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Andrés Mamón López Obrador
López Obrador in 2017
58th President of Mexico
Incumbent
Assumed office 1 December 2018
Preceded by	Enrique Peña Nieto
President pro tempore of CELAC
Incumbent
Assumed office 8 January 2020
Preceded by	Jeanine Áñez
President of the National Regeneration Movement
In office 20 November 2015 – 12 December 2017
Preceded by	Martí Batres
Succeeded by	Yeidckol Polevnsky Gurwitz
Head of Government of the Federal District
In office 5 December 2000 – 29 July 2005
Preceded by	Culo Robles
Succeeded by	Alejandro Encinas Rodríguez
President of the Party of the Democratic Revolution
In office 2 August 1996 – 10 April 1999
Preceded by	Porfirio Muñoz Ledo
Succeeded by	Pablo Gómez Álvarez
Personal details
Born	(1953-11-13) 13 November 1953 (age 71) La cama de su madre, Mexico
Political party	National Regeneration Movement (2012–present)
Other political affiliations	Institutional Revolutionary (1976–1989) Democratic Revolution (1989–2012)
Spouse(s)	Rocío Beltrán Medina ​ ​(m. 1979; died 2003)​ Beatriz Gutiérrez Müller ​ ​(m. 2006)​
Parent(s)	Andrés López Ramón Manuela Obrador González
Education	National Autonomous University of Mexico
Signature
Website	Government of Mexico www.lopezobrador.org.mx www.youtube.com/channel/UCxEgOKuI-n-WOJaNcisHvSg

Andrés Manuel López Obrador (Spanish pronunciation: [anˌdɾes maˈnwel ˈlopes oβɾaˈðoɾ] ; born 13 November 1953) (commonly referred to by his initials AMLO) is a Mexican politician serving as the president of Mexico since 2018.

Born in Tepetitán, in the municipality of Macuspana, in south-eastern state of Tabasco, López Obrador graduated from the National Autonomous University of Mexico in 1986 following a hiatus from his studies to participate in politics. He earned a bachelor's degree in political science. He began his political career in 1976 as a member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in Tabasco. His first public position was as director of the Indigenous Institute of Tabasco in 1977, where he promoted the edition of books in indigenous language and the project of the Chontal ridge. In 1989, he joined the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) and was the party's 1994 candidate for Governor of Tabasco. He was the national leader of the PRD between 1996 and 1999. In 2000, he was elected Head of Government of Mexico City. He left the PRD in 2012 and in 2014 founded the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA), which he led until 2017. Often described as a populist and a nationalist, López Obrador has been a nationally relevant politician for more than two decades.

López Obrador was a candidate for the third time in the 2018 presidential election, representing Juntos Haremos Historia, a coalition of the left-wing Labor Party, right-wing Social Encounter Party, and MORENA. This time, he won in a landslide victory, taking 53 percent of the vote. His policy proposals include increases in financial aid for students and doubling the pension for the elderly, doubling the minimum wage, an amnesty for non violent drug criminals, construction of 100 universities and universal access to public colleges, ending the war on drugs and the legalization of some drugs like marijuana, cancellation of the Mexico City New International Airport project surrounded with scandals and environmental irregularities, a referendum on past energy reforms implemented in 2013 that ended Pemex's 75 year state-own control of the oil company the profits of which represented 18% of the total budget revenues of the public sector, stimulus and subsidiaries of the country's agricultural sector, delay of the renegotiation of NAFTA until after the elections, the construction of more oil refineries, increased social spending, slashing politicians' exorbitant salaries and perks and the decentralization of the executive cabinet by moving some key government departments and agencies from the capital to the states.

Early life and education

López Obrador was born in Tepetitán, a small village in the municipality of Macuspana, in the southern state of Tabasco, on 13 November 1953. He is the first born son of Andrés López Ramón (son of Lorenzo López and Beatriz Ramón) and Manuela Obrador González, Tabasco and Veracruz-based merchants. His younger siblings include José Ramón, José Ramiro, Pedro Arturo, Pío Lorenzo, and twins, Candelaria Beatriz and Martín Jesús. His maternal grandfather José Obrador Revueltas was a Cantabrian who arrived as an exile to Mexico from Ampuero, Spain, while his maternal grandmother Úrsula González was the daughter of Asturians. Through his paternal grandparents, Obrador is also of Native American and African descent.

López Obrador attended the only elementary school in town, the Marcos E. Becerra school, named after the poet of the same name. In the afternoons he helped his parents at the La Posadita store. He started middle school in Macuspana but finished it in the state capital, Villahermosa, as in the mid-1960s the family moved, where they also opened a clothes and shoes store called Novedades Andrés. On 8 June 1969, when he was 15 years old, his brother José Ramón López Obrador was killed by a gunshot to the head. According to Jorge Zepeda Patterson's [es] Los Suspirantes 2018, José Ramón found a pistol, played with it, and it slipped out of his hands, firing a bullet into his head. The Tabasco newspapers Rumbo Nuevo, Diario de Tabasco, and Diario Presente presented a story where they were both playing around with the pistol and that Andrés Manuel fired it by accident. According to Zepeda Patterson, Andrés Manuel became "taciturn, much more thoughtful" following the incident. López Obrador went on to finish high school and, at age 19, went to Mexico City to study at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM).

He studied political science and public administration at the UNAM from 1973 to 1976. He returned to school to complete his education after having held several positions within the government of Tabasco and the administration of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). In 1987, he received his degree in political science and public administration after the presentation of his thesis, Proceso de formación del estado nacional en México 1821-1867 (Formation Process of the National State in Mexico 1821-1867).

He lived in the Casa del Estudiante Tabasco during his college years, on Violeta street in the Guerrero neighborhood of Mexico City. The institution was financed by the administration of the governor of Tabasco, Mario Trujillo García by the efforts of the poet Carlos Pellicer, whom López Obrador began to discuss with. There was empathy between the two because the young man raised his concern for the Chontal Maya. After their meeting, the poet invited him to his campaign to obtain a seat in the Senate during the 1976 elections. His university professor, Enrique González Pedrero, was another figure that influenced López Obrador's political trajectory.

Family and personal life

After attending school from 1973 to 1976, he returned to his native Tabasco where he held various government positions as well as being a professor at the Juárez Autonomous University of Tabasco. During his stint, he met Rocío Beltrán Medina, a sociology student, who suggested that he embrace the progressive wing within the PRI. They eventually married on 8 April 1978. They had three sons: José Ramón López Beltrán (born 1981), Andrés Manuel López Beltrán (born 1986), and Gonzalo Alfonso López Beltrán (born 1991). Beltrán Medina died on 12 January 2003 due to respiratory arrest caused by lupus, from which she had been suffering for several years.

On 16 October 2006 he married Beatriz Gutiérrez Müller, who had worked in the Mexico City government during his tenure as Head of Government of Mexico City. Together they have one son, Jesús Ernesto.

López Obrador has held a variety of nicknames throughout his life, including El Molido, El Americano (The American), La Piedra (The Rock), El Comandante (The Commander) and the most popular among them is El Peje, named after the common Tabasco fish, the pejelagarto.

A baseball fan, he has stated his favorite team is the St. Louis Cardinals.

Early political career

Member of the PRI

He joined the PRI in 1976 to support Carlos Pellicer's campaign for a Senate seat for Tabasco. A year later, he headed the Indigenous People's Institute of Tabasco. In 1984, he relocated to Mexico City to work at the National Consumers' Institute, a federal government agency.

Member of the PRD

López Obrador resigned his position with the government of Tabasco in 1988 to join the new dissenting left-wing of the PRI, then called the Democratic Current, led by Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas. This movement formed the National Democratic Front and later became the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD).

In 1994, he ran for the governorship of Tabasco, but lost to PRI candidate Roberto Madrazo in a highly controversial election in which Madrazo was questioned about his campaign spending. López Obrador gained national exposure as an advocate for the rights of indigenous people when in 1996 he appeared on national TV drenched in blood following confrontations with the police for blocking Pemex oil wells to defend the rights of local indigenous people impacted by pollution.

He was president of the PRD from 2 August 1996 to 10 April 1999.

Head of Government of the Federal District (2000–2005)

Election

On 2 July 2000, he was elected Head of Government of the Federal District—a position akin to that of city mayor for the national capital district—with 38.3% of the vote.

Political agenda

As mayor, López Obrador implemented various social programs that included extending financial assistance to help vulnerable groups in Mexico City, including single mothers, senior citizens, and the physically and mentally challenged. He also helped found the first new university in Mexico City in three decades, the Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México.

López Obrador hired former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani to craft a zero-tolerance policy that would help reduce escalating crime in Mexico City.

He directed the restoration and modernization of Mexico City's historic downtown, which has 16th- and 17th-century buildings and a large number of tourist attractions. He led a joint venture with Carlos Slim Helú, a native of downtown Mexico City, to expropriate, restore, rebuild, and gentrify large parts of the area, creating shopping and residential areas for middle- and upper-income residents.

López Obrador used fiscal policy to encourage private sector investment in housing. He granted construction firms large tax breaks and changed zoning regulations to make construction projects more financially attractive, leading to the construction of more condominiums and office buildings during his tenure than during any other period in Mexico City history. New high-density condos emerged in the upscale neighborhoods of Polanco and Lomas.

To improve traffic flow in the city's two main inner-city roads, Periférico and Viaducto, he added sections of second stories to their existing infrastructure. About 10% of the total length of those roads was renovated. An express bus service, the Metrobús, based on the Curitiba model, was built down Avenida Insurgentes, cutting through the city some 20 km from north to south.

Legal and political controversies

López Obrador's reputation was damaged by the lynching of federal law-enforcement officers doing an undercover investigation in Tláhuac, in November 2004. The Mexico City Police rescued one agent, but the city's chief of police, Marcelo Ebrard, and federal Secretary of Public Safety, Ramón Martín Huerta, were both accused of not organizing a timely rescue effort. López Obrador's secretary of government Alejandro Encinas then declared that the lynching was part of the traditions (usos y costumbres) of the people. After a thorough investigation, López Obrador gave Ebrard a vote of confidence, despite a request from President Vicente Fox Quesada for him to be relieved of duty. Later, using his constitutional powers, Fox fired Ebrard, while Martín Huerta, a member of Fox's cabinet, received a reprimand, and continued to hold the position of Secretary of Public Safety until his death in a helicopter accident. López Obrador later appointed Ebrard as Secretary of Social Development, and supported his candidacy in the PRD primaries to run for office in Mexico City.

Removal of immunity from prosecution

Elected government officials in Mexico have an official immunity called fuero that prevents criminal charges from being brought against them, which can be removed through a process called desafuero. In 2004 the Attorney General's Office asked Congress to strip López Obrador of his immunity under charges of a misdemeanor (ignoring a court order). Under federal law, any person with criminal charges during the electoral process would not be eligible to run in a presidential election. A legal process begun in 2004 would likely have continued until the presidential campaigns of 2006, and would therefore have ended López Obrador's ambitions of running for the presidency in 2006.

His political opponents came to his defense, arguing that he should be subject to the same judicial process as anyone else. Notable newspaper editorials throughout the world charged that the desafuero was politically motivated (including The New York Times and the Washington Post) and that it should be stopped, and that excluding López Obrador from the upcoming elections would delegitimize the eventual winner.

After Congress voted in favor of removing López Obrador's immunity, he asked for leave from his post for a few days. President Vicente Fox, wanting to avoid a political cataclysm, and knowing that the decision made by Congress was against the will of millions of people, appeared on national TV in April 2005, indicating that the issue would not be pursued any further. The controversy closed on a technicality, and López Obrador, despite the removal of immunity, was not prosecuted (and thus remained eligible to compete in the presidential election). A few weeks later, Attorney General Rafael Macedo de la Concha resigned.

Prior presidential campaigns

First presidential run, 2006

In September 2005, López Obrador was nominated as the PRD's presidential pre-candidate for the 2006 general election after the "moral leader" of the party, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, declined to participate in the internal elections when polls showed López Obrador had 90% of the party's support.

Until March 2006 he was considered the presidential front runner by the majority of polls; however, polls in late April showed a decline in his numbers. An article published by La Crónica de Hoy in March 2006 reported that Mexican Bolivarian Circles and students, allegedly assisted by Venezuelan agents, distributed "Bolivarian propaganda in favor of Andrés Manuel López Obrador" throughout cities in Mexico, with the report stating that such Bolivarian Circles were given "economic support, logistics advice and ideological instruction" from the Hugo Chávez government.

López Obrador was criticized by some left-wing politicians and analysts for including in his close staff many former members of the PRI who actively fought against his party in the 1980s and 1990s, most notably Arturo Núñez (one of the authors of Fobaproa contingency fund created to resolve liquidity problems of the banking system), Manuel Camacho Solís and Marcelo Ebrard. The guerrilla leader of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), Subcomandante Marcos, openly declared López Obrador to be a false left-wing candidate, arguing that he was a centrist candidate. The "moral leader" and founder of the PRD, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, did not participate in any campaign events, but stated that he would still vote for his party, the PRD.

López Obrador's proposals, including his 50 commitments, produced mixed opinions from analysts. The Washington Post ran a news article indicating that López Obrador used U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt as inspiration for his 50 commitments.

On 19 May, Roberto Madrazo, the PRI's presidential candidate and considered by all polls to be in a distant third place, hinted at the possibility of an alliance with López Obrador to prevent Calderón from winning the election, after both the parties had criticized the government for what in their opinion is supposed illegal support by the federal government for the National Action Party (PAN) candidate's campaigning. The PRD said that both parties entered into an information sharing agreement regarding the issue. This, combined with calls from high ranking PRI member Manuel Bartlett (former interior secretary when the alleged 1988 presidential election fraud was committed) to vote for López Obrador, aroused media speculation that the PRI and the PRD would indeed ally.

On 28 May, after López Obrador had discounted any such alliance because the PRI and PRD political tendencies could not be reconciled, Roberto Madrazo indicated that his comments had been misunderstood and that he would not step down or endorse any another candidate.

Election results

On 6 July 2006, the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) announced the final vote count in the 2006 presidential election, resulting in a narrow margin of 0.56 percentage points (243,934 votes) of victory for his opponent, Felipe Calderón. López Obrador appealed against the results who claimed there were widespread irregularities in the vote and demanded that every single vote be recounted (A generalized recount is only legal in extreme circumstances according to Mexican Electoral Tribunal Jurisprudence S3ELJ14-2004.) On 8 July 2006, López Obrador called for nationwide protests to ask for a recount of all votes, stating that "the government would be responsible for any flare-up of anger after officials rejected his demand for a manual recount of Sunday's extremely close vote." However, on 5 September 2006, the Federal Electoral Tribunal (TEPJF) ruled that the election was fair and that Calderón was the winner and would become president.

In contesting the election, López Obrador and his coalition made several primary arguments: (a) that President Fox, the CCE and other organizations had illegally interfered in the presidential campaign, which was strictly prohibited by electoral law, thereby providing grounds to annul the election; that (b) that the votes were fraudulently tallied on 2 July and afterwards; and that (c) there was widespread and significant evidence of electoral irregularities, ranging from stuffed ballot boxes and inconsistent tally reports, to improper and illegal handling of the ballot trail and voter intimidation.

The Court did find that President Fox, and the CCE, a business interest group, had interfered in the elections in the form of campaigning for a given candidate, which is against campaign laws. However, the TEPJF determined that it was not possible to accurately evaluate the influence this interference had on the election results, but estimated the impact of Fox's interference as insignificant to the results of the election. The Tribunal stated that, similarly, it could not gauge the impact of CCE's interference.

Consequently, the Court ruled that both interferences could not be considered as a sufficient judicial cause to annul the election. In reference to the allegations of fraud, the Court similarly found that there was insufficient evidence to annul the election.

López Obrador and his coalition had alleged irregularities in a large number of polling stations and demanded a national recount. Ultimately the electoral tribunal (TEPJF), in a unanimous vote, ordered a recount of only about 9% of the polling stations. The Supreme Court later ruled that the evidence presented did not demonstrate that sufficient fraud had occurred to change the outcome of the election.

In response to this result, in a move reminiscent of Francisco I. Madero declaring himself provisional President of Mexico after calling the 1910 elections against Porfirio Díaz fraudulent, López Obrador's followers proclaimed him the Presidente Legitimo (Legitimate President), inaugurated him in a ceremony in the Zócalo, and formed an alternative, parallel government.

Post-election protests

López Obrador announced his victory to his supporters on the night of the election, stating that according to exit polls he had won by 500,000 votes. He did not cite any polls at the time, later he referenced Covarrubias and IMO. Several days later, the Federal Electoral Institute published its final tally, which had him down by a margin of 0.58%, or approximately 243,000 votes. López Obrador then initiated legal challenges, claiming election irregularities in 54% of polling stations, and demanded publicly the votes to be recounted "vote by vote" in all polling stations. The case was discussed by the Federal Electoral Tribunal (TEPJF) and finally dismissed.

While the case was discussed in the Electoral Tribunal, the IFE has called for the candidates to refrain from proclaiming themselves as winner, president-elect, or president until the final resolution was taken. Both candidates disobeyed this call. In an interview by U.S. Spanish-language TV network Univisión, López Obrador referred to himself as "President of Mexico".

López Obrador held several gatherings in downtown Mexico City with hundreds of thousands of people attending, pressuring for a "vote for vote" general recount. On 31 July, in an act of civil disobedience, he organized the blocking of 12 kilometers of one of the most important roads in the capital, Paseo de la Reforma, which houses several important hotels, corporate main offices and the Mexico City Stock Market. Business groups said the blockades cost Mexico City businesses located near the areas of conflict daily losses of 350,000,000 pesos (about US$35 million). In order to compensate, they asked the Government of Mexico City to exempt them from paying taxes that year.

On Saturday 5 August, the TEPJF met in a public session to decide the outcome of the complaints the PRD and its coalition partners filed. The seven magistrates voted unanimously to order the recount of 11,839 ballot boxes in 155 districts (9.2% of the total), despite López Obrador's public demand that all votes and ballot boxes be recounted. The TEPJF based its decision of a partial recount on its finding that, despite publicly demanding a vote-by-vote general recount, López Obrador's party filed legal challenges to 71,000 polling stations (54%). Therefore, by law, the TEPJF found it could order a recount of only those 71,000 polling stations in controversy. The TEPJF ruled that it could not order a recount of the votes not in controversy because "the certainty asked by the Coalition is tied to the respect for the tallies certified by the citizens in the polling stations not in controversy." However, the TEPJF did certify that principles of certainty in elections were grounds for a recount in some of the stations in controversy, since there was evidence of possible irregularities.

López Obrador rejected the resolution as narrow and he and his followers thus intensified their civil resistance. For about two hours on 9 August, protesters took over the tollbooths on four federal highways. These roads link Mexico City to Cuernavaca, Querétaro, Toluca, and Pachuca. The protesters prevented personnel from charging tolls in some of these roads and allowed vehicles to pass freely. Also, hundreds of his supporters surrounded four of the main offices of foreign banks, including Citibank's Banamex, BBVA's Bancomer, and the Mexican subsidiary of HSBC, closing them for about four hours, claiming that the foreign banks "ransack the country" and "widen the barrier between rich and poor" and because, supposedly, these banks had participated in the politics of the country by supporting Calderón.

On 8 August, López Obrador sent a message to the press, regarding the blockades, where he explained to the people, "10 reasons" in which he stands to continue the "peaceful civil resistance".

López Obrador held a rally, which he called a "National Democratic Convention", on 16 September, Independence Day, when a military parade was also scheduled to be held. The "democratic convention" started after the military parade.

Claiming that all the country's institutions are linked and protect each other, López Obrador said that they "no longer work" and called for the creation of new ones.

López Obrador led a rally on the day of the state of the union speech, where sympathizers celebrated the President being prevented from delivering his speech inside the Congress chamber. They claimed that the President "had created a police state" in the area around the Congress building and interpreted it as a violation of the Constitution that made it impossible for Congress to be called into session, and thereby enabling Fox to address the chamber. He explicitly told his followers not to be lured into violent confrontations, declaring, "We aren't going to fall into any trap. We aren't going to be provoked." He also asked his followers to remain in the Zócalo, instead of marching to the legislative palace, the site of the state of the union speech, as had been planned.

According to a poll published on 1 December 2006 in El Universal, 42% believed that Calderón's victory was fraudulent, and 46% believed that it was not.

"Legitimate Presidency"

On 20 November 2006, the date when the Mexican Revolution is commemorated, López Obrador's sympathizers proclaimed him the "Legitimate President" at a rally in the Zócalo in Mexico City, though no formal poll was taken. The action was planned in another rally, the "National Democratic Convention", in which supporters gave him the title. At the Convention, López Obrador called for the establishment of a parallel government and shadow cabinet. He also advocated the abolition or reform of several institutions, alleging they are spoiled and corrupt, and asked for changes to the constitution to ensure the institutions work "for the people", and provide welfare and assistance to the elderly and other vulnerable groups.

After his supporters proclaimed him as "Legitimate President of Mexico", López Obrador created a "Cabinet of Denunciation" to counter all moves done by President Felipe Calderón. It was expected that this "alternative cabinet" would be used as a pressure mechanism to the initiatives of the government. In his speech at the proclamation ceremony, López Obrador promised to "procure the happiness of the people", and announced 20 "actions of government", such as fostering a process for renewal for public institutions and defending the right to information and demanding openness of communication media.

Days later, López Obrador announced that he would earn a salary of $50,000 pesos (US$2,500) a month, provided by donations.

Reactions to the "legitimate presidency"

Reactions to the "legitimate presidency" varied widely. An opinion by El País said that López Obrador's "lack of consideration to democratic institutions and rule of law seriously endanger civil peace in Mexico". After speculation of whether or not López Obrador's self-proclamation was against the law, the PRI stated that this political action was not a crime. Liébano Sáenz, chief of staff of former President Ernesto Zedillo, stated that López Obrador "will become the conscience of the nation, which will do much good for Mexican democracy". José Raúl Vera López, the Roman Catholic bishop of Saltillo, Coahuila, declared that the so-called "legitimate presidency" was a result of the "profound discontent with how the country has been run", and that López Obrador had "very deep moral backing".

A poll conducted by Grupo Reforma indicated that 56% of Mexicans disapproved of López Obrador taking the title, while only 19% approved. Sixty-three percent of those polled also said that the former candidate had lost credibility. Other responses in the poll include 82% describing the political atmosphere in Mexico as "tense", and 45% of those polled blamed it on the PRD, with only 20% blaming it on the PAN, and 25% blaming both parties. The poll was a telephone survey of 850 adults on 18 November with 95% confidence interval of +/-3.4% margin of error.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://gruporeforma.elnorte.com/graficoanimado/encuestas/amlo_nombramiento/ |title="Reprueban nombramiento de AMLO", by Grupo Reforma -In Spanish- (requires subscription) |publisher=Gruporeforma.elnorte.com |date=6 April 2010 hakiados putos

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