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Anti-Serbian sentiment or Anti-Serb sentiment (Template:Lang-sh) and also Anti-Serbism (антисрбизам / antisrbizam) or Anti-Serbdom (антисрпство / antisrpstvo) or Serbophobia (србофобија / srbofobija) is a generally negative view of Serbs as an ethnic group. Historically it has been a basis for the persecution of ethnic Serbs.

A distinctive form of Anti-Serbism is Anti-Serbianism which can be defined as a generally-negative view of Serbia as a nation state for Serbs, while another form of Anti-Serbism is a generally-negative view of Republika Srpska, the Serb entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The best-known historical proponent of anti-Serb sentiment was the 19th- and 20th-century Croatian Party of Rights. The most extreme elements of this party became the Ustaše in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, a Croatian fascist organization that came to power during World War II and instituted racial laws that specifically targeted Serbs, Jews, Roma and dissidents. The World War II persecution of Serbs included genocide and mass ethnic cleansing of Serbs and other minorities that lived in the Independent State of Croatia (1941–1945).

History

Before World War I

19th and early 20th century in Austro-Hungarian Croatia

Ante Starčević, known as “father of the homeland” in Croatia

Anti-Serbian sentiment coalesced in 19th century Croatia when some of the Croatian intelligentsia planned the creation of a Croatian nation-state. Croatia was at the time a part of the Kingdom of Hungary, an integral part of the Habsburg Monarchy, and Dalmatia and Istria separate Habsburg crown lands. Ante Starčević, the leader of the Party of Rights between 1851 and 1896, believed Croats should confront their neighbors, including Serbs. He wrote, for example, that Serbs were an "unclean race" and with co-founder of his party, Eugen Kvaternik, denied the existence of Serbs or Slovenes in Croatia, seeing their political consciousness as a threat. During the 1850s Starčević forged the term Slavoserb (Template:Lang-lat) to describe people supposedly ready to serve foreign rulers, initially used to refer to some Serbs and his Croat opponent and later applied to all Serbs by his followers. The Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878 probably contributed to the development of Starčević's anti-Serb sentiment: He believed that it increased chances for the creation of Greater Croatia. David Bruce MacDonald, has put forward a thesis that Starčević's theories could only justify ethnocide but not genocide because Starčević intended to assimilate Serbs as "Orthodox Croats", and not to exterminate them.

Starčević's ideas formed a basis for the destructive politics of his successor, Josip Frank, a Croatian Jewish lawyer and politician converted to Catholicism who led numerous anti-Serbian incidents. Josip Frank carried on Starčević's ideology, and defined Croat identity 'strictly in terms of Serbophobia'. He opposed any cooperation between Croats and Serbs, and Djilas described him as "a leading anti-Serbian demagogue and the instigator of the persecution of Serbs in Croatia". His followers, called Frankovci, would go on to become the most ardent Ustashe members. Under Frank's leadership the Party of Rights became obsessively anti-Serb, and such sentiments dominated Croatian political life in the 1880s. British historian C. A. Macartney stated that because of the "gross intolerance" toward Serbs who lived in Slavonia, they had to seek protection from Count Károly Khuen-Héderváry, the Ban of Croatia-Slavonia, in 1883. During his reign in 1883–1903, Hungary stimulated division and hatred between Serbs and Croats to further its Magyarization policy. Carmichael writes that ethnic division between the Croats and the Serbs at the turn of the 20th century was stoked by a nationalist press and was "incubated entirely in the minds of extremists and fanatics, with little evidence that the areas in which Serbs and Croats had lived for many centuries in close proximity, such as Krajina, were more prone to ethnically inspired violence." In 1902 major anti-Serb riots in Croatia were caused by an article written by Serbian nationalist writer Nikola Stojanović (1880–1964) titled Do istrage vaše ili naše (Till the destruction of you or us) which forecasted the result of an "inevitable" Serbian-Croatian conflict, that was reprinted in the Serb Independent Party's Srbobran magazine.

Between the mid-19th and early 20th century there were two factions in the Catholic Church in Croatia: the progressive faction which preferred uniting Croatia with Serbia in a progressive Slavic country, and the conservative faction that opposed this. The conservative faction became dominant by the end of the 19th century: The First Croatian Catholic Congress held in Zagreb in 1900 was unreservedly Serbophobic and anti-Orthodox.

The term Serbophobe was used in literary and cultural circles before World War I. Croatian writers Antun Gustav Matoš and Miroslav Krleža casually described some political and cultural figures as "Serbophobes" (Krleža in the four-volume Talks with Miroslav Krleža, 1985, edited by Enes Čengić; they perceived an anti-Serbian animus in a person's behavior.

Kosovo Vilayet

Anti-Serb sentiment in the Kosovo Vilayet grew as a result of the Ottoman-Serb and Ottoman-Greek conflicts during the period of 1877-1897. With the liberation of Vranje in 1878, thousands of Ottoman Albanian troops and Albanian civilians retreated into the Eastern part of Ottoman held Kosovo Vilayet. These displaced persons known as (Alb. muhaxhirë, Turk. muhacir, Serb. muhadžir) were highly hostile towards the Serbs in the areas they retreated to, given the fact that they were expelled from the Vranje area due to the Ottoman-Serb conflict. This animosity fuelled anti-Serb sentiment which resulted in Albanians committing widespread atrocities including murder, looting and rape against Serb civilians across the entire territory, including parts of Pristina and Bujanovac.

Atrocities against Serbs in the region also peaked in 1901 after the region was flooded with weapons not handed back to the Ottomans after the Greco-Turkish War of 1897. Albanians committed numerous atrocities including: massacres, rapes, looting and expulsion of Serbs in the Pristina and Northern Kosovo region. Little suggests that the actions of Albanians at the time constituted ethnic cleansing as they attempted to create a homogoneous area free of Christian Serbs.

World War I

Excerpt from a 1913 Austro-Hungarian order, that banned numerous social-democratic and ethnic Serb cultural societies in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Austro-Hungarian propaganda postcard saying "Serbs, we'll smash you to pieces!"

After the Balkan Wars in 1912—1913, anti-Serb sentiment increased in the Austro-Hungarian administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Oskar Potiorek, governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina, closed many Serb societies and significantly contributed to the anti-Serb mood before the outbreak of World War I.

The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria and Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg in 1914 led to the Anti-Serb pogrom in Sarajevo, where angry Croats and Muslims engaged in violence during the evening of 28 June and much of the day on 29 June. This led to a deep division along ethnic lines unprecedented in the city's history. Ivo Andrić refers to this event as the "Sarajevo frenzy of hate." The crowds directed their anger principally at Serb shops, residences of prominent Serbs, the Serbian Orthodox Church, schools, banks, the Serb cultural society Prosvjeta, and the Srpska riječ newspaper offices. Two Serbs were killed that day. That night there were anti-Serb riots in other parts of the Austro-Hungarian Empire including Zagreb and Dubrovnik. In the aftermath of the Sarajevo assassination anti-Serb sentiment ran high throughout the Habsburg Empire. Austria-Hungary imprisoned and extradited around 5,500 prominent Serbs, sentenced 460 to death, and established the predominantly Muslim special militia Schutzkorps which carried on the persecution of Serbs.

The Sarajevo assassination became the casus belli for World War I. Taking advantage of an international wave of revulsion against this act of "Serbian nationalist terrorism," Austria-Hungary gave Serbia an ultimatum which led to World War I. Although the Serbs of Austria-Hungary were loyal citizens whose majority participated in its forces during the war, anti-Serb sentiment systematically spread and members of the ethnic group were persecuted all over the country. Austria-Hungary soon occupied the territory of the Kingdom of Serbia, including Kosovo, boosting already intense anti-Serbian sentiment among Albanians whose volunteer units were established to reduce the number of Serbs in Kosovo. A cultural example is the jingle "Alle Serben müssen sterben" ("All Serbs Must Die"), which was popular in Vienna in 1914. (It was also known as "Serbien muß sterbien").

Orders issued on 3 and 13 October 1914 banned the use of Serbian Cyrillic in the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, limiting it to use in religious instruction. A decree was passed on 3 January 1915, that banned Serbian Cyrillic completely from public use. An imperial order in 25 October 1915, banned the use of Serbian Cyrillic in the Condominium of Bosnia and Herzegovina, except "within the scope of Serb Orthodox Church authorities".

World War II

Ante Pavelić, leader of the viciously anti-Serbian Ustashe.

Nazi Germany

Serbs as well as other Slavs (mainly Poles and Russians) as well as non-Slavic peoples (such as Jews and Roma) were not considered Aryans by Nazi Germany. Instead, they were considered subhuman, inferior races (Untermenschen) and foreign races and as a result, they were not considered part of the Aryan master race. Anti-Serb sentiment increasingly infiltrated German Nazi ideology after Adolf Hitler's appointment as chancellor in 1933. The roots of this sentiment can be found in his early life in Vienna, and when he was informed about the Yugoslav coup d'état that was conducted by a group of pro-Western Serb officers in March 1941, he decided to punish all Serbs as the main enemies of his new Nazi order. The propaganda ministry of Joseph Goebbels, with the support of the Bulgarian, Italian, and Hungarian press, was given the task of stimulating anti-Serb sentiment among the Croats, Slovenians and Hungarians. The propaganda of the Axis powers accused the group of persecuting minorities and establishing concentration camps for ethnic Germans in order to justify an attack on Yugoslavia and Nazi Germany portrayed itself as a force which would save the Yugoslavian people from the threat of Serb nationalism. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia was invaded and occupied by the Axis powers.

Independent State of Croatia and Ustashe

Main article: Genocide of Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia
A knife nicknamed "Srbosjek" or "Serbcutter", strapped to the hand, which was used by the Ustaše Militia for the speedy killing of inmates in Jasenovac.

The Axis occupation of Serbia enabled the Ustashe, a Croatian fascist and terrorist organization, to implement its extreme anti-Serbian ideology in the Independent State of Croatia. Its anti-Serb sentiment was racist and genocidal. The new Croatian government adopted racial laws, similar to those in Nazi Germany, and aimed them at Jews, Roma people and Serbs, who were all defined as being "aliens outside the national community" and persecuted throughout World War II throughout the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Between 100,000 and 700,000 Serbs were killed in Croatia by the Ustaše and their Axis allies. Overall, the number of Serbs who were killed in Yugoslavia during World War II was about 700,000, the majority of whom were massacred by various fascist forces. Many historians and authors describe the Ustaše regime's mass killings of Serbs as meeting the definition of genocide, including Raphael Lemkin who is known for coining the word genocide and initiating the Genocide Convention. Sisak concentration camp was set up on 3 August 1942 by the Ustaše government following the Kozara Offensive and it was specially formed for children.

An entire Serb family lies slaughtered in their home following a raid by the Ustashe Militia, 1941.

Some priests in the Croatian Catholic Church participated in these Ustaša massacres and the mass conversion of Serbs to Catholicism. During the war, about 250,000 people of the Orthodox faith who were living within the territory of the NDH were either forced or coerced into converting to Catholicism by the Ustaša authorities. One of the reasons for the close cooperation of a part of the Catholic clergy was its anti-Serb position.

Ustaše execute Serbs and Jews in Jasenovac as part of Serbian Genocide

Breakup of Yugoslavia

Burned and destroyed Serbian church and houses in Prizren during the 2004 unrest in KosovoDestroyed Serbian house in Croatia. Most Serbs fled during Operation Storm

During the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s anti-Serb sentiment flooded Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo, and because of its independence and historical association with Serbophobia, the Independent State of Croatia would sometimes serve as rallying symbol for people who intended to proclaim aversion toward Serbia. It also worked vice versa. And while Serbian nationalism of the time is well-known, anti-Serb sentiment was present among all non-Serb nations of Yugoslavia during its breakup. Bookocide of works written in Serbian took place in Croatia, with as many as 2,8 million books destroyed.

In 1997 the FR Yugoslavia submitted claims to the International Court of Justice that Bosnia and Herzegovina was responsible for the acts of genocide committed against the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had been incited by anti-Serb sentiment and rhetoric communicated through all forms of the media. For example, The Novi Vox, a Muslim youth paper, published a poem titled "Patriotic Song" with the following verses: "Dear mother, I'm going to plant willows; We'll hang Serbs from them; Dear mother, I'm going to sharpen knives; We'll soon fill pits again." The paper Zmaj od Bosne published an article with a sentence saying "Each Muslim must name a Serb and take oath to kill him." The radio station Hajat broadcast "public calls for the execution of Serbs."

In the summer of 1995 the French president, Jacques Chirac. was criticized because, commenting on the Bosnian War, he called Serbs “a nation of robbers and terrorists”. Anti-Serbian sentiment remained largely present in the United Kingdom and other European states for many years after the Yugoslav wars ended.

Outside the Balkans, Noam Chomsky observed that not just the government of Serbia, but also the people, were reviled and threatened. He described the jingoism as "a phenomenon I have not seen in my lifetime since the hysteria whipped up about 'the Japs' during World War II".

At a 2012 book signing in Prague, Madeleine Albright, the United States Secretary of State during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, received backlash from a pro-Serbian Czech organization whose protesters carried photos of Serbian victims of the Kosovo War. She was filmed responding to them with, "disgusting Serbs, get out!"

Contemporary and recent issues

At a football game between Kosovo and Croatia played in Albania in October 2016, the fans together chanted murderous slogans against Serbs. Both countries face FIFA hearings due to the incident. Croat and Ukrainian sports fans have put up hate messages towards Serbs and Russians during a match of their national teams in the 2018 World Cup qualifier.

Croatia

Entrance to "Zagrebački zbor" in 1942, it served as a transit camp during the existence of Independent State of Croatia.

In 2015 Amnesty International reported that Croatian Serbs continued to face discrimination in public sector employment and the restitution of tenancy rights to social housing vacated during the war. In 2017 they again pointed Serbs faced significant barriers to employment and obstacles to regain their property. Amnesty International also said that right to use minority languages and script continued to be politicized and unimplemented in some towns and that heightened nationalist rhetoric and hate speech contributed to growing ethnic intolerance and insecurity. According to the 2018 European Commission against Racism and Intolerance report, racist and intolerant hate speech in public discourse is escalating; and one of the main targets are Serbs.

The Croatian usage of the Ustashe salute Za dom spremni, the equivalent of Nazi salute Sieg Heil, is not banned. It is frequently used by Croatian nationalists and sports fans. Some Croats, including politicians, have attempted to deny and to minimise the magnitude of the genocide perpetrated against Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia. Since 2016, anti-fascist groups, leaders of Croatia's Serb, Roma and Jewish communities and former top Croat officials have boycotted the official state commemoration for the victims of the Jasenovac concentration camp because, as they said, Croatian authorities refused to denounce the Ustasha legacy explicitly and they downplayed and revitalized crimes committed by Ustashe.

In 2013 it was reported that a group of right-wing extremists had taken over the Croatian Misplaced Pages, editing mostly articles related to the Ustashe, whitewashing their crimes, and articles targeting Serbs.

In the same year there were protests in several Croatian cities against introducing Serbian language and Cyrillic script as official in Vukovar. Later signs with Cyrillic on administrative buildings were destroyed by Croatian veterans. In 2019, Ivan Penava, Mayor of Vukovar, presented the conclusion that conditions have not been met to introduce special rights on the equal use of the Serbian minority's language and script in Vukovar. Councillors from the Independent Democratic Serb Party gave him a copy of the city statute, printed in Cyrillic script, which he tossed on the floor and then picked it up, and said that this was “an act of aggression by the Serb National Council and its head Milorad Pupovac”.

Controversial memorial plaque in Jasenovac with Ustashe Nazi salute Za dom spremni

Ruža Tomašić, member of the European Parliament commenting on the statement by Serbian Labour Minister Aleksandar Vulin, who said Croatia cannot give lessons to Serbia about war crimes, said: "Let them pray to God that we do not clean up our yard because if we start to clean our yard you will have a lot more Serbs from Croatia who will have to go to Serbia. Leaked taped conversations from a meeting of Zoran Milanović, former Prime Minister of Croatia, and representatives of veterans association, published on 24 and 25 August 2016 by Jutarnji list, in which Milanović made controversial statements against the neighboring countries have caused criticism. While commenting on Serbia's accession to the EU and their law on universal jurisdiction for war crimes prosecution on the whole territory of former Yugoslavia, Milanović stated that the Serbian government was acting arrogantly, adding that "Serbs want to be rulers of the Balkans, but are actually a handful of misery".

Serbian politicians have recently accused Croatian politicians of anti-Serbian sentiment. The US State Department has warned about pro-Ustashe and anti-Serb sentiment in Croatia. According to the Serbian National Council, hate speech, threats and violence against Serbs rose by 57% in 2016. On 12 February 2018, when Serbian President Vučić was to meet with Croatian government representatives in Zagreb, hundreds of demonstrators chanted the salute Za dom spremni! at the city square.

Marko Perković and band Thompson created controversy by performing songs that openly glorifies the Ustasha regime and the Genocide of Serbs. The band performed Jasenovac i Gradiška Stara, which celebrate the massacres at the Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška, which were among the largest extermination camps in Europe.

A hate motivated attacked on Serbs who were watching Crvena Zvezda football match took place in August 2019, near Knin. Five people were injured, including a minor.

Hate speech and derogatory terms

Among derogatory terms for Serbs are "Vlachs" (Власи / Vlasi) and "Chetniks" (четници / četnici) used by Croats and Bosniaks; Shkije by Albanians; while Čefurji is used in Slovenia for immigrants from other former Yugoslav republics.

Criticism and controversy

Some controversy with the term purportedly corresponds to its interplay with perceived historical revisionism practiced by the government of Slobodan Milošević in the 1990s and its later apologists, and the contention that Serbian writers constructed the "myth of Serbophobia," as "an anti-Semitism for Serbs, making them victims throughout history." According to MacDonald, in the 1980s Serbs increasingly began to compare themselves to Jews as fellow victims in world history, which involved tragedising historic events, from the 1389 Battle of Kosovo to the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, as every aspect of history was seen as yet another example of persecution and victimisation of Serbs at the hands of external negative forces. The association with Jewish suffering is probably linked to the Croatian death camp, Jasenovac where it is estimated that 50,000–70,000 Serbs were killed in extremely cruel circumstances, along with fellow inmates who were Jews and Roma. The disputed historical facts of the camp are the subject of allegations of "Holocaust Denial" by the Croatian authorities.

Critics associate the use of the term Serbophobia with the politics of Serbian nationalist victimization of the late 1980s and 1990s as described, for example, by former director of the International Crisis Group in the Balkans, Christopher Bennett. According to Bennett, the idea of historic Serb martyrdom grew out of the thinking and writing of Dobrica Ćosić who developed a complex and paradoxical theory of Serb national persecution, which evolved over two decades between the late 1960s and the late 1980s into the Greater Serbian programme. Serbian nationalist politicians have made associations to Serbian "martyrdom" in history (from the Battle of Kosovo in 1389 to the genocide during World War II) to justify Serbian politics of the 1980s and 1990s; these associations were exemplified in Slobodan Milošević's Gazimestan speech at Kosovo Polje in 1989. The reaction to this speech as well as to the use of the associated term Serbophobia remains a matter of heated debate.

In late 1988, months before the Revolutions of 1989, Milošević accused his critics like the Slovenian leader Milan Kučan of "spreading fear of Serbia" as a political tactic. Political scientist David Bruce MacDonald stated that Serbophobia was often likened to anti-Semitism, and expressed itself as a re-analysis of history where every event that had a negative effect on the Serbs was likened to a tragedy, and used to justify territorial expansion into neighbouring regions.

Alleged Serbophobes

Gallery

  • Serbien muss sterbien! ("Serbia must die!"), an Austrian caricature, after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria in 1914, depicting Serbia as an ape-like terrorist. Serbien muss sterbien! ("Serbia must die!"), an Austrian caricature, after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria in 1914, depicting Serbia as an ape-like terrorist.
  • Devastated and robbed shops owned by Serbs in Sarajevo during the Anti-Serb pogrom in Sarajevo. Devastated and robbed shops owned by Serbs in Sarajevo during the Anti-Serb pogrom in Sarajevo.
  • Order for Serbs and Jews to move out of their home in Zagreb, in the Nazi puppet state during World War II. Also, warning of forcible expulsion for Serbs and Jews who fail to comply. Order for Serbs and Jews to move out of their home in Zagreb, in the Nazi puppet state during World War II. Also, warning of forcible expulsion for Serbs and Jews who fail to comply.

See also

References

  1. "Absurdist Exhibition Pictures Croats on the Moon". Balkan Insight. 12 May 2016. Retrieved 15 April 2019.
  2. Kurt Jonassohn; Karin Solveig Björnson (January 1998). Genocide and Gross Human Rights Violations: In Comparative Perspective. Transaction Publishers. p. 281. ISBN 978-1-4128-2445-3. Retrieved 30 August 2013. Anti-Serbian sentiment had already been expressed throughout the nineteenth century when Croatian intellectuals began to make plans for their own national state. They viewed the presence of more than one million Serbs in Krajina and Slavonia as intolerable.
  3. ^ Meier 2013, p. 120.
  4. Carmichael 2012, p. 97

    For Starčević... Serbs were 'unclean race' ... Along with ... Eugen Kvaternik he believed that 'there could be no Slovene or Serb people in Croatia because their existence could only be expressed in the right to a separate political territory.

  5. John B. Allcock; Marko Milivojević; John Joseph Horton (1998). Conflict in the former Yugoslavia: an encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 105. ISBN 978-0-87436-935-9. Retrieved 1 September 2013. Starcevic was extremely anti-Serb, seeing Serb political consciousness as a threat to Croats.
  6. Tomasevich (2001), p. 3

    In polemics of the 1850's, Starčević also coined a misleading term – "Slavoserb", derived from the Latin word "sclavus" and "servus" to denote persons ready to serve foreign rulers against their own people.

  7. ^ Carmichael 2012, p. 97.
  8. MacDonald 2002, p. 87.
  9. Ognjen Kraus (1998, p. 174) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFOgnjen_Kraus1998 (help)
  10. Gregory C. Ference (2000). "Frank, Josip". In Richard Frucht (ed.). Encyclopedia of Eastern Europe: From the Congress of Vienna to the Fall of Communism. New York & London: Garland Publishing. pp. 276–277.
  11. (in Croatian) "Eugen Dido Kvaternik, Sjećanja i zapažanja 1925–1945, Prilozi za hrvatsku povijest.", Dr. Jere Jareb, Starčević, Zagreb, 1995., ISBN 953-96369-0-6, str. 267.: Josip Frank pokršten je, kad je imao 18 godina.
  12. ^ Trbovich 2008, p. 136.
  13. Robert A. Kann (1980). A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526–1918. University of California Press. p. 447. ISBN 978-0-520-04206-3. Retrieved 30 August 2013. ... in the case of Frank's followers... strongly anti-Serb
  14. Stephen Richards Graubard (1999). A New Europe for the Old?. Transaction Publishers. p. 59. ISBN 978-1-4128-1617-5. Retrieved 30 August 2013. Under Josip Frank, who carried the rightists into a new era, the party became obsessively anti- Serbian.
  15. Jelavich & Jelavich 1986, p. 254.
  16. ^ MacDonald 2002, p. 88.
  17. Bilandžić, Dušan (1999). Hrvatska moderna povijest. Golden marketing. p. 31. ISBN 953-6168-50-2.
  18. ^ Ramet 1998, p. 155

    Thus, from the mid-nineteenth century until the 1920s, the church in Croatia was riven into two factions: the progressives, who favored the incorporation of Croatia into a liberal Slavic state ... and the conservatives,... who were loath to bind Catholic Croatia to Orthodox Serbia. ... By 1900 the exclusivist orientation seems to have gained the upper hand in Catholic circles and the First Croatian Catholic Congress, held in Zagreb that year, was implicitly anti-Orthodox and anti-Serb.

  19. Bataković, Dušan (1992). The Kosovo Chronicles. Plato.
  20. Frantz, Eva Anne (2009). "Violence and its Impact on Loyalty and Identity Formation in Late Ottoman Kosovo: Muslims and Christians in a Period of Reform and Transformation". Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs. 29 (4): 460–461. doi:10.1080/13602000903411366. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  21. Krakov 1990, pp. 12–14.
  22. Skendi 2015, p. 293.
  23. Iain King; Whit Mason (2006). Peace at Any Price: How the World Failed Kosovo. Cornell University Press. p. 30. ISBN 0-8014-4539-6.
  24. Little 2007, p. 125.
  25. ^ Richard C. Frucht (2005). Eastern Europe: An Introduction to the People, Lands, and Culture. ABC-CLIO. p. 644. ISBN 978-1-57607-800-6. The Balkan Wars left Serbia as the region's strongest power. Serbia's relationship with Austria-Hungary remained antagonistic, and the Habsburg administration in Bosnia-Hercegovina became anti-Serb...the governor of Bosnia declared state of emergency, dissolved the parliament,... and closed down many Serb associations...
  26. Mitja Velikonja (5 February 2003). Religious Separation and Political Intolerance in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Texas A&M University Press. p. 141. ISBN 978-1-58544-226-3. The anti-Serb policy and mood that emerged in the months leading up to the First World War were the result of the machinations of Gen. Oskar von Potiorek (1853-1933), Bosnia-Herzegovina's heavy-handed military governor.
  27. Daniela Gioseffi (1993). On Prejudice: A Global Perspective. Anchor Books. p. 246. ISBN 978-0-385-46938-8. ...Andric describes the "Sarajevo frenzy of hate" that erupted among Muslims, Roman Catholics, and Orthodox believers following the assassination on June 28, 1914, of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo...
  28. Robert J. Donia (29 June 1914). Sarajevo: a biography. p. 123. ISBN 9780472115570.
  29. Joseph Ward Swain (1933). Beginning the twentieth century: a history of the generation that made the war. W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. p. 347.
  30. John Richard Schindler (1995). A hopeless struggle: the Austro-Hungarian army and total war, 1914–1918. McMaster University. p. 50. ...anti-Serbian demonstrations in Sarajevo, Zagreb and Ragusa.
  31. Christopher Bennett (January 1995). Yugoslavia's Bloody Collapse: Causes, Course and Consequences. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. pp. 31–. ISBN 978-1-85065-232-8.
  32. Tomasevich 2001, p. 485.
  33. Herbert Kröll (2008). Austrian-Greek encounters over the centuries: history, diplomacy, politics, arts, economics. Studienverlag. p. 55. ISBN 978-3-7065-4526-6. ...arrested and interned some 5.500 prominent Serbs and sentenced to death some 460 persons, a new Schutzkorps, an auxiliary militia, widened the anti-Serb repression.
  34. Klajn 2007, p. 16.
  35. Pavlowitch 2002, p. 94.
  36. Banac 1988, p. 297.
  37. Gustav Regler; Gerhard Schmidt-Henkel; Ralph Schock; Günter Scholdt (2007). Werke. Stroemfeld/Roter Stern. p. 46. ISBN 978-3-87877-442-6. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Mit Kreide war an die Waggons geschrieben: »Jeder Schuß ein Russ', jeder Stoß ein Franzos', jeder Tritt ein Brit', alle Serben müssen sterben.« Die Soldaten lachten, als ich die Inschrift laut las. Es war eine Aufforderung, mitzulachen.
  38. Andrej Mitrović, Serbia's great war, 1914–1918 p.78-79. Purdue University Press, 2007. ISBN 1-55753-477-2, ISBN 978-1-55753-477-4
  39. Ana S. Trbovich (2008). A Legal Geography of Yugoslavia's Disintegration. Oxford University Press. p. 102. ISBN 9780195333435.
  40. Historical Dictionary of the Holocaust – Page 175 Jack R. Fischel – 2010 The policy of Lebensraum was also the product of Nazi racial ideology, which held the view that the Slavic peoples of the east were inferior to the Aryan race.
  41. Hitler's Home Front: Wurttemberg Under the Nazis, Jill Stephenson p. 135, Other non-'Aryans' included Slavs, Blacks and Roma .
  42. Race Relations Within Western Expansion – Page 98 Alan J. Levine – 1996 Preposterously, Central European Aryan theorists, and later the Nazis, would insist that the Slavic-speaking peoples were not really Aryans
  43. The Politics of Fertility in Twentieth-Century Berlin – Page 118 Annette F. Timm – 2010 The Nazis' singleminded desire to "purify" the German race through the elimination of non-Aryans (particularly Jews, Gypsies, and Slavs)
  44. Curta 2001, p. 9, 26–30. sfn error: no target: CITEREFCurta2001 (help)
  45. Jerry Bergman, "Eugenics and the Development of Nazi Race Policy", Perspectives on Science and Christian Faith PSCF 44 (June 1992):109–124
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