| Broad Front Frente Amplio | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Leader | Yamandú Orsi |
| President | Fernando Pereira |
| Founder | Líber Seregni |
| Founded | 5 February 1971; 53 years ago (1971-02-05) |
| Headquarters | Colonia 1367, Montevideo |
| Ideology | Progressivism Democratic socialism Socialism of the 21st century |
| Political position | Centre-left to left-wing |
| Regional affiliation | COPPPAL São Paulo Forum |
| International affiliation | International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties Socialist International Progressive Alliance |
| Colors | Red Blue White |
| Chamber of Deputies | 48 / 99 |
| Senate | 16 / 30 |
| Intendencias | 3 / 19 |
| Mayors | 32 / 125 |
| Party flag | |
 | |
| Website | |
| www | |
The Broad Front (Spanish: Frente Amplio, FA) is a left-wing political coalition in Uruguay. In 2025 it will be the ruling party of Uruguay, having previously ruled from 2005 to 2020 and has produced three presidents: Tabaré Vázquez (2005–2010; 2015–2020), José Mujica (2010–2015) and Yamandú Orsi (assuming office in 2025). Since 1999, it has been the largest party in Uruguay's General Assembly.
History
Frente Amplio was founded as a coalition of more than a dozen fractured leftist parties and movements in 1971. The first president of the front and its first candidate for the presidency of the country was General Liber Seregni. The front was declared illegal during the 1973 military coup d'état and emerged again in 1984 when democracy was restored in Uruguay.
In 1994 Progressive Encounter (Encuentro Progresista) was formed by several minor independent factions and the Frente Amplio. EP and FA started contesting elections jointly under the name Encuentro Progresista - Frente Amplio. Later another force, Nuevo Espacio, became linked to the front. Thus it started contesting elections as Encuentro Progresista - Frente Amplio - Nueva Mayoria.
In 2005 member organizations of Progressive Encounter and New Majority (essentially Nuevo Espacio) merged into the front, and the coalition took the name of the larger force, Frente Amplio. Previously, EP and later NM had been allied with FA but organizationally separate structures.
The alliance is formed by:
- Asamblea Uruguay (Uruguay Assembly) led by Danilo Astori
- Partido Socialista del Uruguay (Socialist Party of Uruguay) led by Daniel Martínez
- Partido Comunista del Uruguay (Communist Party of Uruguay) led by Juan Castillo
- Corriente 78 (Current 78)
- Nuevo Espacio (New Space) led by Rafael Michelini
- Vertiente Artiguista (Artiguist Stream) led by Enrique Rubio
- Movimiento de Participación Popular (Movement of Popular Participation) led by Lucía Topolansky
- Partido Demócrata Cristiano del Uruguay (Christian Democratic Party of Uruguay)
- Partido de los Comunes (Party of the Communes)
- Confluencia Frenteamplio (Broad Front Confluence)
- Alianza Progresista (Progressive Alliance) led by Rodolfo Nin Novoa
- Partido por la Victoria del Pueblo (People's Victory Party)
Pre-2004 election: economic crisis
Starting with the election of Luis Alberto Lacalle of the National Party in 1989, economic reform designed to quickly modernize the country began, which led to a devaluing of the peso and laws protecting banking secrecy. This secrecy led to Uruguayan banks becoming a place to launder money from drug and other illegal businesses. By the turn of the century, half the nation had to survive in the informal economy. In 2002, the economic crisis of Brazil and Argentina spread to Uruguay, which crashed as a result of lacking productive power. In August of that year, the nation received 1.5 billion US dollars from the IMF to try and help with the crisis. This was the state of the nation when the Broad Front began campaigning for the 2004 election.
The Broad Front firmly established itself as the country's third major political force at the 1994 elections. Its presidential candidate, Tabaré Vázquez, who replaced longtime leader Seregni as the party's standardbearer, finished with the most votes of any individual candidate. However, under the Ley de Lemas system then in use, Vázquez was denied the presidency because the Broad Front finished with the third-most votes of any party, behind the Colorados and Blancos. At the time, the highest-finishing candidate of the party winning the most votes was elected president. At the same time, the Broad Front surged to 31 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and nine seats in the Senate.
The Ley de Lemas was scrapped for presidential elections in favor of a two-round system for the 1999 elections. Vázquez led the field in the first round but lost the runoff to the Colorados' Jorge Batlle after the two traditional parties set aside their long rivalry to defeat him. At the same time, the Broad Front became the largest party in the legislature.
2004 election: Tabaré Vazquez and economic reform
The party's victorious 2004 campaign was the first instance of a left-leaning party gaining the majority in Uruguay. Two of the major reasons the party took power in 2004 was that there was a substantial movement towards more moderate policies and that their support of an increased welfare state created a bond with working-class people tired of the neo-liberalist practices of the end of the twentieth century.
When Tabaré Vázquez first took the position of President with a Broad Front majority in the Uruguayan congress, he quickly moved to strengthen diplomatic relations with other Latin American countries, including Cuba. Important to the future success of the party is the US$100 million anti-poverty program that Vazquez signed early in his career, which helped to ensure the support of the lower class in future elections. Uruguay was in need of economic reform when Vazquez stepped into power in 2005, as it was struggling to recover from the crisis of 2002 with a third of the country still below the poverty line. An important aspect of the economic development was the new Minister of Economics and Finance, Danilo Astori, who worked to create a good relationship with the IMF and obtained the foreign investment, needed to kick start a paper pulp industry. Economic reform was also highlighted by a change in the immigration policy of the US president and increased beef exports to the European Union.
2009 election: Mujica and social liberation
Since gaining power, the party has maintained the support of the electorate, as analysis of the 2009 election has led to some conclusions that the trust in the stable government played a large part in keeping the Broad Front in power. After the 2009 election, former guerrilla José Mujica became president and during his time in power, a number of leftist social policies were passed. The legalization of abortion, same-sex marriage, and marijuana all occurred under the second consecutive Broad Front majority in the federal government. As noted above, Vazquez vetoed a bill to decriminalize abortion in 2008 but the party as a whole was more supportive of the legalization. Support for legal abortions was universal within the party by 2012, when all party senators voted in favor of a new bill that decriminalized the procedure within the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. In April 2013 same-sex marriage was passed, supported by the party who took a hard-line stance against the role of the church in legislation on the matter. The most recent of major changes under the Mujica presidency is the legalization of marijuana, which was signed in December 2013. A point of consideration for this event is that legalization was not supported by the general population, but the Broad Front still chose to act in favor of it. The economy continued to grow with Astori transitioning from Minister of Economics and Finance to Vice President, a position he used to continue to advertising Uruguay as a safe place for foreign investment.
2014 election: Tabaré Vazquez is re-elected
The Broad Front has supported the re-election of Tabaré Vazquez in the 2014 election, which Vazquez won with 56,63% at the second turn, defeating National Party's candidate Luis Alberto Lacalle Pou. During its second mandate, Vazquez faced strong criticism from the opposition because of its refusal to cut political ties with Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro, despite allegations of violations of human rights.
2019 election: Out of government
The Broad Front supported Daniel Martinez for the 2019 general election. Martinez arrived first at the first turn but was defeated in the run-off by Luis Alberto Lacalle Pou of the National Party (also endorsed by Colorado Party and Open Cabildo). For the first time in 15 years, the Broad Front was defeated at the polls. The party also lost its majority and in the Chamber of Representatives and the Senate, while remaining the largest party in the General Assembly.
2024 election: return to government
After a period out of government and as majority opposition in Parliament, the Broad Front pushed three candidates for the primary elections: former intendant of Salto Andrés Lima, former Intendant of Montevideo Carolina Cosse, as well as their peer from Canelones Yamandú Orsi.
With Orsi winning and the party amassing 42.22% of all valid votes, a ticket with Cosse was immediately announced the same night of the primaries, ratifying a previous decision to assemble a formula that would comply with gender parity. During the first round of the election, the formula was the most voted yet again, monopolizing 43.94% of the votes and achieving majority in Senate without the need to secure the seat of the Vice President, though it fell two seats short of a majority in the Chamber of Representatives.
However, due to electoral law and failing to secure more than half of the votes, the election went to a second round between Orsi and the candidate of the National Party Álvaro Delgado, who counted with the political support of the rest of parties that formed the governing Republican Coalition as well as Eduardo Lust, from the Environmental Constitutional Party . The Orsi-Cosse formula would nonetheless gather the support of minority leaders within the parties that form the Coalition, with Zaida González Legnani of the Colorado Party and Victor Björgan of the National Party announcing the support on the days preceding the second round, in the month of November.
Despite polls showing parity between the two formulas that took part in the second round, the Broad Front formula would beat their opponents by a margin of 3,9%, with Delgado quickly conceding the election as Orsi vowed to become a president "who calls again and again for national dialogue to find the best solutions".
Members
Political parties with representation
Splits
In its history, despite attracting political factions from other parties over time, the Broad Front has also suffered some splits as well:
- In 1989, the Party for the Government of the People and the Christian Democratic Party of Uruguay left the Broad Front to form a new moderate-left coalition.
- In 1993, the far-left Oriental Revolutionary Movement split and formed a political party on its own.
- In April 2006 there was another split from the far-left: the March 26 Movement and other groups left and formed a new coalition, Popular Assembly (later known as Popular Unity).
Ideology
Broad Front consists primarily of progressive political parties, being defined as Artiguist, popular, democratic, anti-oligarchy, anti-imperialist, anti-racist, and anti-patriarchy. In economics, tends to follow social-democratic or even democratic socialist policies, with expanded social programs. It has major internal factions characterized as social-liberal, Marxist, communist, and eco-socialist. However, not all the parties in the Broad Front lean left, indeed some minor factions are more fiscally or socially conservative. Uruguay Assembly of Danilo Astori and New Space of Rafael Michelini can be considered centrist parties, besides Astori has followed fiscally conservative policies as finance minister, whereas the Christian Democratic Party is vocally anti-abortion.
Internal elections
 | This section needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (June 2024) |
2004
In 2004 the first internal elections for EP-FA-NM was held. Previously elections had only been held within FA.
| List | Party | Votes | % | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 609 | Espacio 609 | Movimiento de Participación Popular | 148,426 | 33.18 |
| Izquierda Abierta | ||||
| Movimiento Claveles Rojos | ||||
| Columna Blanca | ||||
| 90 | Espacio 90 | Partido Socialista | 79,090 | 17.68 |
| Movimiento Socialista Emilio Frugoni | ||||
| Partido por la Seguridad Social | ||||
| Acción Renovadora | ||||
| 2121 | Espacio 2121 | Asamblea Uruguay | 40,741 | 9.11 |
| Movimiento Popular Frenteamplista | ||||
| 738 | Alianza Progresista | Confluencia Frenteamplista | 37,628 | 8.41 |
| Corriente 78 | ||||
| Partido Demócrata Cristiano | ||||
| Corriente Encuentrista Independiente | ||||
| 77 | Vertiente Artiguista | Artiguismo y Unidad | 34,536 | 7.72 |
| Izquierda Democrática Independiente | ||||
| 99000 | Nuevo Espacio | 30,762 | 6.88 | |
| 1001 | Democracía Avanzada | Partido Comunista del Uruguay | 26,569 | 5.94 |
| Frente Izquierda de Liberación | ||||
| 326 | Movimiento 26 de Marzo | 12,175 | 2.72 | |
| 1303 | Corriente Popular | 8,776 | 1.96 | |
| 1813 | Liga Federal Frenteamplista | 7,425 | 1.66 | |
| 5271 | Corriente de Izquierda | Tendencia Marxista | 5,233 | 1.17 |
| Alternativa Popular 1815 - Espacio Solidario | ||||
| Partido Socialista de los Trabajadores-CI | ||||
| Unión Popular | ||||
| 567 | Unión Frenteamplista | Partido por la Victoria del Pueblo | 2,664 | 0.64 |
| 9393 | Corriente de Unidad Frenteamplista | 2,354 | 0.53 | |
| 1968 | Partido Socialista de los Trabajadores-IV Internacional | 387 | 0.09 | |
| 871 | Partido Obrero Revolucionario (Trotskista-Posadista) | 371 | 0.08 | |
| 5205 | Movimiento 20 de Mayo | 198 | 0.04 | |
| 11815 | 86 | 0.02 | ||
| 2571 | Agrupación 5 de Febrero de 1971 | 23 | 0.01 | |
| Total: 447,313 | ||||
Electoral history
Presidential elections
| Election | Party candidate | Running mate | Votes | % | Votes | % | Result |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| First Round | Second Round | ||||||
| 1971 | Líber Seregni | Juan José Crottogini | 304,275 | 18.3% | — | — | Lost  N
|
| 1984 | Juan José Crottogini | José D'Elía | 401,104 | 21.3% | — | — | Lost N
|
| 1989 | Liber Seregni | Danilo Astori | 418,403 | 20.35% | — | — | Lost N
|
| 1994 | Tabaré Vázquez | Rodolfo Nin Novoa | 621,226 | 30.6% | — | — | Lost N
|
| 1999 | 861,202 | 40.1% | 982,049 | 45.9% | Lost N
| ||
| 2004 | 1,124,761 | 51.7% | — | — | Elected  Y
| ||
| 2009 | José Mujica | Danilo Astori | 1,105,262 | 47.96% | 1,197,638 | 54.63% | Elected Y
|
| 2014 | Tabaré Vázquez | Raúl Sendic | 1,134,187 | 47.81% | 1,226,105 | 53.48% | Elected Y
|
| 2019 | Daniel Martínez | Graciela Villar | 949,376 | 40.49% | 1,152,271 | 49.21% | Lost N
|
| 2024 | Yamandú Orsi | Carolina Cosse | 1,071,826 | 46.12% | 1,196,798 | 52.08% | Elected Y
|
Note
Under the electoral system in place at the time called Ley de Lemas system, each political party could have as many as three presidential candidates. The combined result of the votes for a party's candidates determined which party would control the executive branch, and whichever of the winning party's candidates finished in first place would be declared President this system was used form the 1942 election until the 1994 election until in 1996, a referendum amended the constitution to restrict each party to a single presidential candidate, effective from the 1999 elections.
Chamber of Deputies and Senate elections
| Election | Votes | % | Chamber seats | +/− | Senate seats | +/− | Position | Size |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1971 | 304,275 | 18.3% | 18 / 99 | New | 5 / 30 | New | Opposition | 3rd |
| 1984 | 401,104 | 21.3% | 21 / 99 |  3
|
6 / 30 | 1
|
Opposition |  3rd
|
| 1989 | 418,403 | 20.35% | 21 / 99 | 0
|
7 / 30 | 1
|
Opposition | 3rd
|
| 1994 | 621,226 | 30.8% | 31 / 99 | 10
|
9 / 31 | 2
|
Opposition | 3rd
|
| 1999 | 861,202 | 40.1% | 40 / 99 | 9
|
12 / 30 | 3
|
Opposition | 1st
|
| 2004 | 1,124,761 | 51.7% | 52 / 99 | 12
|
17 / 30 | 5
|
Majority | 1st
|
| 2009 | 1,105,262 | 47.96% | 50 / 99 |  2
|
16 / 30 | 1
|
Majority | 1st
|
| 2014 | 1,134,187 | 47.81% | 50 / 99 | 0
|
15 / 30 | 1
|
Majority | 1st
|
| 2019 | 949,376 | 40.49% | 42 / 99 | 8
|
13 / 30 | 2
|
Opposition | 1st
|
| 2024 | 1,071,826 | 46.12% | 48 / 99 | 6
|
16 / 30 | 3
|
Coalition | 1st
|
See also
Further reading
- Revolution Through Reform: Popular Assemblies, Housing Cooperatives, and Uruguay’s New Left
- Una Historia de FUVCAM
- FUCVAM: Cooperativismo de vivienda, de los barrios en Montevideo a una alternativa contrahegemónica en otros Sures
References
- ^ "Frente Amplio incorporó definiciones de "antipatriarcal y antirracista" a sus valores compartidos". La Diaria (in Spanish). 2016-11-28. Retrieved 2023-07-31.
- Gregory, Stephen (2009), Intellectuals and Left Politics in Uruguay, 1958-2006, Sussex Academic Press, p. 129, ISBN 9781845192655
- "Mujica apoya las ideas del socialismo del siglo XXI aunque descarta aplicarlas en Uruguay". www.notimerica.com. Europa Press. 2012-04-09. Retrieved 2021-12-31.
- Elliot, Lucinda. "Uruguay chooses presidential contenders as left gains ground". Reuters. Retrieved 29 July 2024.
- Schooley, Helen (2001), "Uruguay — History", South America, Central America and the Caribbean 2002, Europa Publications, p. 760, ISBN 9781857431216
- Busky, Donald F. (2002), Communism in History and Theory: Asia, Africa, and the Americas, Praeger Publishers, p. 224, ISBN 9780275977337
- "Los 50 años del Frente Amplio en Uruguay: Del sueño utópico de la izquierda a renovarse fuera del poder". 4 February 2021.
- Elliot, Lucinda. "Uruguay chooses presidential contenders as left gains ground". Reuters. Retrieved 29 July 2024.
- Taylor, John B. (29 May 2007). The 2002 Uruguayan Financial Crisis: Five Years Later (PDF) (Report).
- Scardi, Paolo; Azanza Ricardo, Cristy L.; Perez-Demydenko, Camilo; Coelho, Alan A. (1 December 2018). "Whole powder pattern modelling macros for TOPAS". Journal of Applied Crystallography. 51 (6): 1752–1765. Bibcode:2018JApCr..51.1752S. doi:10.1107/s160057671801289x. S2CID 105756269.
- Lorenzoni, Miguel; Pérez, Verónica (December 2013). "Cambios y Continuidades de la Izquierda en Uruguay: un Análisis a Partir de las Propuestas Programáticas del Frente Amplio 1971–2009" [Changes and continuities of the left in Uruguay: an analysis of the Broad Front manifestos, 1971-2009]. Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política (in Spanish). 22 (1): 81–102. hdl:20.500.12008/7017. ProQuest 1500359242.
- "Uruguay bolsters regional links". 2005-03-02. Retrieved 2018-12-14.
- Tobar, Hector; D'Alessandro, Andres (2 March 2005). "Leftist Sworn In as Uruguay Leader". Los Angeles Times.
- Thomson, Adam (7 June 2005). "Uruguay's leftwing coalition impresses markets FT INTERVIEW DANILO ASTORI". Financial Times. p. 6.
- Gudynas, Eduardo; Carolina, Villalba Medero (6 September 2007). "Growth Is Not Development and Brazil Is Proof of It". Brazzil. ProQuest 201563386.
- Rutenberg, Jim (11 March 2007). "In Uruguay, Bush Finds Friendly Ear and Taste of Home". The New York Times.
- Thor, Eric; Bailey, DeeVon; Silva, Alejandro; Vickner, Steven (1 January 2007). "Economic Analysis of Incentives for Foreign Direct Investment in Beef Systems in Argentina and Uruguay". International Food and Agribusiness Management Review. 10 (3): 19–40. doi:10.22004/ag.econ.8167.
- Selios, Lucía; Vairo, Daniela (June 2012). "Elecciones 2009 en Uruguay: permanencia de lealtades políticas y accountability electoral". Opinião Pública. 18 (1): 198–215. doi:10.1590/S0104-62762012000100010.
- Altman, David (September 2010). "The 2009 elections in Uruguay". Electoral Studies. 29 (3): 533–536. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2010.04.014.
- Romero, Simon; Rabuffetti, Mauricio (30 November 2014). "Tabaré Vázquez Reclaims Presidency in Uruguay Election". The New York Times.
- "Uruguay's leader quits his party". 2008-12-04. Retrieved 2018-12-14.
- Coleman, Korva (26 September 2012). "Lawmakers In Uruguay Vote To Legalize Abortion". WBUR.
- "Uruguay: Same-Sex Marriage Is Legalized". The New York Times. The Associated Press. 10 April 2013.
- Shoichet, Catherine E.; Klein, Dario (3 April 2013). "Uruguay's senate approves same-sex marriage bill". CNN.
- "Boyne, 10th Viscount, (Gustavus Michael George Hamilton-Russell) (10 Dec. 1931–14 Dec. 1995)", Who Was Who, Oxford University Press, 2007-12-01, doi:10.1093/ww/9780199540884.013.u171277
- "A business climate that protects investment". Latin Trade. Vol. 19, no. 5. 2011. p. 91.
- "Uruguay ushers in first conservative government in 15 years".
- https://eleccionesinternas2024.corteelectoral.gub.uy/inicio.htm
- https://www.elobservador.com.uy/nota/frente-amplio-presentara-una-formula-paritaria-para-las-elecciones-nacionales-202393125150
- https://eleccionesnacionales2024.corteelectoral.gub.uy/resumenresultados.htm#
- https://www.elobservador.com.uy/nacional/delgado-el-acto-la-coalicion-pasar-al-balotaje-manana-nos-vamos-reunir-planificar-la-campana-n5967373
- https://www.ambito.com/uruguay/balotaje-2024-yamandu-orsi-presento-sus-filas-una-exprecandidata-del-partido-colorado-n6078634
- https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/quien-es-victor-bjorgan-experto-en-seguridad-del-partido-nacional-que-manifesto-apoyo-a-yamandu-orsi
- https://ladiaria.com.uy/elecciones/articulo/2024/11/balotaje-2024-los-resultados-finales-del-escrutinio-de-la-corte-electoral/
- https://www.france24.com/en/americas/20241125-leftist-candidate-in-the-lead-in-uruguay-s-presidential-election
External links
Political parties in Uruguay  | |
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| Chamber of Deputies |
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| Senate |
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| Unrepresented | |
| Defunct parties |
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