

The following discussion is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the dispute resolution noticeboard's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

Have you discussed this on a talk page?

Yes, I have discussed this issue on a talk page already.

Location of dispute

• Kulala (edit | talk | history | links | watch | logs)

Users involved

• Swati salian (talk · contribs)
• sitush (talk · contribs)
• NeilN (talk · contribs)
• justmangalore (talk · contribs)
• Roshani kulal (talk · contribs)

Dispute overview

This is a page where false reference book is given to the contents as reliable source and original page given by author is whitewashed. Now even page is blocked from editing. Below is the reference book

References

1. Schoterman, J. A., ed. (1982). The Ṣaṭsāhasra Saṃhitā: Chapters 1-5. Brill Archive. pp. 7–8. ISBN 978-9-00406-850-6.

Have you tried to resolve this previously?

I tried to talk on this matter .Many different users tried to solve the dispute but still not rectified. Please revert the kulala page back to original.

How do you think we can help?

Please revert the kulala page back to original. Or else remove the disputed contents from the page which is false.

Summary of dispute by sitush

Adding disruptive information in the article ------"This has historically meant that they were the lowest-ranked of the Shudra castes in the Hindu varna system".

Summary of dispute by neiln

Blocking the article and users even if they try to talk in well behaved manner.

Summary of dispute by justmangalore

lack of patience on the matter

Kulala discussion

The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the dispute resolution noticeboard's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

The following discussion is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the dispute resolution noticeboard's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

Have you discussed this on a talk page?

Yes, I have discussed this issue on a talk page already.

Location of dispute

• User talk:Diannaa (edit | subject | history | links | watch | logs)
• Norristown State Hospital (edit | talk | history | links | watch | logs)

Users involved

• HerbiePocket (talk · contribs)
• Diannaa (talk · contribs)

Dispute overview

I have been attempting to resolve some of the issues with the article for Norristown State Hospital. This Administrator lays claims the the entirity of my edits have been pulled from an outside source, Asylum Projects (where I composed a separate article). In doing so she reverted the article to its prior form. I have made the request from her to remove all the portions of the article that she feels are problematic, but to keep those sections that are not. She wrongly claims that the whole of the article is taken from an outside source, and refuses to make the restoration of any text. This can be easily determined with a cursory glance, as the article in question has several sections that have no parallel on Asylum Projects.

Have you tried to resolve this previously?

This issue was discussed with Diannaa, but she remains firm in her decision to remove the page and freeze its content.

How do you think we can help?

I would like to see some arbitration take place, or at the very least, a second opinion regarding the nature of this dispute. The content in question seems ipse dixit. Ultimately, I would like the non-disputed material restored, as I had originally requested.

Summary of dispute by Diannaa

User talk:Diannaa discussion

The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the dispute resolution noticeboard's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.