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Akkadian or Mesopotamian royal titulary refers to the royal titles and epithets (and the style they were presented in) assumed by monarchs in Ancient Mesopotamia from the Akkadian period to the fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire (roughly 2334 to 539 BC), with some scant usage in the later Achaemenid and Seleucid periods. The titles and the order they were presented in varied from king to king, with similarities between kings usually being because of a king's explicit choice to align himself with a predecessor. Some titles, like the Akkadian šar kibrāt erbetti ("king of the Four Corners of the World") and šar kiššatim ("king of the Universe") and the Neo-Sumerian šar māt Šumeri u Akkadi ("king of Sumer and Akkad") would remain in use for more than a thousand years through several different empires and others were only used by a single king.

In the Akkadian-speaking kingdoms of Assyria and Babylonia, distinct styles of Akkadian titulature would develop, retaining titles and elements of earlier kings but applying new royal traditions. In Assyrian royal titulary, emphasis would typically be placed on the strength and power of the king whilst Babylonian royal titulary would usually focus on the protective role and the piety of the king. Monarchs who controlled both Assyria and Babylon (such as some of the Neo-Assyrian kings) often used "hybrid" titularies combining aspects of both. Such hybrid titularies are also recorded for the only known examples of Akkadian titularies beyond the fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, employed by Cyrus the Great (r. 559–530 BC) of the Achaemenid Empire and Antiochus I (r. 281–261 BC) of the Seleucid Empire, who also introduced some aspects of their own royal ideologies.

History

Mesopotamian royal titles vary in their contents, epithets and order depending on the ruler, dynasty and the length of a monarch's reign. Patterns of arrangement and the choice of titles and epithets usually reflect specific kings, which also meant that later rulers attempting to emulate an earlier great king often aligned themselves with their great predecessors through the titles, epithets and order chosen. As such, Akkadian-language royal inscriptions can be important sources on the royal ideology of any one given king and in exploring sociocultural factors during the reigns of individual kings.

Origins

Though there had been kings (and thus obviously royal titles) in Mesopotamia since prehistoric times, the first great "innovator" of royal titles was Naram-Sin of Akkad (r. 2254–2218 BC), the grandson of Sargon of Akkad and the fourth ruler of the Akkadian Empire. Naram-Sin introduced the idea of kingship in the four corners (e.g. the four inhabited regions of the Earth) with the title "King of the Four Corners of the World", probably in geographical terms expressing his dominion over the regions Elam, Subartu, Amurru and Akkad (representing east, north, west and south respectively). It is possible that Naram-Sin might have been inspired to claim the title following his conquest of the city Ebla, in which quadripartite divisions of the world and the universe were prominent parts of the city's ideology and beliefs. Naram-Sin was also the first king to claim divinity for himself during his lifetime. Though both his father Manishtushu and his grandfather Sargon were recognized as divine, they had only been deified posthumously. The adoption of the title "God of Akkad" may have been due to Naram-Sin winning a great victory over a large-scale revolt against his rule. Naram-Sin was also the first Mesopotamian ruler to adopt the epithet dannum ("mighty").

Another title heavily associated with the Akkadian rulers was šar kiššatim. The literal translation of this title is "King of Kish", Kish being one of the more prestigious Sumerian cities, often having been seen in the times preceding the Akkadian Empire as having some sort of primacy over the other cities in the region. Use of the title, which was not limited to kings actually in possession of the city itself, implied that the ruler was a builder of cities, victorious in war and a righteous judge. By the time of Sargon of Akkad, "King of Kish" meant a divinely authorized ruler with the right to rule over all of Sumer, it might have begun to refer to some sort of a universal rule already in the centuries before Sargon's rise to power. Through its use by Sargon of Akkad and his successors, the title would be altered in meaning from "King of Kish" to the more boastful "King of the Universe", which is how later rulers would interpret it for more than a thousand years.

After the fall of Akkad, further titles would be introduced by the kings of the Third Dynasty of Ur. The founder of this dynasty, Ur-Nammu (r. 2112–2095 BC), combined the title of "king of Akkad" with the traditional "king of Sumer" in an effort to unify the north and south of Mesopotamia under his rule, creating the title of "king of Sumer and Akkad". Though the Akkadian kings had used both the titles of "king of Akkad" and "king of Sumer", the combined title was new. Sargon of Akkad had even during his reign explicitly been against linking Sumer and Akkad. There was some native Mesopotamian precedence for double titles of this kind, in the Early Dynastic III (c. 2900–2350) period, double titles were used by some kings with examples like "lord of Sumer and king of the nation" and "king of Uruk and king of Ur". These titles were unique to their respective rulers however, never appearing again, and repeated "king" at the mention of the second kingship. Ur-Nammu was acknowledged by the priesthood at Nippur and crowned as sovereign of the two lands surrounding Nippur "to right and left". The fourth king of the Third Dynasty of Ur, Amar-Sin (r. 2046–2038 BC), was the first ruler to introduce the title šarru dannu ("mighty king"), replacing the earlier epithet dannum.

When the Third Dynasty of Ur collapsed and its vassals once again became independent polities, the former vassal cities often only implicitly renounced their allegiance to Ur. Since the ruler of Ur was deified and thus technically a god, ruling titles like šar ("king") were applied to the principal deities of the cities. As a result, formerly subordinate titles such as šakkanakki and Išši’ak (both translating to "governor") became sovereign ruling titles.

Assyrian and Babylonian titulature

Over the course of the centuries after the fall of the Third Dynasty of Ur, the main kingdoms that would develop in Mesopotamia were Assyria in the north and Babylonia in the south. The kings of Assyria would title themselves as Išši’ak until the reign of the Middle-Assyrian king Ashur-uballit I of the 14th century BC, who once more introduced the title šar, signifying his role as an absolute monarch.

Typically, Assyrian royal inscriptions usually glorify the strength and power of the king whilst Babylonian royal inscriptions tend to focus on the protective role and the piety of the king. Assyrian titularies usually also often emphasize the royal genaeology of the king, something Babylonian titularies do not, and also drive home the king's moral and physical qualities while downplaying his role in the judicial system. Assyrian epithets about royal lineage vary in how far they stretch back, most often simply discussing lineage in terms of "son of ..." or "brother of ...". Some cases display lineage stretching back much further, Shamash-shuma-ukin (r. 667–648 BC) describes himself as a "descendant of Sargon II", his great-grandfather. More extremely, Esarhaddon (r. 681–669 BC) calls himself a "descendant of the eternal seed of Bel-bani", a king who would have lived more than a thousand years before him.

Assyrian royal titularies were often changed depending on where the titles were to be displayed, the titles of the same Assyrian king would have been different in their home country of Assyria and in conquered regions. Those Neo-Assyrian kings who controlled the city of Babylon used a "hybrid" titulary of sorts in the south, combining aspects of the Assyrian and Babylonian tradition, similar to how the traditional Babylonian deities were promoted in the south alongside the Assyrian main deity of Ashur. The assumption of many traditional southern titles, including the ancient "king of Sumer and Akkad", by the Assyrian kings served to legitimize their rule and assert their control over Babylon and lower Mesopotamia. Epithets like "chosen by the god Marduk and the goddess Sarpanit" and "favourite of the god Ashur and the goddess Mullissu", both assumed by Esarhaddon, illustrate that he was both Assyrian (Ashur and Mullissu, the main pair of Assyrian deities) and a legitimate ruler over Babylon (Marduk and Sarpanit, the main pair of Babylonian deities).

Most of the Neo-Assyrian titles that speak of the king's prowess, e.g. "great king", "mighty king" and even the old "king of the Universe", a title dating back to Akkadian times, were not carried over into the succeeding Neo-Babylonian Empire with two exceptions. The founder of the Neo-Babylonian empire, Nabopolassar (r. 625–605 BC) uses some of the titles (prominently "mighty king") in his early inscriptions, possibly due to his family originating as high-ranking officials for the Assyrians (a fact he otherwise was careful to mask). The final ruler of the Neo-Babylonian empire, Nabonidus (r. 556–539 BC), took all three of the Assyrian titles in inscriptions late in his reign, deliberately aligning himself with the Neo-Assyrian kings, possibly to claim a universal empire as in the Assyrian model.

Achaemenid and Seleucid use

In the Cyrus Cylinder, Cyrus the Great of the Achaemenid Empire assumes many native Mesopotamian title following his 539 BC conquest of Babylon. Much like the late inscriptions of Nabonidus, the Cyrus Cylinder corresponds more to the traditional Assyrian royal titulary than it does the Babylonian. When the Assyrian kings conquered Babylon, they titled themselves as both kings of Babylon and kings of Assyria. Since they were not technically legitimate Babylonian rulers in that they had not been born to the Babylonian throne, they stressed their legitimacy by deriving their kingship from the fact that they had held royal status before conquering Babylon. Cyrus does much the same in the Cyrus Cylinder, stressing that his father and grandfather were "kings of Anšan" and that Cyrus was the "heir to an eternal line of kingship".

The Antiochus Cylinder, which describes how Antiochus I (r. 281–261 BC) of the Seleucid Empire rebuilt the Ezida Temple in the city of Borsippa, is one of the last known documents written in Akkadian, separated from the previous Cyrus Cylinder by around 300 years. This cylinder also contains the last known example of an Akkadian-language royal titulary, applied to Antiochus himself. It is an important source on the self-presentation of Seleucid kings and on the relations between the Seleucid rulers and the inhabitants of Babylon (located near the recently founded Seleucid capital of Seleucia). The text of the cylinder as a whole combines and reshapes elements from the Babylonian and Assyrian traditions of royal titularies, sometimes breaking with tradition to introduce aspects of the Seleucid royal ideology.

Though the titulature of Antiochus I used in the cylinder has in the past been interpreted as very traditionally Babylonian in its composition, especially compared to that of Nebuchadnezzar II (r. 605–562 BC) of the Neo-Babylonian empire, only two titles in the Antiochus Cylinder actually align with titles consistently used by the Neo-Babylonian kings (those being "king of Babylon" and "provider of Esagila and Ezida". Other titles in the cylinder, including "great king", "mighty king" and "king of the Universe" are more characteristic of the Neo-Assyrian kings.

Out of the titularies of all previous kings, the titulary of Antiochus most closely resembles that of Nabonidus in its arrangement though they are not identical, that of Antiochus combining Assyrian, Babylonian and Persian titles. It is possible given the large amount of time separating the Antiochus Cylinder from the last known previous example (the Cyrus Cylinder) and the rather simply and short nature of the titulary that it mixes traditions and ideas due to the limited amount of sources the scribe would have had to work with, but royal titularies were usually created with great care and consideration. It is possible that the mixture was chosen to specifically reflect a more Seleucid version of kingship, Assyrian titles like "mighty king" and "great king" fitting with the warrior king-idea used by the Seleucids in the rest of their empire. Universalizing titles like "king of the Universe" may have simply been appealing in lacking a geographical specification and that the king would not have to confine his realm to include just Babylon or Mesopotamia (which would have resulted from a title like "king of Sumer and Akkad"). Similar to how Cyrus the Great stressed that his lineage was royal despite him not being born to the Babylonian throne, Antiochus titulary contains the information that he is the son and heir of Seleucus I Nicator (the first Seleucid king, r. 305–281 BC), who is referred to as "the Macedonian", connecting him with the kingship of Alexander the Great and his line and granting Antiochus further legitimacy.

Examples of titles

Titles centering on the king's person

Descriptive titles similar to epithets, titles which center on the king's person. Titles and epithets which relate to the personality and position of the king account for about 24.9% of Neo-Assyrian titularies.

Titles centering on the king's relationship to the world

Titles describing the domain under the control of a king. Titles and epithets which relate to the worldly position of the king account for about 35.8% of Neo-Assyrian titularies.

Specific locations and peoples

Dominance over Mesopotamia

Claims to universal rule

Titles centering on the king's relationship to the divine

Titles describing the position of the king relative to the deities of the Ancient Mesopotamian religion. Titles and epithets which relate to the divine position of the king account for about 38.8% of Neo-Assyrian titularies.

Epithets

Royal epithets generally served to highlight the qualities of a specific king, many rulers having at least some unique epithets. Typical of Babylonian titles is focusing on the benevolent and coercive attributes of any one given king with only few references to violence. Neo-Assyrian rulers, including Ashurbanipal, Esarhaddon and Shamash-shuma-ukin, frequently employed the epithet rē’û kēnu (meaning "righteous shepherd") to illustrate royal benevolence. Wisdom and competence are also common points of focus, Esarhaddon is for instance referred to as itpēšu ḫāsis kal šipri ("competent one who knows every craft").

Many epithets are religious in nature, usually focusing on the king as a "provider" (zānin) for the gods in some capacity, provider here meaning that the king is fulfilling his duty of providing required nourishments for the deities and keeping their temples in good condition. Considering the boastful nature of Esarhaddon's titles, his epithet kanšu ("submissive") may seem strange, his title šarru šaḫtu ("humble king") likewise so, but these titles refer to humility and inferiority in regards to the gods, for which this was appropriate. The Assyrian king would never have acknowledged inferiority in the earthly sphere.

Epithets often also illustrate the king as selected to rule by the gods, the chosen words typically being migru ("favourite") and/or nibītu ("designate"). Shamash-shuma-ukin refers to himself as migir Enlil Šamaš u Marduk ("favourite of Enlil, Shamash and Marduk") and Esarhaddon refers to himself as nibīt Marduk Ṣarpanītu ("designate of Marduk (and) Sarpanit"). Marking the Assyrian king as the choice of the gods would have further legitimized his rule. The king respecting the divine is sometimes expressed with words like palāḫu ("to fear") or takālu ("to trust in"). Ashurbanipal has the epithet rubû pāliḫšu/ša ("prince who fears him/her"). Religious epithets can also speak of the king's piety through his actions, typically focusing on construction (often utilizing the word epēšu, "build" or "make"). Shamash-shuma-ukin refers to himself as ēpiš Esagila ("he who (re)constructed Esagila"), referring to a major temple in Babylon.

Another common theme for epithets is the king's relation to his people. Esarhaddon again being an example, he refers to himself as maḫīru kīnu ešēru ebūru napāš Nisaba ušaššû ina māti ("he who brought stable prices, successful harvests, (and) an abundance of grain to the land").

Assyrian epithets often emphasize the king as a military leader and relates war to the divine as an issue part of the idea of universal rule. Epithets like "the god Aššur gave me the power to let cities fall into ruins and to enlarge Assyrian territory" are common.

Examples of royal titularies

Old Assyrian titulary: Ashur-nirari I

In one of his inscriptions, Ashur-nirari I, who reigned 1529–1503 BC, uses the following titles:

Viceroy of the god Assur, son of Ishme-Dagan, viceroy of the god Assur, builder of the temple of Bêl, the elder.

Middle Assyrian titulary: Tukulti-Ninurta I

In one of his inscriptions, Tukulti-Ninurta I, who reigned 1233–1197 BC, uses the following titles:

King of the Universe, the mighty king, the king of Assyria, favorite of Assur, priest of Assur, rightful ruler, beloved of Ishtar, who subjected the Kuti to their farthest border; son of Shalmaneser, priest of Assur, grandson of Adad-nirari, priest of Assur.

Kassite titulary: Kurigalzu

In one of his inscriptions, the Kassite king Kurigalzu (there were two kings of this name; Kurigalzu I and Kurigalzu II, it is unclear which one of them used these titles):

Great king, mighty king, king of the Universe, favorite of Anu and Enlil, nominated (for kingship) by the lord of the gods am I! King who has no equal among all the kings his ancestors, son of Kadashman-Harbe, unrivalled king ...

Neo-Assyrian titulary: Esarhaddon

In one of his inscriptions, Esarhaddon, who reigned 681–669 BC, uses the following titles:

The great king, the mighty king, king of the Universe, king of Assyria, viceroy of Babylon, king of Sumer and Akkad, son of Sennacherib, the great king, the mighty king, king of Assyria, grandson of Sargon, the great king, the mighty king, king of Assyria; who under the protection of Assur, Sin, Shamash, Nabu, Marduk, Ishtar of Nineveh, Ishtar of Arbela, the great gods, his lords, made his way from the rising to the setting sun, having no rival.

Neo-Babylonian titulary: Nebuchadnezzar II

The titles preserved in Babylon for Nebuchadnezzar II, who reigned 605–562 BC, read as follows:

King of Babylon, true shepherd, chosen by the steadfast heart of Marduk, exalted governor, beloved of Nabu, knowing one, wise one, who pays attention to the ways of the great gods, untiring governor, provider of Esagila and Ezida

Seleucid titulary: Antiochus I

The Antiochus Cylinder is the last known Akkadian-language royal inscription, separated from the last known previous one (the Cyrus Cylinder) by 300 years. At the time it was made, Akkadian was no longer a spoken language and the cylinder's contents were likely inspired by earlier royal inscriptions by Assyrian and Babylonian kings. The Akkadian-language titulature (here translated into English) of the Seleucid king Antiochus I (r. 281–261 BC) is preserved in the Antiochus Cylinder from Babylon and reads as follows:

Great king, mighty king, king of the Universe, king of Babylon, king of the Lands, provider of Esagila and Ezida, foremost heir of Seleucus, the king, the Macedonian, king of Babylon

See also

• History of institutions in Mesopotamia

References

Citations

1. ^ Stevens 2014, p. 73.
2. ^ Soares 2017, p. 21.
3. Hallo 1980, p. 189.
4. Hallo 1980, p. 190.
5. Hallo 1980, p. 191.
6. Levin 2002, p. 359.
7. ^ Steinkeller 2013, p. 146.
8. ^ Levin 2002, p. 360.
9. ^ Hallo 1980, p. 192.
10. ^ Hallo 1980, p. 193.
11. Radner 2019, p. 136.
12. ^ Karlsson 2017, p. 1.
13. ^ Karlsson 2017, p. 12.
14. Soares 2017, p. 28.
15. ^ Stevens 2014, p. 77.
16. Stevens 2014, p. 72.
17. Stevens 2014, p. 75.
18. ^ Karlsson 2017, p. 2.
19. Cohen & Westbrook 1999.
20. ^ Karlsson 2017, p. 6.
21. ^ Karlsson 2017, p. 7.
22. ^ Karlsson 2017, p. 10.
23. ^ Liverani 2013.
24. ^ Luckenbill 1926, p. 17.
25. Hallo 1980, p. 194.
26. Karlsson 2017, p. 5.
27. ^ Goetze 1964, p. 98.
28. ^ Da Riva 2013, p. 72.
29. ^ Karlsson 2017, p. 11.
30. ^ Karlsson 2017, p. 14.
31. ^ Johandi 2012, p. 170.
32. ^ Karlsson 2016, p. 153.
33. ^ Handy 1994, p. 112.
34. Saikal & Schnabel 2003, p. 9.
35. Olbrycht 2009, p. 165.
36. ^ Porter 1994, p. 79.
37. ^ Cyrus Cylinder Translation.
38. ^ Shayegan 2011, p. 43.
39. Kosmin 2014, p. 113.
40. ^ Waerzeggers & Seire 2018, p. 40.
41. Sazonov 2011, p. 26.
42. ^ Karlsson 2016, p. 150.
43. ^ Karlsson 2013, p. 255.
44. ^ Karlsson 2013, p. 135.
45. ^ Raaflaub & Talbert 2010, p. 153.
46. ^ Roaf & Zgoll 2001, p. 284.
47. De Mieroop 2004, p. 119.
48. ^ Levin 2002, p. 362.
49. ^ Karlsson 2016, p. 77.
50. ^ Karlsson 2017, p. 13.
51. ^ Stevens 2014, p. 74.
52. Karlsson 2017, p. 15.
53. Karlsson 2017, p. 16.
54. Luckenbill 1926, p. 65.
55. Foster 2005, p. 365.
56. Luckenbill 1927, p. 211.
57. Stevens 2014, p. 71.
58. Stevens 2014, p. 68.

Bibliography

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• Da Riva, Rocío (2013). The Inscriptions of Nabopolassar, Amel-Marduk and Neriglissar. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-1614515876.
• De Mieroop, Marc Van (2004). A History of the Ancient Near East ca. 3000 - 323 BC (2nd ed.). Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 978-1405149112.
• Foster, Benjamin R. (2005) . Before the Muses (3rd ed.). CDL Press. ISBN 1-883053-76-5.
• Goetze, Albrecht (1964). "The Kassites and near Eastern Chronology". Journal of Cuneiform Studies. 18 (4): 97–101. doi:10.2307/1359248. JSTOR 1359248. S2CID 163491250. (registration required)
• Johandi, Andreas (2012). "Mesopotamian Influences on the Old Persian Royal Ideology and the Religion: The Example of Achaemenid Royal Inscriptions". Kvüõa Toimetised (16). Kaitseväe Ühendatud Õppeasutused: 159–179. (registration required)
• Hallo, William W. (1980). "Royal Titles from the Mesopotamian Periphery". Anatolian Studies. 30: 189–195. doi:10.2307/3642789. JSTOR 3642789. S2CID 163327812. (registration required)
• Handy, Lowell K. (1994). Among the host of Heaven: the Syro-Palestinian pantheon as bureaucracy. Eisenbrauns. ISBN 978-0931464843.
• Hoover, Oliver D. (2009). Handbook of Syrian Coins: Royal and Civic Issues, Fourth to First Centuries BC. . Classical Numismatic Group. ISBN 978-0980238747.
• Karlsson, Mattias (2013). Early Neo-Assyrian State Ideology Relations of Power in the Inscriptions and Iconography of Ashurnasirpal II (883–859) and Shalmaneser III (858–824). Institutionen för lingvistik och filologi, Uppsala Universitet. ISBN 978-91-506-2363-5.
• Karlsson, Mattias (2016). Relations of Power in Early Neo-Assyrian State Ideology. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. ISBN 9781614519683. OCLC 1100967165.
• Karlsson, Mattias (2017). "Assyrian Royal Titulary in Babylonia". S2CID 6128352. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
• Kosmin, Paul J. (2014). The Land of the Elephant Kings. Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674728820.
• Levin, Yigal (2002). "Nimrod the Mighty, King of Kish, King of Sumer and Akkad". Vetus Testamentum. 52 (3): 350–366. doi:10.1163/156853302760197494.
• Liverani, Mario (2013). The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415679060.
• Luckenbill, Daniel David (1926). Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia Volume 1: Historical Records of Assyria From the Earliest Times to Sargon. University of Chicago Press.
• Luckenbill, Daniel David (1927). Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia Volume 2: Historical Records of Assyria From Sargon to the End. University of Chicago Press.
• Olbrycht, Marek Jan (2009). "Mithridates VI Eupator and Iran". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
• Oshima, Takayoshi M. (2017). "Nebuchadnezzar's Madness (Daniel 4:30): Reminiscence of a Historical Event or a Legend?". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) (registration required)
• Porter, Barbara N. (1994). Images, Power, and Politics: Figurative Aspects of Esarhaddon's Babylonian Policy. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0871692085.
• Raaflaub, Kurt A.; Talbert, Richard J. A. (2010). Geography and Ethnography: Perceptions of the World in Pre-Modern Societies. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1405191463.
• Radner, Karen (2010). "The stele of Sargon II of Assyria at Kition: A focus for an emerging Cypriot identity?" (PDF). Interkulturalität in der Alten Welt: Vorderasien, Hellas, Ägypten und die vielfältigen Ebenen des Kontakts. Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447061711. (in English)
• Radner, Karen (2019). "Last Emperor or Crown Prince Forever? Aššur-uballiṭ II of Assyria according to Archival Sources". State Archives of Assyria Studies. 28: 135–142.
• Roaf, Michael; Zgoll, Annette (2001). "Assyrian Astroglyphs: Lord Aberdeen's Black Stone and the Prisms of Esarhaddon". Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie. 91 (2): 264–295. doi:10.1515/zava.2001.91.2.264. S2CID 161673588.
• Saikal, Amin; Schnabel, Albrecht (2003). Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles, Challenges. United Nations University Press. ISBN 9789280810851.
• Sazonov, Vladimir (2011). Die mittelassyrischen, universalistischen Königstitel und Epitheta Tukultī-Ninurtas I. (1242–1206). Ugarit-Verlag. (in German)
• Shayegan, M. Rahim (2011). Arsacids and Sasanians: Political Ideology in Post-Hellenistic and Late Antique Persia. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521766418.
• Soares, Filipe (2017). "The titles 'King of Sumer and Akkad' and 'King of Karduniaš', and the Assyro-Babylonian relationship during the Sargonid Period" (PDF). Rosetta. 19: 20–35.
• Steinkeller, Piotr (2013). "An archaic "prisoner plaque" from kiš". Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale. 107: 131–157. doi:10.3917/assy.107.0131.
• Stevens, Kahtryn (2014). "The Antiochus Cylinder, Babylonian Scholarship and Seleucid Imperial Ideology" (PDF). The Journal of Hellenic Studies. 134: 66–88. doi:10.1017/S0075426914000068. JSTOR 43286072.
• Waerzeggers, Caroline; Seire, Maarja (2018). Xerxes and Babylonia: The Cuneiform Evidence (PDF). Peeters Publishers. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2020-12-09. Retrieved 2019-03-31.

Websites

• "Livius - Cyrus Cylinder Translation". www.livius.org. Archived from the original on 19 January 2019. Retrieved 19 January 2019.

External links

• Daniel David Luckenbill's Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia Volume 1: Historical Records of Assyria From the Earliest Times to Sargon (1926) and Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia Volume 2: Historical Records of Assyria From Sargon to the End (1927), containing translations of a large number of royal Assyrian inscriptions.

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Religion	Ancient Mesopotamian religion Sumerian religion Deities Mesopotamian myths Divination Prayers Ziggurat (Temple)
Academia	Assyriology Assyriologists Hittitology Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary Chicago Assyrian Dictionary Chicago Hittite Dictionary

• Kings of Akkad
• Royal titles
• Ancient Mesopotamia