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Wichí

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South American indigenous group of mataco-mataguaya origin For other uses, see Wichí (disambiguation).
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Ethnic group
Wichí
Flag of the Wichí people
Total population
55,734
Regions with significant populations
 Argentina,  Bolivia
 Argentina50,419 (2010)
 Bolivia5,315
Languages
Wichí languages (Wichí Lhamtés Vejoz, Wichí Lhamtés Güisnay, Wichí Lhamtés Nocten), Spanish
Religion
Traditional tribal religion

The Wichí are an indigenous people of South America. They are a large group of tribes inhabiting the headwaters of the Bermejo River and the Pilcomayo River, in Argentina and Bolivia.

Notes on designation

This ethnic group was referred to by English settlers as Mataco, and is still widely known as such. The etymology of this term is obscure, but in several sources it is cited that the Wichí find the term derogatory. Among the Wichí exists a folk etymology for this term, which relates it to the Spanish verb matar, to kill. Their preferred name and their own word for themselves is Wichí, pronounced [wiˈci], and their language is Wichí Lhamtés .

There is a pronunciation variant in some areas of Bolivia, , where the group refers to themselves as Weenhayek wichi, translated by Alvarsson (1988) as "the different people" (pl. Weenhayey). Weenhayey informants of Alvarsson state that the old name was Olhamelh (), meaning simply us. The subgroups within Wichí have been identified and received different names in literature: Nocten or Octenay in Bolivia, Véjos, (perhaps more properly) Wejwus or Wehwos for the Western subgroup(s), and Güisnay for the Eastern subgroups of Argentina. The latter corresponds to Tewoq-lhelej, "the river people".

Population

At present, a number of Wichí groups can be found in Argentina and Bolivia, distributed as follows:

  • Argentina:
    • 18 groups in the north-west of Chaco, about 180 km north-west of the town of Castelli.
    • Many communities in Formosa, departments of Bermejo (15 communities), Matacos (10 communities), Patiño (7 communities) and Ramón Lista (33 communities).
    • Other communities are located in Salta, departments of San Martín (21 communities), Rivadavia (57 communities, some of them with just a few individuals), Orán, Metán (2 communities) and Anta (3 communities), being the latter three more isolated; and in Jujuy, departments of Santa Bárbara, San Pedro and Ledesma.
  • Bolivia: Gran Chaco province, Tarija Department, on the Pilcomayo River, 14 communities living in the area from (and including) the town of Villa Montes up to D'Orbigny, in the Argentine border.

Ethnologue reports:

  • Wichí Lhamtés Güisnay/Pilcomayo Wichí: 27,000 speakers in Argentina (2021)
  • Wichí Lhamtés Nocten: 1,900 speakers in Bolivia (2012)
  • Wichí Lhamtés Vejoz/Bermejo Wichí: 32,000 speakers in Argentina (2021)

Languages

Main article: Wichí languages

Versions of Wichí are the most widely spoken languages of the Matacoan language family. Wichí includes three languages:

The total number of speakers can only be estimated; no reliable figures exist. several sources. The Argentine National Institute of Statistics and Censuses (INDEC) gives a figure of 36,135 speakers in Argentina only. In Rosario, the third biggest city of Argentina, there's a community of approximately 10,000 wichí people, all of them fluent in Wichí, including some native speakers. There are multiple bilingual primary schools.

In Bolivia, Alvarsson estimated there were between 1,700 and 2,000 speakers in 1988; a census reported 1,912, and Diez Astete & Riester (1996) estimated between 2,300 and 2,600 Weenhayek in sixteen communities.

According to Najlis (1968) and Gordon (2005), three main dialects can be distinguished in the Wichí group: southwestern or Vejós (Wehwós), northeastern or Güisnay (Weenhayek) and northwestern or Nocten (Oktenay). Tovar (1981) and other authors claim the existence of only two dialects (northeastern and southwestern), while Braunstein (1992-3) identifies eleven ethnical subgroups.

The Wichí language is predominantly suffixing and polysynthetic; verbal words have between 2 and 15 morphemes. Alienable and inalienable possession is distinguished. The phonological inventory is large, with simple, glottalized and aspirated stops and sonorants. The number of vowels varies with dialect (five or six). The Anglican Church, and particularly Bishop David Leake and his missionary father Alfred Leake before him, have played a crucial role in finding a written form for the Wichí language to record their stories and foundational myths. Many Wichí people are Christian, and Bishop Leake, with the support of the Bible Society, translated the entire old and New Testaments into written form for the Wichí to read and hear it in their own language.

History

Much of the information available about the history of the Wichí comes from Jesuit and Franciscan missionaries of the 17th and 18th centuries. The first mission came in 1690, but was unsuccessful. Later in 1771, the Franciscan Mission of Zenta found better reception. However, with the decline of the Spanish power these missions also fell into decay. The Anglican Church has been heavily involved with the Wichí people since the beginning of the 20th Century. There are currently over 140 churches across the local area, which are almost exclusively attended by indigenous families. Many of the priests of the Anglican Church in Northern Argentina are from indigenous communities, and three of the Bishops of the (Anglican) Diocese of Northern Argentina are from indigenous communities, including the Wichí (cf. Diocese of Northern Argentina; Anglican Indigenous Network).

The Wichí territory seems to have changed since the 18th century, when the first precise information on their existence and location was recorded. Their neighbors in the Pilcomayo River area were the Toba, and their lands on the Bermejo River extended from the current town of Embarcación, to a region north of current town of Castelli, in the Chaco Province. The Anglican Diocese of Northern Argentina has advocated on behalf of the Wichí people for over a century, mediating between the local governments of Formosa and Salta to try and secure the land rights of indigenous populations. (For over half a century the Anglican Church was privately purchasing some of these lands to allow the indigenous people to live there, while the National Government refused to acknowledge Wichí land rights (or human rights).) In February 2020, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruled against the Government of Argentina in a landmark case and ordered reparations, restitution of land, and fishing rights to the indigenous communities. ASOCIANA, an ecological charity under the umbrella of the Anglican Church, has been heavily involved in this process and of documenting ecological crimes committed by private corporations and governments groups.

According to Father Alejandro Corrado, a Franciscan of Tarija, the Wichí were nomadic; their houses were light structures scattered in the jungle. Corrado claims the Wichí lived chiefly upon fish and algarroba, that is, the fruit of the local algarrobo tree (usually identified with Prosopis alba or South American mesquite), as well as honey-locust, but "they ate anything that was not poisonous, even rats and grasshoppers". From the algarroba they were said to prepare an intoxicating liquor (this is probably aloja, produced by fermentation of the sugar-loaded patay paste inside the fruit). The ripening of the algarroba was celebrated with a ceremony.

Additionally, in Corrado's words, among the Wichí "everything is in common". He claimed that there was a division of tasks, the men occupying themselves with fishing or occasional hunting with bow or club, and the women doing practically all the other work.

As for their religious beliefs, Corrado wrote that the Wichí medicine men fight off disease "with singing and rattle", that the Wichí believe in a good spirit and a bad spirit, and that the souls of the deceased are reincarnated in animals. There is evidence of the use of the entheogen Anadenanthera colubrina by Wichí shamans in Argentina.

The Pentecostal Church of Sweden started working within the Wichí community in the early parts of the last century, which resulted in the Christian majority in Weenhayek populations. The fact that the ideas of possession and ownership do not exist within the community has made this conversion quite easy. Everyone owns everything (and nothing) together, just as the Bible dictates was the case with the first churches. There are other facts that has helped the contextualization of the gospel, such as the Weenhayek being fishermen (in the Pilcomayo River), just as some of the disciples in the Bible. These facts have made it possible for the Weenhayek to maintain their unique cultural identity and traditions, in spite of embracing faith in Christianity.

Current threats

Wichí have traditionally lived off of supplies from hunting, fishing and basic agriculture. Since the beginning of the 20th century, significant portions of their traditional land have been taken over by outsiders, and what was once a grassland has since turned undergone desertification due to deforestation, the introduction of cattle, and more recently, the introduction of alien crops (soybean). A study conducted in 1998 by a graduate student from Clark University, Worcester, MA based on satellite photo surveys showed that between 1984 and 1996, 20% of the forest has been lost.

The Wichí were affected by the recession that lasted from 1999 to 2002, however, their economic self-sufficiency, their physical isolation, and the lack of recognition on the part of the authorities diminished the impact of the crisis, which was limited to inflation in the price of certain goods they cannot produce (such as sugar and red meat, replaceable by wild honey and fish) and to problems with the supply of medicines and healthcare.

For many years, the Wichí have been struggling to get legal titles to the land they historically owned, which has been constantly seized and fenced by non-indigenous cattlers and farmers. Their land claims are centered around two large public land areas in eastern Salta, known as Lote 55 (about 2,800 km) and Lote 14. The Wichí rights to that land have been recognized by law, but no practical enforcement actions have been taken by the Salta provincial government.

At the beginning of 2004, the government of Salta decided to lift the protected status of the General Pizarro Natural Reserve, an area of 250 km in the Anta Department inhabited by about 100 Wichí, and to sell part of the land to two private companies, Everest SA and Initium Aferro SA, to be deforested and replaced with a soybean farm. After months of complaints, legal struggle, and a campaign sponsored by Greenpeace, on 29 September 2005 (after an exposure in a popular TV show) a group of Argentine artists, actors, musicians, models, environmental groups, and Wichí representatives arranged a hearing with Chief of Cabinet Alberto Fernández, Director of the National Parks Administration Héctor Espina, and President Néstor Kirchner himself. The national government promised to discuss the matter with Salta governor Juan Carlos Romero.

On the 14th of October 2005, the National Parks Administration and the government of Salta signed an agreement to create a new national protected area in General Pizarro. Of the approximately 213 km comprised by the new reserve, the Wichí will have the right of use of 22 km, and they will own 8 km.

El Chaco, where Wichí also live, is the largest subtropical dry broadleaf forest of the earth. Currently, the Wichí and other indigenous groups are in danger of losing their land and livelihood to agribusinesses. Soy and cotton farmers want to cut down the trees in order to expand cultivation. The Chaco forest is being cut down six times faster than the Amazon jungle. The greatest profiteers are logging companies. Additionally, soy cultivation has accelerated deforestation. In a lot of cases, this means that the indigenous communities lose their land to agribusinesses and suffer under the intense use of fertilizers and pesticides, which poison the water they depend on. Since 2008, many indigenous people have organised in the “Movimiento Nacional Campesino Indígena” (National Movement of Indigenous Peasants), and fight for the legal right to their land.

Wichí society

Wichí, like other hunter-gatherer peoples, were semi-nomadic. Even today, despite transculturation, there is a fairly large number of montaraces (nomadic) communities or clans. Each Wichí village has its own territory, but usually a few communities share the use of the overlapping areas. Each community consists of one or more clans. Wichí society is matrilocal, i.e., people belong to their mothers' clans; upon marriage, men move to their wives' villages. Individuals and families of some of the neighboring peoples like the Iyojwaja (Chorote), Nivaklé, Qomlek (Toba) and Tapy'y (Tapieté) often live amongst the Wichí, sometimes marrying into their society.

They build small mud houses with roofs made of leaves and branches, well adapted to the high temperatures of summer that can reach 50 °C (120 °F). During the dry season (winter) they depend on fishing in the Bermejo and Pilcomayo rivers, and cultivate corn, pumpkins, beans and watermelons during summer. Throughout the year the Wichí hunt deer (Cervidae) such as "guasuncho" (Mazama goauzoubira) and "corzuela roja" (Mazama americana), armadillos (Dasypus, Tolypeutes and Euphractus), rabbits ("tapetí", Sylvilagus brasiliensis), several types of iguana and peccaries (Tayassu albirostris, Tayassu tajacu). Wichí also search for wild honey and gather fruits. For centuries, they have used the strong fibers of chaguar (Bromelia serra, Bromelia hieronymi) for weaving nets, purses and other textile objects; some communities base a substantial part of their economy on selling chaguar handicrafts.

The most popular game among the Wichí is a team sport called `yaj ha`lä, which resembles lacrosse. Games usually last from dawn to dusk without interruption, and are agreed upon between clans. The cultural significance of the game is lost, but it is still a subject of heavy gambling: rival clans bet animals, clothes, seeds and horses on the outcome of the game.

Notes

  1. ^ "Censo de Población y Vivienda 2012 Bolivia Características de la Población". Instituto Nacional de Estadística, República de Bolivia. p. 29. Archived from the original on 2021-08-01. Retrieved 2020-04-01.
  2. ^ "Censo Nacional de Población, Hogares y Viviendas 2010: Resultados definitivos: Serie B N 2: Tomo 1" (PDF) (in Spanish). INDEC. p. 281. Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 December 2015. Retrieved 5 December 2015.
  3. "Mataco-Guaicuru Languages - Guaicuruan Languages, Matacoan Languages, Wich, Toba People, Abipn Language, Wich Lhamts Vejoz (Paperback)". www.loot.co.za. Retrieved 2024-12-20.
  4. Miller, Elmer S. (2001-03-30). Peoples of the Gran Chaco. Praeger Publishers. p. 184. ISBN 0-89789-802-8.
  5. Pilcomayo Wichí at Ethnologue (25th ed., 2022) Closed access icon
  6. Weenhayek at Ethnologue (25th ed., 2022) Closed access icon
  7. Bermejo Wichí at Ethnologue (25th ed., 2022) Closed access icon
  8. Torres, Constantino (1996). "The Use of Anadenanthera colubrina var. Cebil by Wichi (Mataco) Shamans of the Chaco Central, Argentina". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  9. Conquest by chainsaw http://www.dandc.eu/en/article/logging-subtropical-dry-forest-deprives-indigenous-people-argentina-their-livelihood

References

This article includes a list of general references, but it lacks sufficient corresponding inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (November 2020) (Learn how and when to remove this message)
  • Adelaar, Willem F.H., (2004). The languages of the Andes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
  • Alvarsson, Jan-Åke. (1988). The Mataco of the Gran Chaco: an ethnographic account of change and continuity in Mataco socio-economic organization. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International (Uppsala Studies in Cultural Anthropology, 11).
  • Braunstein, José A., 1992-3. "Presentación: esquema provisorio de las tribus chaqueñas". Hacia una Nueva Carta Étnica del Gran Chaco, 4: 1-8. Las Lomitas, Formosa.
  • De la Cruz, Luis María, (1990). Grupos aborígenes de Formosa. Localización e identidad étnica (map).
  • Dejean, Cristina B.; Crouau-Roy, Brigitte; Goicoechea, Alicia S.; Avena, Sergio A.; Carnese, Francisco R. (2004). "Genetic variability in Amerindian populations of Northern Argentina". Genetics and Molecular Biology. 27 (4): 489–495. doi:10.1590/S1415-47572004000400004.
  • Díez Astete, Álvaro and Jürgen Riester, (1995). "Etnias y territorios indígenas". In Kathy Mihotek (ed.), Comunidades, territorios indígenas y biodiversidad en Bolivia. Santa Cruz de la Sierra: UAGRM-Banco Mundial.
  • Fabre, Alain (2005). "Los pueblos del Gran Chaco y sus lenguas, segunda parte los mataguayo" [The peoples of the Gran Chaco and their languages, part two: the Mataguayan]. Suplemento antropológico (in Spanish). 40 (2): 313–435.
  • Najlis, Elena L. (1968). "Dialectos del Mataco" [Mataco dialects]. Anales de la Universidad del Salvador (in Spanish) (4): 232–241.
  • Occhipinti, Laurie (2003). "Claiming a Place Land and Identity in Two Communities in Northwestern Argentina". Journal of Latin American Anthropology. 8 (3): 155–174. doi:10.1525/jlca.2003.8.3.155.
  • Terraza, Jimena, (2001). "Towards a language planning of the endangered languages in Argentina: the case of Wichí in the Southwest of the Province of Salta". Symposium Linguistic Perspectives on Endangered Languages, Helsinki University, Aug.29 to Sep.1, 2001.
  • Tovar, A (1981). Relatos y diálogos de los matacos : seguidos de una gramática de su lengua. Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispánica. hdl:11858/00-001M-0000-0012-9A64-D.
  •  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Herbermann, Charles, ed. (1913). "Mataco Indians". Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company.

See also

External links

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