Manuel Senante

(Redirected from Manuel Senante Martínez) Spanish editor and politician In this Spanish name, the first or paternal surname is Senante and the second or maternal family name is Martínez.

Manuel Senante Martínez

Born	Manuel Senante Martínez 1873 Alicante, Spain
Died	1959 Madrid, Spain
Nationality	Spanish
Occupation(s)	lawyer, politician, media manager
Known for	Editor
Political party	Partido Liberal-Conservador, Partido Católico Nacional, Comunión Tradicionalista-Integrista, Comunión Tradicionalista

Manuel Senante Martínez (1873–1959) was a Spanish Traditionalist politician and publisher, until 1931 adhering to the Integrist current and afterwards active in the Carlist ranks. He is known mostly as the longtime editor-in-chief of the Madrid daily El Siglo Futuro (1907–1936). During 8 consecutive terms he served as the Integrist deputy to the Cortes (1907–1923).

Family and youth

Manuel was born to a distinguished Alicantine family. His paternal grandfather, Manuel Senante Sala, was professor of Retórica y Poética at Instituto de Segunda Enseñanza of Alicante and its longtime director (1854–1889). His father, Emilio Senante Llaudes (died 1916), was in 1881–1909 teaching geography and history at the very same institute, in 1891–1904 also serving as its director. In 1907 he assumed directorship of the local Escuela Normal de Maestros. Senante Llaudes wrote a number of textbooks in history, fairly popular in secondary education across Levante. Apart from his educative posts, he was also active as a lawyer, periodista and local politician. His brother Francisco Senante Llaudes was a locally recognized composer and maestro.

At unspecified time Senante Llaudes married a girl from Alicante, María Teresa Martínez Torrejón (died 1885). Her brother Antonio Martínez Torrejón would later become a locally known personality, deputy-mayor, poet and publisher, director of the local daily El eco de la provincia. The couple had at least 3 children, Manuel born as the oldest one. His younger brother José died in infancy; another one, Joaquin, perished at 16 years of age.

The young Manuel was brought up in a fervently Catholic ambience; in the 1890s he studied law in Barcelona and Madrid. By the turn of the century, he returned to Alicante, launching his own career as a lawyer in 1897. Representing his clients in cases ranging from private to commercial law, he gradually grew to prominence and got engaged in politically sensitive cases, like a dispute over a forcibly closed local parish cemetery, speaking for the Alicantine San Nicolás community before the Supreme Court; in 1903 he was already one of the Alicante municipal judges. Manuel Senante married Josefa Esplá Rizo (1870–1957), daughter of the Alicantine merchant marine captain and also a local Alicantine municipal counselor. The couple had 6 daughters (3 of them became nuns) and a son, Manuel Senante Esplá, also a Carlist activist. A lawyer, in the 1930s he defended in court individuals charged with engagement in Sanjurjada. He followed in the footsteps of his father and entered the publishing business, serving as member of the board of El Siglo Futuro in the 1930s; during early Francoism he served as municipal judge in Madrid. Senante's daughter Immaculada married Francisco Urries, catedrático of philosophy in Madrid. The family initially lived at the estate of Santa Rosa in San Juan, now a bedroom suburb of Alicante; in the early 20th century it moved permanently to Madrid.

Early career

Senante inherited ultraconservative political outlook from his ancestors. His grandfather was a subscriber of the Carlist daily El Siglo Futuro in the 1870s and in the 1880s, when the newspaper followed the breakaway Integrist path; also his father engaged in politically loaded public disputes. Having completed academic period and driven principally by his profound religiosity, back in his home city Manuel threw himself into Alicantine public activities. He associated with the Conservative Party in 1897 and commenced his long editorial career first by contributing and later by running a local party Andalusian daily, La Monarquía (1899–1900). He became active in numerous local Catholic initiatives, e.g. hosting Junta Organizadora for erection of the Century Cross in Alicante in 1901. Senante started to contribute to El Siglo Futuro himself in 1901, initially with short informative pieces. Already in 1902 he was hailed as “elocuentísimo abogado” and “uno de los católicos más firmes y decididos”.

In the early 20th century Senante dissociated himself from the conservatives and approached Partido Católico Nacional, the Integrist political party; in 1903 he was already reported by the press as “joven abogado alicantino, integrista ayer”. The same year he tried his luck in elections to the Cortes, especially that according to some sources he was already one of the most influential personalities of the Right in the province. He stood as a candidate of Liga Católica, a newly formed electoral platform promoted by the Church in Spain. He fielded his candidature in the south-Levantine city of Orihuela, but was defeated by the famous liberal politician, Francisco Ballesteros.

No source consulted mentions Senante as running in the 1905 elections. He engaged in setting up La Voz de Alicante, the daily which first appeared in 1904 and which he managed as a director. The newspaper was formatted as a broad Catholic tribune, though its Integrist sympathies were evident. Senante was also active in local party structures; his formal position remains unclear, but in 1906 he was already representing the provincial Integrist junta. Apart from pure politics he joined a new initiative, Acción Católica, later presiding over Círculo Obrero of this organization. Displaying some penchant for social issues Senante became member of Instituto de Reformas Sociales, promoted also by the conservative groupings into Instituto Nacional de Previsión; within this structure he entered Consejo de Patronato and represented it within employers’ associations.

Deputy

Due to a chain of events following the death of Ramón Nocedal, in the 1907 electoral campaign Senante ran as Integrist candidate in Gipuzkoa; though total alien to Basque political milieu he got safely elected, as Azpeitia, a profoundly religious, conservative rural district, had been usually electing Traditionalist candidates. The 1907 triumph turned out to be the start of a fairly long parliamentary career, lasting for the next 16 years. Senante stood as an Integrist candidate from the same Azpeitia district in course of the following 7 election campaigns of 1910, 1914, 1916, 1918, 1919, 1920 and 1923, always emerging victorious. The mainstream Carlists usually refrained from fielding counter-candidates, though at times other parties presented their contenders; twice (in 1918 and 1920) Senante was declared triumphant having faced no competition and elected according to the notorious Article 29. During 3 terms until 1916 he was one of two Integrist MPs in the Cortes; during 5 terms after that date Senante was the sole party deputy in the parliament.

As representative of Integrism Senante was perhaps the most Right-wing, reactionary and anti-democratic deputy of the entire Cortes; even other ultraconservative MPs, the mainstream Carlists, were to a small extent prepared to demonstrate some flexibility. Senante governed his actions by the principle of defending the sacrosanct Catholic religion, which marked the most visible thread of his activity: defending rights and privileges of the Church against secularization, usually promoted by the Liberals. He sided with the hierarchy both in case of nationwide disasters like Semana Trágica, the event he interpreted mostly in religious terms, and minor though publicity-gaining controversies, like a dispute over possible sale abroad of an antique Zamora pyxis, possessed by the Church.

Having developed adopted Vascongadas allegiances, Senante was active in the extra-parliamentary commission on regional autonomy organized in 1918 and publishing related works. In general, he tended to vote with the Conservative Party against the Liberals, though at the later stages, especially after the assassination of José Canalejas, he even sided with the Liberals against the growing anarchist and socialist tide. At times he represented Integrism in broad Catholic electoral alliances, formed under the auspices of the primate. By his liberal opponents he was described as an excessively passionate speaker but "a good man inside". Though he represented a competitive Integrist current of Traditionalism, in the early 1920s Senante worked to secure financial status of the Carlist prince Alfonso Carlos, who struggled against the Republican Austrian property regulations.

El Siglo Futuro

By the early 20th century Senante already had some experience as an editor, managing La Monarquia and especially La Voz de Alicante. He kept steering the Alicantine daily when the death of Ramón Nocedal vacated the chairmanship of El Siglo Futuro. The daily, set up in 1875 by Candidó Nocedal, remained a second-rate newspaper in terms of circulation and impact on the Spanish national market, but for ultraconservative politics it emerged as an iconic voice and a point of reference. Following an eight-month vacancy, in November 1907 it was Senante who appointed the new director.

El Siglo Futuro remained under Senante's leadership for the next 29 years and was probably his lifetime achievement. For three decades Senante was its strategic director, editor and manager, setting the political line rather than contributing himself. Madrid-based, the daily was better positioned to trace national politics and influence decision makers than mainstream Carlist dailies, especially the Barcelona-based El Correo Catalán, the Sevilla-based La Unión and the Pamplona-based El Pensamiento Navarro. Its readership base remained stable, composed mostly of lower parish clergy and Traditionalist activists. Though under Senante the paper underwent modernization with the introduction of graphics and expansion into economic, culture and sport sections, over time – especially in the 1920s and later – the circulation distance between El Siglo Futuro and leading national newspapers broadened into an abyss.

In terms of ideological outlook Senante followed the Nocedals closely; El Siglo Futuro remained an ultraconservative, vehemently anti-liberal and then anti-democratic vehicle of pursuing traditional values centered on the Catholic faith. Its principal objective was defense of religion and position of the Church; its primary foe was liberalism, later to be paired with democracy and socialism. In terms of party politics the paper remained the tribune of Integrism and was perhaps its most visible emanation in the Spanish public realm; even following amalgamation within Carlism in the early 1930s El Siglo Futuro cherished its Integrist identity. In terms of its style and language El Siglo Futuro was a fairly typical Spanish party paper, excelling in bombastic, hyperbolic, inflammatory, intransigent, sectarian phraseology. The paper led a venomous campaign against the Jews and freemasonry, though it did not advocate any specific measures. The official Spanish digital archive describes the late daily as fanatically fundamentalist, consumed by apocalyptic obsession and dubbed “a caveman”.

Dictatorship

Senante welcomed the fall of liberal democracy, deemed rotten with political corruption and unable to solve any of the problems facing the country. El Siglo Futuro greeted the coup as “el movimiento militar de Primo de Rivera, encaminado a la defensa de la realeza y del pueblo contra esta aristocracia caciquil del parlamentarismo”, which accomplished a long overdue task and generated “entusiasmo que el hecho histórico realizado por el Ejército despierta en España”. It was only gradually that the Integrists, their party dissolved, were getting disillusioned with inertia and lack of decisive change, demonstrated by the dictator. In 1926, prior to the plebiscite intended as endorsement of a future national assembly, El Siglo Futuro declared itself supportive of Primo de Rivera but firmly voiced against Unión Patriótica and its program, calling its readers to abstain from voting. Senante himself, though deprived of official means of political action, was appointed by the three Basque provinces as their informal representative in Madrid; nothing is known about his related activities.

The dictatorship years witnessed major transformation of Spanish Catholicism. Senante opposed new Christian-democratic format of mobilization already in the previous decade, first confronting Luis Coloma but later targeting Grupo de la Democracia Cristiana and Maximiliano Arboleya. The conflict took an increasingly bitter turn in the late 1920s. Senante, who viewed social conflict as part of the religious question, despised democratic platform of policy making, its malmenorismo and accidentalism; in return, Arboleya dubbed Integrism “a Catholic freemasonry”. Though primate Segura called both parties to cease public polemics, the conflict spilled over to the early 1930s. Senante's relations with Herrera Oria remained correct, though apart from political differences, it was plagued by rivalry of two publishers. He entered Acción Católica executive in the early 1930s; his firm monarchical stance was increasingly incompatible with accidentalist position taken by Herrera.

El Siglo Futuro had no regrets about Primo's fall, concluding melancholically that the dictator did not live up to the vote of confidence he had received from the nation. During the liberalization produced by Dictablanda, the Spanish Integrism re-emerged as a new political party, Comunión Tradicionalista-Integrista; Senante became deputy head of the entire organization and signed a joint monarchist manifesto of 1930, published to defend Religion, Fatherland and Monarchy against the looming Republican threat.

Republic

Senante welcomed the Republic with hardly veiled antipathy, which following quema de conventos turned into horror and enmity. Viewing anti-religious violence in apocalyptic terms, he advised intransigence to cardinal Segura, which in turn cost the primate expulsion from republican Spain. As the two had already developed close relationship, Senante engaged actively in a campaign defending the exiled primate. By the end of 1931 he clashed with the papal nuncio Tedeschini, accusing him of inaction and conspiring to get the envoy recalled to Vatican; the events forged an even closer friendship between Senante and Segura. In 1932 he publicly presented the doctrine of disobedience to the Republic, publishing his Cuestiones candentes de adhesión and growing into a key theorist of violent resistance against the Republic.

Since late 1920 Senante and the Integrists approached the Jaimistas, and already in the spring of 1931 he publicly spoke in favor or a reunification; later that year he joined a group of mainstream Carlists representing Don Jaime in dynastical negotiations with the deposed Alfonso XIII. He demonstrated no hesitation when forming the united Carlist organization, Comunión Tradicionalista. In 1932 Senante entered Junta Suprema Tradicionalista, executive of the new party, representing Levante and Andalusia. He also joined managing board of Editorial Tradicionalista, a company taking ownership of El Siglo Futuro, and together with fellow ex-integrist Lamamié dominated within the body, triggering grumblings about Integrist domination in the party. The board was reconstituted by Tomás Domínguez Arévalo by the end of 1933, though El Siglo Futuro retained a dose of independence until 1935.

In terms of electoral tactics Senante made a U-turn. Initially he favored an alliance with the Alfonsinos and became a leading figure in Acción Nacional; once the coalition assumed an accidentalist tone and got infected by Christian-democratic style he turned firmly against it, growing into one of the most outspoken Carlist opponents of collaboration within either TYRE or later Bloque Nacional. He was also increasingly disappointed by nationalist turn of the Basque campaign; despite his Restauración and dictatorship defense of Vascongadas fueros, Senante viewed the autonomous campaign with suspicion. He tried to resume parliamentarian career not in Gipuzkoa but in his native Alicante; outmaneuvered during coalition talks he ran as independent and was defeated both in 1933 and 1936.

In 1934 Senante successfully launched the candidature of ex-fellow Integrist Manuel Fal Conde as a party leader; despite the age difference the two developed lasting cordial relationship. The same year, together with party pundits like Jesús Comín, he entered Consejo de Cultura de la Comunión, a body within the movement entrusted with diffusion of the ideology; in 1935, when Fal was officially appointed Jefe Delegado, Senante entered his auxiliary governing body, Council of the Communion. Early 1936 he co-drafted a document issued later by Don Alfonso Carlos, in case of his death appointing Don Javier as the Carlist regent.

War and Francoism

It is not clear to what extent Senante participated in the Carlist plot against the Republic. During the July 1936 coup he was in Valencia, where the rebels failed. He avoided almost certain incarceration by seeking refuge in a foreign diplomatic mission and eventually made it to the Nationalist zone in the summer of 1937, installing himself first at the Olazábals’ estate in San Sebastián, later in 1938 moving to Vitoria. When trapped in the Republican zone Senante was unable to participate in internal Carlist disputes related to amalgamation into FET, but afterwards, when nominated member of Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra, he adopted a hostile stand. Though he considered re-launching El Siglo Futuro, he eventually abandoned the idea, unwilling to see his opus magnum integrated into the Francoist propaganda machine.

In 1941 he could have been involved in a plot against Franco, which left him injured in a related car accident. In 1942 he refused advances of the Juanistas and preferred to enter Junta Auxiliar, a body loyal to the Carlist regent-claimant Don Javier; the same year he signed a statement condemning the regime described as “intruso y usurpador”. This declaration was followed in 1943 by a letter delivered to Franco by general Vigón and demanding restoration of monarchy, forming of a regency, suppression of partido unico and restoration of civic rights; one scholar describes Senante of that day as “feroce integrista”. Early 1944 he spoke against the pro-Axis leaning of the Spanish foreign policy and later that year, during a clandestine 1944 monarchist meeting in Seville, he voted in favor of an attempt to overthrow Franco. In 1947 he took part in the first nationwide meeting of the Carlist executive since 1937, supporting intransigent course adopted by Fal and re-establishment of a new Concejo Nacional.

None of the sources consulted provides any information on Senante's public activities after 1947; it seems that due to his age he started to withdraw from politics, still loyal to Don Javier as the Carlist regent and to Manuel Fal as the Carlist political leader. As late as in the mid-1950s in a letter to Franco he confirmed that "we, the Traditionalists" could never integrate in FET, the party founded on principles which remain unacceptable to the Communion. He remained on friendly terms with the primate, cardinal Segura, especially as in the 1940s Carlism enjoyed probably best-ever relations with the Spanish Catholic hierarchy, since the 1830s at best lukewarm towards the movement. Member of a number of religious associations, Senante was also lawyer of the Roman Rota, though his personal relations with Vatican suffered due to mutual antagonism with cardinal Tedeschini. In 1959, two weeks before death, he was applauded by the Francoist press as a nestor of Spanish journalism when awarded the hijo predilecto title by the city of Alicante.

Footnotes

María Dolores Mollá Soler, Instituto de Educación Secundaria Jorge Juan, Canelore. Revista del Instituto alicantino de cultura “Juan Gil-Albert”, 55 (2009), p. 239
Diario de Alicante 02.12.16, available here
Rafael Valls Montés, Historiografía escolar española: siglos XIX-XXI, Madrid 2012, ISBN 9788436263268, p. 86. Contemporary sources claim that he was nominated professor auxiliar there in 1877, see El magisterio español, 25.06.77, available here
Mollá Soler 2009, pp. 240–241
Faustino Larrosa Martínez, Leonor Maldonado Izquierdo, Las escuelas normales de Alicante: conservadurismo y renovación entre 1844 y 1931, Alicante 2012, ISBN 9788497172424, pp. 101–102
Valls Montés 2012, pp. 113
in contemporary press he is referred to as “jurisconsulto”, El Siglo Futuro 04.12.16, available here
Joaquín Santo Matas, Treint Alicantinos al servicio de la humanidad, Alicante 2009, p. 151
the term “politico” refers probably to his service in ayuntamiento, see El Siglo Futuro 04.12.16
Ernest Llorens, Euterpe, manzana de discordia (II). Crònica del polèmic certamen d’Alacant de l’any 1889, Música i poble 172 (2013), pp. 41-42
El Nuevo Alicantino 25.07.97, available here
see e.g. El eco de la provincia 19.08.83, available here
El eco de la provincia 07.08.81, available here
El Nuevo Alicantino 25.07.97, available here
El Siglo Futuro 04.12.16
Idoia Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia, available here, Manuel Senante Martínez entry. Javier Paniagua, José A. Piqueras (eds.), Diccionario biográfico de políticos valencianos: 1810–2006, Valencia 2008, ISBN 9788495484802, p. 521
Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
in 1914-5 he represented a party in commercial but culturally sensitive case of salterns located at the salt marshes of Elx, near terms of Sant Tomás, Carles Martín Cantareno, Ecologia i cultura: el matollar de sosa del terme Sant Tomás, un hábitat prioritari europeu vinculat al Patrimoni de la Humanitat de la Festa d’Elx, La Rella 25 (2012), pp. 97
Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
“¿Quién es D. Manuel Senante? Un joven abogado alicantino, integrista ayer, autor, según se dijo, del manifesto tan íntegramenta católico que la Liga publicó al venir al mundo, y que sancionando una vez más que una cosa es predicar y otra dar trigo, solicitó y obtuvo a los pocos días del partido liberal conservador el ser nombrado juez municipal de Alicante”, La Comarca 22.6.03, available here
for an interesting piece on Anselmo Juan Esplá Rodes (1834–1918) see here
ABC 26.06.59, available here
Carlos Lesmes Serrano et al., Los procesos célebres seguidos ante el Tribunal Supremo en sus doscientos años de historia (siglo XX), Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788434021099, p. 194
Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931–1937), El Argonauta Espanol 9 (2012), available here, also ABC 26.06.59
El Progreso 26.04.39, available here
Raúl Angulo Díaz, La historia de la cátedra de Estética en la universidad española, Oviedo 2016, ISBN 9788478485710, p. 299
Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
El Siglo Futuro 02.01.77, available here
Larrosa, Maldonado 2012, p. 102
Traditionalism was quite strong in the province of Alicante; no data is available for the Integrist branch; in terms of mainstream Jaimismo, the province was 7th in Spain; with 103 juntas it was ahead of Gipuzkoa, Castellón and Lerida, not very far behind Navarre, see Francisco Javier Caspistegui, Historia por descubrir. Materiales para estudio del carlismo, Estella 2012, ISBN 9788423532148, pp. 32-33
Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez
Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez, Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
blown up in 1934 and reconstructed later, see here
El Siglo Futuro 02.04.01, available here
El Siglo Futuro 26.06.02, available here
”Quién es D. Manuel Senante? Un joven abogado alicantino, integrista ayer, autor, según se dijo, del manifesto tan íntegramente católico que la Liga publicó al veniral mundo, y que sancionando una vez más que una cosa es predicar y otra dar trigo, solicito y obtuvo a los pocos dias del partido liberal conservador”, La Comarca 22.06.03, available here
Victoria Moreno 1984, p. 170 lists Senante along Aparisi, Mella and de Maeztu
for discussion of different phased of the strategy see Rosa Ana Gutiérrez Lloret, ¡A las urnas, en defensa de la fe! La movilización política católica en la España de comienzos del siglo XX, Pasado y Memoria 7 (2008), pp. 245–248
Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez, see also El Siglo Futuro 18.07.08, available here
Senante maintained good relations with the Orihuela Jaimistas also later on, himself and de Mella visiting the city in 1911, Victoria Moreno 1984, p. 163
compare e.g. El Siglo Futuro 21.09.05, available here; Senante's name is mentioned only as he congratulated the party leader Ramón Nocedal on his triumph in Pamplona, see La Voz del Alicante 11.09.06, available here
some claim it was in 1905, see Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
El Siglo Futuro 27.02.06, available here; digital archive of the daily is available here
compare La Voz de Alicante 02.04.07, available here
with Emilio Pascual y Canto, see El Siglo Futuro 12.02.06, available here
Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
María Gloria Redondo Rincón, El seguro obligatorio de enfermedad en España: responsables técnicos y políticos de su implantación durante el franquismo, , Madrid 2013, p. 145; see also Luis Sánchez Agesta, Orígenes de la política social en la España de la Restauración, Revista de derecho político 8 (1981), p. 14
Ramón Nocedal died only 3 weeks prior to the 1907 Cortes elections. One of key party politicians, José Sánchez Marco, took Nocedal's place – virtually ensured success by means of a broad electoral alliance – in the prestigious Navarrese Pamplona district, vacating in turn his own place as an Integrist candidate in the rural Gipuzkoan district of Azpeitia; Senante became his replacement
some authors claim that Senante and other Carlist candidates owed their success in Azpeitia to Jesuit propaganda of the local Loyola sanctuary, see José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer catolicismo social español , Madrid 2012, p. 114
for 1918 see here, for 1920 see here
see the list of Integrist deputies; the Integrist leader, Juan Olazábal, preferred to stay out of Cortes and pursued his career in the regional Vascongadas politics
Ramon Corts i Blay, La setmana tràgica de 1909: l'arxiu secret Vaticà, Barcelona 2009, ISBN 9788498831443, pp. 211–2
the Zamora cathedral possessed an ancient pyxis from the Caliphate period and intended to sell to a private antiquities dealer, triggering public debate about the piece possibly being taken out of Spain; Canalejas spoke in favor of restrictions, while Senante argued that the Church was free to handle the antique the way they liked, see J.I. Martín Benito, F. Regueras Grande, El Bote de Zamora: historia y patrimonio, De Arte 2 (2003), pp. 216-7, 221
Senante entered Academy of Basque Studies and spoke in favor of bilingualism, Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez
taking turns with Manuel Chalbaud Errázquin, Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez
author of a 1919 theoretical work on municipal autonomy in a regional legal ambience; he referred to “nuestras provincias Vascongadas” and spoke against municipal autonomy, considered absurd, see here Archived 2015-02-07 at the Wayback Machine
like in 1914, Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, Jesuitas e Iglesia Vasca. Los católicos y el partido conservador (1911–1913), Príncipe de Viana 192 (1991), p. 224
Senante inherited rhetorical skills from his father, recognised as orador, El Siglo Futuro 04.12.16
opinion of Conde de Romanones quoted after Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez
Ignacio Miqueliz Valcarlos (ed.), Una mirada íntima al dia a dia del pretendiente carlista, Pamplona 2017, ISBN 9788423534371, pp. 237–238, 244
See El Siglo Futuro 06.11.07, available here
Key writers were the regular staff of Luis Ortiz y Estrada, Emilio Muñoz (Fabio), Juan Marín del Campo (Chafarote) and Felipe Robles Dégano; guest writers included important Traditionalist politicians like Conde Rodezno, José Lamamié or Manuel Fal Condé
The circulation of El Siglo Futuro was 5,000, compared to 200,000 of the monarchist ABC and 80,000 of the Catholic El Debate
El Siglo Futuro opposed militantly secular liberalism of the late Restauración, cautiously endorsed Catalan and Basque rights if framed in the traditional fueros, sympathized with the Central Powers in course of the First World War, despised the emerging anarchist and socialist Left, cheered the Primo de Rivera dictatorship to be disillusioned later, had few regrets about the fallen monarchy of Alfonso XIII but was almost explicitly hostile towards the Republic, welcomed the rise of Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler, to turn against the latter following the assassination of Dolfuss
for a review, with particular focus on Emilio Ruiz Muñoz, see Isabel Martín Sánchez, La campaña antimasónica en El Siglo Futuro: la propaganda anujudía durante la Segunda República, Historia y Comunicación Social 4 (1999), pp. 73-87. In a single sentence the daily accused the Jews of serving both Marxism and plutocracy, denouncing “frente único o común revolucionario judeomarxista y masónico, animado por una sola y misma alma, los banqueros judíos de Wall Street” (p. 80); for the newspaper, Judaism and freemasonry represented anti-Spain (pp 78-80), anti-Catholicism (pp 80-83) and Satanism (81). Another author claims that El Siglo Futuro, consumed by traditional Spanish anti-British obsession, viewed freemasonry as sort of a secret service managed by London, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931–1939, Cambridge 1975, ISBN 9780521207294, p. 180. Martín Sanchez claims that El Siglo Futuro contributed to buildup of the later Francoist “crusade” propaganda by engineering anti-masonic, anti-Jewish and anti-communist mobilisation (p 87), and facilitated pro-Axis leaning by lambasting the League of Nations as steered by the Jews (84), praising Hitler and Mussolini for confronting Judaism (p. 77). On the other hand, the author ignores growing hostility of El Siglo Futuro towards the Hitlerite racism, as the daily was increasingly perturbed by “emporio del izquierdismo del razismo germánico”, see El Siglo Futuro 28.07.34, available here
Martín Sanchez 1999 does not point to any specific anti-Jewish or anti-masonic actions, advocated by El Siglo Futuro; the campaign was rather formatted as an awareness-rising exercise
See Hemeroteca Digital service available here or Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte service, available here
El Siglo Futuro 10.10.23, available here
El Siglo Futuro 05.10.23, available here
El Siglo Futuro 10.09.26, available here
Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez, Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
for background see Feliciano Montero García, Las derechas y el catolicismo español: del integrismo al socialcristianismo, Historia y política: Ideas, procesos y movimientos sociales 18 (2007), pp. 101–128
Robles Muñoz 1991, p. 208
the press war was waged between El Siglo Futuro and Renovación Social, the Arboleya's press tribune, Robles Muñoz 1991, p. 315
Feliciano Montero García, El movimiento católico en la España del siglo XX. Entre el integrismo y el posibilismo, María Dolores de la Calle Velasco, Manuel Redero San Román (eds.), Movimientos sociales en la España del siglo XX, Madrid 2008, ISBN 9788478003143, p. 184
Maximiliano Arboleya Martínez entry, Oviedo enciclopedia, available here; also Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, Los Católicos integristas y la República en España (1930–1934), António Matos Ferreira, João Miguel Almeida (eds.), Religião e cidadania: protagonistas, motivações e dinâmicas sociais no contexto ibérico, Lisboa 2011, ISBN 9789728361365, p. 64
Segura and Senante first met in 1923 or 1924, when the latter took part in opening of the local Casa social católica, Robles Muñoz 1991, p. 140
Robles Muñoz 1991, pp. 314-5
Montero García 2008, p. 184
especially as El Debate dramatically outpaced El Siglo Futuro in terms of circulation
Senante entered Junta Central of Acción Católica in July 1931, Santiago Martínez Sánchez, El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880–1957), , Pamplona 2002, p. 176, also Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521. In November the same year he had to give way to Gil Robles, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 207
Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 207, Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, La cuestión religiosa en la Segunda República española. Iglesia y carlismo, Madrid, 2009, ISBN 9788497429054, esp. chapter "Contra el imperio de los personalismos": críticas carlistas contra Tedeschini, Herrera Oria and Vidal, pp. 165–176
El Siglo Futuro 29.01.30, available here
El Siglo Futuro 19.03.30, available here; Senante held no functions related either to Gipuzkoa (represented by Ladislao de Zavala and others) or to Alicante (Francisco Almenar)
see Leandro Álvarez Rey, La derecha en la II República: Sevilla, 1931–1936, Sevilla 1993, ISBN 9788447201525, pp. 123–126
“hoy como ayer y como mañana y como siempre, mantenemos nuestra bandera desplegada y afirmamos el lema de nuestro programa político: «Dios, Patria, Fueros». Dentro de la monarquía católica tradicional”, see El Siglo Futuro 15.04.31, available here
“la destrucción de todo lo existente, ejército, familia, propiedad, religión, orden, hasta llegar a la guerra a Dios, al ateísmo, para hacer los hombres bestias humanas y establecer una esclavitud monstruosa y diabólica, que acabe con la obra salvadora de la civilización cristiana”, see El Siglo Futuro 12.05.31, available here Vicente Cárcel Ortí, La persecución religiosa en España durante la Segunda República, 1931–1939, Madrid 1990, ISBN 9788432126475, p. 119
Vicente Cárcel Ortí, La persecución religiosa en España durante la Segunda República, 1931–1939, Madrid 1990, ISBN 9788432126475, p. 119, see also Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, La Santa Sede y la II Republica (1931), Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788415965190, esp. the chapter Los prelados exiliados, pp. 379-431
historians refer to Senante as “amigo del Cardenal”, Robles Muñoz 1991, p. 392, or “confidente de don Pedro Segura”, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 402
Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 203, see also Robles Muñoz 2013, pp. 661–2
for Segura the names of Senante or Fal stood for loyalty and valiance, confronted with cowardness associated with names of Herrera or Tedeschini, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 225
Blinkhorn 1975, p. 67 claims the theory was first presented in Lerida in December 1931, Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez, claim it was in Valencia in April 1932. For the actual document, see here
“más persistente teorizador de la violencia desde el campo tradicionalista”, Eduardo González Calleja, Aproximación a las subculturas violentas de las derechas antirrepublicanas españolas (1931–1936), Pasado y Memoria 2 (2003), pp. 114–115
Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, 1868 en la memoria carlista de 1931: dos revoluciones anticlericales y un paralelo, Hispania Sacra, 59/119 (2007), p. 355, continuing in January 1932, see also Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Los frustrados intentos de colaboración entre el partido nacionalista vasco y la derecha navarra durante la segunda república, Principe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 131
Blinkhorn 1975, p. 325
Senante with Olazábal, Lamamié and Estevánez was one of key Integrists joining; the amalgamation was facilitated by the fact that the new claimant, Don Alfonso Carlos, himself demonstrated a slight pro-Integrist penchant, Eduardo González Calleja, Contrarrevolucionarios, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788420664552, pp. 70-71
González Calleja 2011, pp. 76-7, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 73
see El Siglo Futuro entry at the official Hispania service available here
Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, Paradójicos reaccionarios: la modernidad contra la República de la Comunión Tradicionalista, El Argonauta Espanol 9 (2012), available here; many former Integros assumed key positions within the united Carlism: apart from Senante, José Luis Zamanillo became head of paramilitary section, José Lamamié became head of the secretariat, and Manuel Fal became later political leader of the party
Blinkhorn 1975, p. 336
González Calleja 2012 claims that in 1932 the daily “volvió al redil de la Comunión y se convirtió de hecho en el órgano oficioso del partido”. However, El Siglo Futuro clarified to the readers that it was not an official Comunión Tradicionalista daily; according to the editors, the ownership transfer from Olazábal to Editorial Tradicionalista contained only one string, namely that the daily would remain Catholic when it comes ro religious question, and it would remain monarchical, antiliberal, traditionalist and antiparliamentarian when it comes to political ones, see El Siglo Futuro 20.05.33, available here
in 1931 Senante joined Acción Nacional's executive, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 52, Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez; Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
see official ministerial service here
González Calleja 2011, p. 125, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 68. According to Gil Robles, Senante was “director de una campaña contra Acción Nacional”, see Francesc Vidal i Barraquer, Miguel Batllori, Víctor Manuel Arbeloa, Església i estat durant la Segona República Espanyola, 1931–1936: 10 d'octubre de 1933 - 18 de juliol de 1936, vol. II, Montserrat 1991, ISBN 9788478262663, p. 187
Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez; for background see Santiago de Pablo, El carlismo guipuzcoano y el Estatuto Vasco, Bilduma Rentería 2 (1988), pp. 193–216, his also El Estatuto Vasco y la cuestión foral en Navarra durante la Segunda República, Gerónimo de Uztáriz 2 (1988), pp. 42-48
as member of Bloque Agrario Antimarxista, Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 333
as “candidatura contrarrevolucionaria”, Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 521
González Calleja 2011, p. 195, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 137
in 1935, when the new jefe delegado engaged fully in politics at the expense of his professional activities, Senante proposed that Fal participates in profits from his own law office or, alternatively, he gets appointed as titular director of El Siglo Futuro; both proposals were rejected, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 256
Blinkhorn 1975, p. 208
Blinkhorn 1975, p. 215
the document was prepared mostly by Luis Hernando de Larramendi, with Lamamié and Senante contributing, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 265
Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez
his Madrid house was ransacked
Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez
Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 311; the owner of the estate and Senante's longtime friend and collaborator, Juan Olazábal Ramery, was executed by Republican militia half a year earlier
Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 323
Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez
the last issue of El Siglo Futuro went to print on July 18, 1936, González Calleja 2012; the premises of the newspaper were later ransacked and taken over by the anarchist CNT militiamen
Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil , Valencia 2009, p. 161
little is known about an episode of January 1941, when Senante together with Lamamié was injured in a car collision involving the Falangists; Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 298
Martínez Sánchez 2002, pp. 421–2
he accused the regime of having “llevado el desgobierno y el malestar a todos los órdenes de la Administración pública y de la vida nacional”, and which “contra toda razón y todo derecho, se ha impuesto bastardeando y contrariando los móviles que llevaron a derramar su sangre y a sufrir sacrificios de toda clase a tantos y tantos españoles”, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 240
Josep Carles Clemente Muñoz, Raros, heterodoxos, disidentes y viñetas del Carlismo, Madrid 1995, ISBN 9788424507077, pp. 122-3
Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 422
in February that year suggesting on behalf of Comunión Tradicionalista to nuncio Cicognani that the Spanish espiscopate should speak out against racism and totalitarianism, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 427
Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 299
though it is not clear whether he entered this body himself, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 321
Josep Miralles Climent, El Carlismo frente al estado español: rebelión, cultura y lucha política, Madrid 2004, ISBN 9788475600864, pp. 356-357
see Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 412 and especially p. 572
Hermano Ministro Honorario de la V.O.T. de San Francisco el Grande, caballero del Pilar, caballero de la Santa Hermandad del Refugio, ABC 26.06.59
Estornés Zubizarreta, Manuel Senante Martínez
ABC 13.06.59, available here

External links

Categories:

Misplaced Pages