Israeli–Palestinian conflict: Difference between revisions

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	An attempt to broker a 'two state solution', that is the creation of separate Jewish and Palestinian states, was seen in the ], where Israel and the PLO negotiated, unsuccessfully, to come to a mutual agreement. During the Oslo process, which began in 1993, the ] was permitted autonomy to run Palestinian affairs in the Gaza Strip and West Bank in the form of the ] with the understanding that it would uphold recognition of and mutual co-existence with Israel. However there was continual contention over whether actual events and conditions proved that there was greater acceptance of Israel's existence by Palestinian leaders<ref>"A decade ago, a different Palestinian charter was at the center of controversy. The founding covenant of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), like the one written by Hamas, called for Israel's destruction, though the PLO said that it had embraced the concept of a two-state solution since 1988. Ten years later, during President Clinton's visit to Gaza, a PLO body announced it had annulled the paragraphs calling for Israel's demise." Ilene R. Prusher. , '']'', February 01, 2006.</ref> or a commitment by Israel to stop ] activity in the ] and ].<ref>http://www.mideastweb.org/map_israel_settlements.htm</ref>		An attempt to broker a 'two state solution', that is the creation of separate Jewish and Palestinian states, was seen in the ], where Israel and the PLO negotiated, unsuccessfully, to come to a mutual agreement. During the Oslo process, which began in 1993, the ] was permitted autonomy to run Palestinian affairs in the Gaza Strip and West Bank in the form of the ] with the understanding that it would uphold recognition of and mutual co-existence with Israel. However there was continual contention over whether actual events and conditions proved that there was greater acceptance of Israel's existence by Palestinian leaders<ref>"A decade ago, a different Palestinian charter was at the center of controversy. The founding covenant of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), like the one written by Hamas, called for Israel's destruction, though the PLO said that it had embraced the concept of a two-state solution since 1988. Ten years later, during President Clinton's visit to Gaza, a PLO body announced it had annulled the paragraphs calling for Israel's demise." Ilene R. Prusher. , '']'', February 01, 2006.</ref> or a commitment by Israel to stop ] activity in the ] and ].<ref>http://www.mideastweb.org/map_israel_settlements.htm</ref>

	The vast majority of Israelis according to all major polls, agree that the two-state solution is the best way to end the conflict.<ref></ref> Most Palestinians view the West Bank and Gaza Strip as part of their future state.<ref name="Dershowitz">]. ''The Case for Peace: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved''. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005</ref> Most Israelis also accept this solution.<ref name="Dershowitz" /> A handful of academics ~~who specialize in criticism of Israel~~ advocate a one-state solution, whereby all of Israel, the Gaza Strip, and West Bank would become a ] with equal rights for all.<ref>, ''The New York Review of Books'', Volume 50, Number 16, October 23, 2003</ref><ref>Virginia Tilley, ''The One-State Solution'', University of Michigan Press (May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138</ref>		The vast majority of Israelis according to all major polls, agree that the two-state solution is the best way to end the conflict.<ref></ref> Most Palestinians view the West Bank and Gaza Strip as part of their future state.<ref name="Dershowitz">]. ''The Case for Peace: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved''. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005</ref> Most Israelis also accept this solution.<ref name="Dershowitz" /> A handful of academics advocate a one-state solution, whereby all of Israel, the Gaza Strip, and West Bank would become a ] with equal rights for all.<ref>, ''The New York Review of Books'', Volume 50, Number 16, October 23, 2003</ref><ref>Virginia Tilley, ''The One-State Solution'', University of Michigan Press (May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138</ref>

	Core issues in the conflict as seen by both sides are the future of the remaining ] built in the ], the ] for ] and their descendants, and the ], along with the refusal of some Palestinian groups to recognize the right of Israel to exist and Israel's reluctance to allow the establishment of a ] in the ] and ].		Core issues in the conflict as seen by both sides are the future of the remaining ] built in the ], the ] for ] and their descendants, and the ], along with the refusal of some Palestinian groups to recognize the right of Israel to exist and Israel's reluctance to allow the establishment of a ] in the ] and ].

Revision as of 08:12, 21 December 2007

History

Main article: History of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

1945-1948

After World War II, continuous Zionist pressure to relocate Jewish survivors of the Holocaust in Palestine caused difficulties for the British authorities before the international community, since they still rigorously applied the policies against further Jewish immigration outlined in the 1939 White Paper. The United Nations proposed a two-state solution, with a Jerusalem/Bethlehem enclave internationalized and adopted a Partition Plan on 29 November 1947. The Plan was accepted by Yishuv but rejected by the Arab League representing the Arab states. A civil war broke out immediately in Palestine as British troops began evacuating the country.

Violence intensified. In February, Arab volunteers entered Palestine. The Jewish sector of Jerusalem became isolated. In April, the Haganah took the offensive and defeated Arab Palestinians and volunteers, and took control of different mixed localities. A massive exodus of Palestinian Arabs began.

Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. Several Arab armies entered Palestine. After six weeks of heavy fighting, particularly around Jerusalem, all parties agreed to a truce. This was used by Israel to reinforce her forces, and after the truce Israel took the initiative and defeated the Arab armies. By the conclusion of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, Israel had greatly expanded its borders and signed ceasefire agreements with all its Arab neighbors.

An exodus of Palestinian Arabs from Israel occurred during this war. Simultaneously, Jews exited Jerusalem by force, and Jewish residents of nearby villages and settlements, such as K'far Etzion, were massacred by Arab troops. Jews were not allowed to live in or visit Jerusalem from 1948-1967, and Jewish holy places in Jerusalem were vandalized during this period.

The causes are a source of dispute among historians: Some claim that the Palestinian villagers were forcibly expelled and others, that the villagers fled in fear before Israeli forces arrived. Whatever the reasons behind it, this exodus created the Palestinian refugee problem, which has remained unsolved. Many abandoned properties and villages were resettled by Jewish refugees from Europe and Arab lands. (See also: Aliyah Bet, Berihah, Sh'erit ha-Pletah, Jewish exodus from Arab lands)

One factor in the persistence of the Arab refugee problem was the refusal of any Arab government except Jordan to offer the Palestinian Arabs citizenship. Whereas other much larger refugee problems after World War II were eventually solved, this one persisted. Palestinians were defined as those who lived in Palestine between 1946-1948 or their descendants by the United Nations Relief Works Agency (UNRWA) which was created especially for the Palestinians. Aid was given by the United Nations, based on population figures, and refugee camps that had sprouted up in Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan grew as did the Palestinian population. Because the Palestinians did not become Egyptian, Lebanese, or Israeli, the number of Palestinian Arabs increased to several million.

1949-1967

PLO	Fatah	Hamas	PIJ	PFLP
	File:Fateh-logo.jpg	File:HamasLogo.jpg		File:PFLP Emblem.gif
The emblems of major Palestinian organizations include a map of present-day Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. (Significant populations of Palestinians and Israelis alike claim a right to the entire region).

By the end of 1949, only 150,123 Palestinians remained within Israel. For this reason, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict took a back seat to the broader Arab-Israeli Conflict during this time.

Palestinians played a crucial role in the Egyptian-Israeli conflict during this time. Beginning in 1950, Egypt began using fedayeen to conduct a war of proxy against Israel. These units of Palestinians—often trained and equipped by Egypt—would infiltrate across what was then the Israeli-Egyptian border at Gaza, and conduct guerilla raids against Israeli targets (mostly civilian in nature). In the first five years of the 1950s, "884 Israelis were wounded or killed by" Palestinian fedayin trained and sent into Israel by the Egyptians. The fedayin attacks was cited as being among the factors leading up to the Israeli decision to participate in the Sinai Campaign in 1956.

The scope of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict again broadened after Israel conquered the West Bank from Jordan and the Gaza Strip from Egypt during the Six-Day War.

Oslo peace process (1993-2000)

Main article: Oslo peace process

In 1993, Israeli and Palestinian leaders from the Palestine Liberation Organization strove to find a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict known as the Oslo peace process. Perhaps the most important milestone of this period was Yasser Arafat's letter of recognition of Israel's right to exist. The crux of the Oslo agreement was that Israel would gradually cede control of the Palestinian territories over to the Palestinians in exchange for peace. The Oslo process was delicate and progressed in fits and starts, but finally came to a close when Arafat and Barak failed to reach agreement. Robert Malley, special assistant to President Clinton for Arab-Israeli Affairs, has confirmed that Barak made no formal written offer to Arafat. Consequently, there are different accounts of the proposals considered. However, the main obstacle to agreement appears to have been the status of Jerusalem.

Peace Initiatives (2002)

Road Map for Peace

Main article: Road map for peace

One peace proposal, presented by the Quartet of the European Union, Russia, the United Nations and the United States on September 17, 2002, was the Road map for peace. This plan did not attempt to resolve difficult questions such as the fate of Jerusalem or Israeli settlements, but left that to be negotiated in later phases of the process. Israel did not accept the proposal as written, but called out 14 "reservations" or changes before they would accept it, which were unacceptable to the current Palestinian government. The proposal never made it beyond the first phase, which called for a halt to Israeli settlement construction and a halt to Israeli and Palestinian violence, none of which was achieved. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon stated around this period that further unilateral withdrawals from some West Bank settlements might be undertaken if the peace process seemed to be stalled.

Arab Peace Initiative

See also: Arab Peace Initiative and Beirut Summit

The Arab Peace Initiative (Arabic: مبادرة السلام العربية) is a peace initiative first proposed by Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, then crown prince, in the Beirut Summit. The peace initiative is a proposed solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict as a whole, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular.

The initiative was initially published on 28 March 2002 in Beirut Summit, and agreed on again in 2007 in the Riyadh Summit. The peace initiative achieved the unanimous consent of all members of the Arab League, including both the Hamas and Fatah Palestinian factions.

Considered a progressive proposal that would end the Arab-Israeli conflict, unlike the Road map for peace it spelled out "final-solution" borders based explicitely on the UN borders established before the 1967 Six-Day War. It offered full normalization of relations with Israel, in exchange for the withdrawal of its forces from all the Occupied Territories, including the Golan Heights, to recognize "an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital" in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as a "just solution" for the Palestinian refugees.

Although initially rejected by Israel, the Arab Leage continues to raise it as a possible solution, and meetings between the Arab League and Israel have been scheduled.

2003-present

Major issues between the two sides

Since the Oslo Accords, finalized in 1993, the government of Israel and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) have been officially committed to an eventual two-state solution. However, there are many major issues which remained unresolved between the two parties.

The status of the occupied territories

The West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem—territories which Israel conquered from Egypt and Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War—are the subject of contentious legal, ethical and political dispute between Israelis and Palestinians.

Occupied Territories is the official term used by virtually all actors in the conflict. The Israeli government uses the term Disputed Territories, to indicate its position that some territories cannot be called occupied as no nation had clear rights to them and there was no operative diplomatic arrangement when Israel acquired them in June 1967. The area is still referred to as Judea and Samaria by some Israeli groups, based on the historical regional names from ancient times.

In 1980, Israel outright annexed East Jerusalem. The United Nations rejected this annexation on August 20 of that year. Israel has never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip, and the United Nations has demanded the "ermination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force" and that Israeli forces withdraw "from territories occupied in the recent conflict" - the meaning and intent of the latter phrase is disputed. See United Nations Security Council Resolution 242#Semantic dispute.

It has been the position of Israel that the most Arab-populated parts of West Bank (without major Jewish settlements), and the entire Gaza Strip must eventually be part of an independent Palestinian State. However, the precise borders of this state are in question. In 2000, for example, Ehud Barak offered Yasser Arafat an opportunity to establish an independent Palestinian State composed of the entire Gaza Strip and 92% of the West Bank. Due to security restrictions, and Barak's opposition to a broad right of return, Arafat refused this proposal.

Some Palestinians claim they are entitled to all of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israel says it is justified in not ceding all this land, due to security concerns, and also because the lack of any valid diplomatic agreement at the time means that ownership and boundaries of this land is open for discussion. Palestinians claim any reduction of this claim is a severe deprivation of their rights. In negotiations, they claim that any moves to reduce the boundaries of this land is a hostile move against their key interests. Israel considers this land to be in dispute, and feels the purpose of negotiations is to define what the final borders will be.

Other Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, insist that Palestinians must control not only the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, but also all of Israel proper. For this reason, Hamas views the peace process "as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable."

Mutual recognition

The Oslo peace process was based upon Israel ceding authority to the Palestinians to run their own political and economic affairs. In return, it was agreed that Palestinians would promote peaceful co-existence, renounce violence and promote recognition of Israel among their own people. Despite Yasser Arafat's official renouncement of terrorism and recognition of Israel, some Palestinian groups continue to practice and advocate violence against civilians and do not recognize Israel as a legitimate political entity. Simultaneously, at the time of Hamas's victory in the 2006, polls indicated that 66% of Palestinians supported mutual recognition and a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict.

It is widely felt among Israelis that Palestinians did not in fact promote acceptance of Israel's right to exist. Palestinians respond that their ability to spread acceptance of Israel was greatly hampered by Israeli restrictions on Palestinian political freedoms, economic freedoms, civil liberties, and quality of life. Many feel that their own opposition to Israel was justified by Israel's apparent stifling of any genuine Palestinian political and economic development.

Israel cites past concessions, such as Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip in August, 2005, which did not lead to a reduction of attacks and rocket fire against Israel, as an example of the Palestinian people not accepting Israel as a state. Palestinian groups and Israeli Human Rights organizations (namely B'tzellem) have pointed out that while the military occupation in Gaza was ended, the Israeli government still retained control of Gaza's airspace, territorial water, and borders, legally making it still under Israeli control. Practically, they also point out that mainly thanks to these restrictions, the Palestinian quality of life in the Gaza Strip has not improved since the Israeli withdrawal. Furthermore, given that the Israeli army has run incursions into the Gaza Strip on various occasions, closed off its borders, and placed an embargo on the region, the Gazan economy has since gone into free fall. This has led and continues to result in warnings of the Palestinian population becoming more radicalized unless conditions improve.

The question of Palestinian refugees

The number of Palestinians who fled Israel following its creation and their descendants now stands at around four million.

Left-wing Israelis are open to compromise on the issue, by means such as the monetary reparations and family reunification initiatives offered by Ehud Barak at the Camp David 2000 summit. However, the majority of Israelis find a comprehensive right of return for Palestinian refugees to be unacceptable. The HonestReporting organization listed the following grounds for this opposition:

Palestinian flight from Israel was not compelled, but voluntary. After seven Arab nations declared war on Israel in 1948, many Arab leaders encouraged Palestinians to flee, in order to make it easier to rout the Jewish state. This point, however, is a matter of some contention. Certain actions on the part of Jewish militias were considered to provoke Palestinians to leave Israel. Eye witness accounts from Ain al-Zeitoum and Er-Rama, for example, record that the Palmach assembled all of their residents following the villages' surrender. The Jewish militia then demanded that all Muslim residents depart for Lebanon, and leave their possessions behind, under pain of death. Still, such cases were relatively rare, and the vast majority of Palestinians fled of their own accord. Since most Palestinians chose their status as refugees themselves, some argue that Israel is therefore absolved of responsibility. In fact, a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee reveals that Arab states officially agreed to take responsibility for these refugees at the height of the Palestinian exodus, until such time as Israel would be destroyed:

Arab leaders and their ministries in Arab capitals ... declared that they welcomed the immigration of Palestinian Arabs into the Arab countries until they saved Palestine.

There is no legal basis to demand repatriation of Palestinian refugees and their descendents. No international legislation, UN resolutions or agreements between Israel and the Palestinians require this.
Historical legal precedent from the Middle East supports this contention. Since none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees who fled anti-Semitic violence in the Arab world were ever compensated or repatriated by their former countries of residence—to no objection on the part of Arab leaders—a precedent has been set whereby it is the responsibility of the nation which accepts the refugees to assimilate them.
An influx of Palestinian refugees would lead to the destruction of the state of Israel. Because a right of return would make Arabs the majority within Israel, this would essentially seal the fate of the Jewish state. As Fatah explains: “To us, the refugees issue is the winning card which means the end of the Israeli state.”

Palestinian and international authors have justified the right of return of the Palestinian refugees on several grounds:

Several authors included in the broader New Historians assert that the Palestinian refugees were chased out or expelled by the actions of the Haganah, Lehi and Irgun. A report from the military intelligence SHAI of the Haganah entitled "The emigration of Palestinian Arabs in the period 1/12/1947-1/6/1948", dated 30 June 1948 affirms that:

"At least 55% of the total of the exodus was caused by our (Haganah/IDF) operations." To this figure, the report’s compilers add the operations of the Irgun and Lehi, which "directly (caused) some 15%... of the emigration". A further 2% was attributed to explicit expulsion orders issued by Israeli troops, and 1% to their psychological warfare. This leads to a figure of 73% for departures caused directly by the Israelis. In addition, the report attributes 22% of the departures to "fears" and "a crisis of confidence" affecting the Palestinian population. As for Arab calls for flight, these were reckoned to be significant in only 5% of cases...

The traditional Israeli point of view arguing that Arab leaders encouraged Palestinian Arabs to flee has also been disputed by the New Historians, which instead have shown evidence indicating Arab leaders' will for the Palestinian Arab population to stay put .
The Israeli Law of Return that grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere in the world is viewed by some as discrimination towards non-Jews and especially to Palestinians that cannot apply for such citizenship nor return to the territory from which they were displaced or left.
The strongest legal basis on the issue is UN Resolution 194, adopted in 1948. It states that, "the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible." UN Resolution 3236 "reaffirms also the inalienable right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and property from which they have been displaced and uprooted, and calls for their return". Resolution 242 from the UN affirms the necessity for "achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem," however, Resolution 242 does not specify that the "just settlement" must or should be in the form of a literal Palestinian right of return.

Israeli settlements

Main article: Israeli settlements

The issue of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, until 2005, the Gaza Strip have been described as an obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the conflict, by the international media; as well as the international political community (including the US, the UK, and the EU). These actors have also called the settlements illegal under international law, however Israel disputes this. Furthermore, the ICJ as well as international and Israeli human rights organizations consider the settlements illegal. Whilst several scholars and commentators disagree, citing recent historical trends to back up their argument, it has not changed the view of the international community and human rights organizations.

As of 2006, 267,163 Israelis lived within the West Bank and East Jerusalem. The establishment and expansion of these settlements in the West Bank and (at the time, the) Gaza Strip have been described as violations of the fourth Geneva Convention by the UN Security Council in several resolutions. The European Union and the General Assembly of the United Nations consider the settlements to be illegal. Proponents of the settlements justify their legality using arguments based upon Article 2 and 49 of the fourth Geneva Convention, as well as UN Security Council Resolution 242. On a practical level, some objections voiced by Palestinians are that settlements divert resources needed by Palestinian towns, such as arable land, water, and other resources; and, that settlements reduce Palestinians' ability to travel freely via local roads, owing to security considerations.

In 2005, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan, a proposal put forward by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, was enacted. All Jewish residents in the Gaza strip were evacuated, and all residential buildings were demolished.

Various mediators and various proposed agreements have shown some degree of openness to Israel retaining some fraction of the settlements which currently exist in the West Bank; this openness is based on a variety of considerations, such as: the desire to find real compromise between Israeli and Palestinian territorial claims, Israel's position that it needs to retain some West Bank land and settlements as a buffer in case of future aggression, and Israel's position that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement.

President George Bush has stated that he does not expect Israel to return entirely to the 1949 armistice lines, due to "new realities on the ground. One of the main compromise plans put forth by the Clinton Administration would have allowed Israel to keep some settlements in the West Bank, especially those which were in large blocs near the pre-1967 borders of Israel. In return, Palestinians would have received some concessions of land in other parts of the country.

Israeli security

Further information: Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Without the West Bank, Israel would be only nine miles across at its narrowest point, close to its greatest population center. Many fear that this would leave it vulnerable to any future attacks by an Arab alliance. Moreover, such an army would be fighting from the higher ground of the West Bank, and would find its invasion made easier, since it would not have to cross the Jordan River.

The threat of Qassam rockets fired from the Palestinian Territories into Israel is also of great concern. In 2006--the year following Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip--the Israeli government recorded 1,726 such launches, more than four times the total rockets fired in 2005. Many Israelis see this as evidence that greater Palestinian autonomy necessarily comes at the expense of Israel's ability to defend itself against threats from the Palestinian territories.

Contrarily, many maintain that Israeli concessions will result in reduced friction between Israelis and Palestinians, and that this will in turn bring about a reduction of violence.

The division of resources

Further information: ]

Palestinians note, as one of their most central concerns, that their society must be given land and resources with enough contiguity to give them a viable society, and that they must therefore not be forced to give up too many resources to Israel, as this may cause economic collapse.

In the Middle East, water is a resource of great political concern. Since Israel receives much of its water from two large aquifers which are sprawled across Green Line, the use of this water has been contentious in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Since some of the wells used to draw this water lie within the Palestinian Authority areas, there are many who question the legality of using their water for Israeli needs.

But critics of this argument point out that even though Israel withdraws some water from these areas, it also supplies the West Bank with 40 MCMs--77% of its consumption. While Israel's consumption of this water has decreased since it began its occupation of the West Bank, it still consumes the vast majority of it: in the 1950s, Israel consumed 95% of the water output of the Western Aquifer, and 82% of that produced by the Northeastern Aquifer. This water was drawn entirely on Israel's own side of the pre-1967 border. By 1999, these numbers had declined to 82% and 80%, respectively.

Finally, Israel cites the Oslo II Accord. In this treaty, both sides agreed to maintain "existing quantities of utilization from the resources." In so doing, the Palestinian Authority established unequivocally the legality of Israeli water production in the West Bank. Moreover, Israel obligated itself in this agreement to provide water to supplement Palestinian production, and further agreed to allow additional Palestinian drilling in the Eastern Aquifer. Many Palestinians counter that the Oslo II agreement was intended to be a temporary resolution, and that it was not intended to remain in effect more than a decade later. Indeed its name is "The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement."

This agreement also established the right of the Palestinian Authority to explore and drill for natural gas, fuel and petroleum within its territory and territorial waters. It also delineated the major terms of conduct regarding regulations on the parties' facilities.

House demolition in the occupied territories

Main article: House demolition in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

A factor in the ongoing conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians is the demolition of homes in the areas conquered in the 1967 Six-Day War. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have demolished and continue to demolish Palestinian homes in the occupied territories. The reasons for these demolitions are a subject of heated dispute.. Israel justifies the demolition of Palestinian homes on the grounds of deterrence against alleged terrorists and their families and as a means of counter-terrorism and as self-defense to protect Israeli citizens. Human Rights groups such as Amnesty International oppose the demolitions claiming they are in violation of international law, and accuse the Israelis of Collective punishment against innocent Palestinians and annexation of Palestinian land for the benefit of Israeli settlements.

Current status

The Oslo peace process obligated both sides to work towards a two-state solution, as noted above. However, during the process itself, there were numerous acts of violence by both sides. Israelis claimed they were acting only in response to Palestinian acts of terrorism. Palestinians claimed they were only carrying out legitimate resistance, against numerous violations by Israel of Palestinian rights, and political sovereignty.

In addition, during this process, both sides expressed dissatisfaction and grievances with the other side. The main Israeli allegation was that Palestinians were actively inciting and funding terrorism against Israel. The main Palestinian complaint was that Israel was repeatedly violating Palestinian rights, which made it pointless to attempt to persuade ordinary Palestinians to accept Israel.

In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, prompting the United States and many European countries to cut off all funds to the Palestinian Authority. The US cited three conditions that the Palestinian government would need to satisfy for a resumption of aid: an end to violence, recognition of Israel, and adherence to the Road Map for Peace. Palestinian critics stated that the US and Israel themselves complied with none of these conditions, and that Israel's support of the Road Map was accompanied by 14 reservations which, they say, drain it of its substance. Furthermore, they assert that Israeli violence against Palestinians continues without discussion. Israel states that its recent military operations are in response to Hamas's frequent rocket attacks from Gaza into Sderot, and on other Israeli cities.

In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia, and reached agreement to unite their respective parties, and a new unity coalition government of both Fatah and Hamas took office in March 2007. There remained much debate as to whether the PNA was now a credible negotiating authority, and whether sanctions should be lifted. When the Fatah-Hamas coalition collapsed, and the two parties engaged in a physical conflict, the debate changed to whether the newly separated Fatah was a credible negotiating partner.

In June 2007 Hamas militarily defeated Fatah in the Gaza Strip in response to attacks which critics of Fatah said were an overthrow and possible coup attempt funded and assisted by the United States, Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, engineered by US National Security Advisor for Global Democracy Strategy Elliott Abrams and executed by Fatah militants, led by Mohammed Dalan. The various forces affiliated with Fatah engaged in combat with Hamas, in numerous gun battles. Most Fatah leaders escaped to Egypt and the West Bank, and some were captured and killed. Fatah remained in control of the West Bank, and President Abbas formed a new governing coalition, which some critics of Fatah said subverts the Palestinian Constitution and excludes the majority government of Hamas.

The current policy of Israel, the United States, and several allied governments, is to censure Hamas for its non-recognition of Israel, and to assist and deal with President Abbas and Fatah, in support of their stance in favor of recognition of Israel. It is the position of the UN, the International Criminal Court, and a vast majority of the international community that Israel and the Palestinians should come to a peaceful resolution based on international laws, UN Resolutions, reciprocal recognition of self-determination and human rights.

Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties

References

Mark Tessler. A History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), p. 53.
See Peel Commission, 1947 UN Partition Plan
See 1920 Palestine riots, 1929 Palestine riots, Jaffa riots, 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine, Palestinian Civil War (1947-1948)
"A decade ago, a different Palestinian charter was at the center of controversy. The founding covenant of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), like the one written by Hamas, called for Israel's destruction, though the PLO said that it had embraced the concept of a two-state solution since 1988. Ten years later, during President Clinton's visit to Gaza, a PLO body announced it had annulled the paragraphs calling for Israel's demise." Ilene R. Prusher. Will Hamas change course?, Christian Science Monitor, February 01, 2006.
http://www.mideastweb.org/map_israel_settlements.htm
OneVoice FAQ
^ Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Peace: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005
Israel: The Alternative, The New York Review of Books, Volume 50, Number 16, October 23, 2003
Virginia Tilley, The One-State Solution, University of Michigan Press (May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138
^ Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. p. 3.
"Hamas's charter uncompromisingly seeks Israel's destruction." "Palestinian Rivals: Fatah & Hamas", BBC News, May 25, 2006.
Climbdown as Hamas agrees to Israeli state, The Guardian, June 22, 2006
^ Hamas Officials Already Recognize Israel's Right to Exist, Apparently CommonDreams.org, May 31, 2006
New Mid-East peace drive launched, BBC News, 28 November 2007
"The incredible shrinking Palestine". {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |source= ignored (help)
Frank, Mitch. Understanding the Holy Land: Answering Questions about the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. New York: Viking, 2005. p. 52-54.
Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conﬂict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 279. ISBN 0-253-20873-4.
Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conﬂict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 336. ISBN 0-253-20873-4.
^ Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58-121.
^ Rossel, Seymour. Israel: Covenant People Covenant Land. New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1985. p. 191.
Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conﬂict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 346. ISBN 0-253-20873-4.
Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors', The New York Review of Books, Volume 48, Number 13, August 9, 2001.
Selby, 2003, p. 185.
Propositions israéliennes, de Camp David (2000) à Taba (2001), Reconstruction by Le Monde Diplomatique, accessed 22 April, 2007.
Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David and After: An Exchange (2. A Reply to Ehud Barak)', The New York Review of Books, Volume 49, Number 10, June 13, 2002.
Benny Morris and Ehud Barak, Reply by Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David and After—Continued', The New York Review of Books, Volume 49, Number 11, June 27, 2002.
Enderlin, 2003, p. 263-264.
http://www.caabu.org/press/documents/israeli-resolution-roadmap.html
Arab League Summit: Outcomes and Reactions Churches for Middle East Peace, April 11, 2007
Israeli Withdrawal from Gaza Explained Washington Post, Aug. 10, 2005
http://www.fmep.org/documents/disengagement_plan_of_Sharon.html
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article3331.shtml
Olmert pushes plan for West Bank Baltimore Sun, May 22, 2006
^ Beach strike shakes Hamas cease-fire CNN June 9, 2006
More deaths threaten uneasy truce in Israel The Guardian, July 15, 2005
Hadad, Shmulik. "Peres: Enough with Qassam hysteria." Ynetnews. 20 June 2006. 1 October 2007.
Hadad, Shmulik. "2 Qassam rockets land near Sderot; no injuries reported." Ynetnews. 30 September 2007. 1 October 2007.
Hadad, Shmulik. "Qassam lands near Sderot." Ynetnews. 27 September 2007. 1 October 2007.
"PM: We will not recapture Gaza". Ynetnews. 2006-07-02. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
Hamas: Ceasefire for return to 1967 border Ynet News, Jan. 30, 2006
Israel rejects Hamas cease-fire JTA, Sept. 21, 2007
Hamas renews call for cease-fire with Israel International Herald Tribune, Sept. 30, 2007
Emma Playfair (Ed.) (1992). International Law and the Administration of Occupied Territories. USA: Oxford University Press. p. 396. ISBN 0-19-825297-8.
Cecilia Albin (2001). Justice and Fairness in International Negotiation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 150. ISBN 0-521-79725-X.
^ Israeli Settlements and International Law, Israel Foreign Ministry website, 5/4/01, accessed 12/18/07. (Scroll down to paragraph which begins "Politically, the West Bank and Gaza Strip is best regarded as...")
^ "Occupied Territories" to "Disputed Territories" by Dore Gold, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, January 16, 2002. Retrieved September 29, 2005.
Israel & the Palestinians: Key Maps British Broadcasting Corporation, April 10, 2007
United Nations Security Council Resolution 478 United Nations, Aug. 20, 1980
http://www.aijac.org.au/resources/Israel-peace-timeline.html
Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 121-147.
Sela, Avraham. "Hamas." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 335-342.
http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_oslo_accords.php
Israeli Settlements on Occupied Palestinian Territories
Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conﬂict (Indiana University Press, 1994), ISBN 0-253-20873-4
^ ”Rights and Wrongs.” Efraim Karsh. Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council. June 2001. http://www.aijac.org.au/review/2001/266/essay266.html.
From a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee; quoted in Joseph B. Schechtman, The Refugees in the World (New York: Barnes, 1963), p. 197.
”Legal Aspects of the Palestinian Refugee Question.” Ruth Lapidoth. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. http://www.jcpa.org/jl/vp485.htm.
^ http://wais.stanford.edu/Israel/israel_andthepalestinerightofreturn51603.html
http://www.fateh.net/e_public/refugees.htm
McGeown, Kate and Martin Asser. "Right of return: Palestinian dream?" BBC News. 18 February 2003. 15 July 2007.
Flapan, Simha (1987):The Palestinian Exodus of 1948. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4. (Summer, 1987), pp. 3-26.
Khalidi, Rashid I.(1992): Observations on the Right of Return. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 21, No. 2. (Winter, 1992), pp. 29-40.
Interview to Avi Shlaim in Haaretz's supplement
Kapeliouk, Amnon (1987): New Light on the Israeli-Arab Conflict and the Refugee Problem and Its Origins, p.21. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3. (Spring, 1987), pp. 16-24.
Review by Dominique Vidal in Le Monde Diplomatique
Morris, Benny (1986): What Happened in History. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 15, No. 4. (Summer, 1986), pp. 181-182.
See for example, Masalha, Nur-eldeen (1988):On Recent Hebrew and Israeli Sources for the Palestinian Exodus, 1947-49. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1, Special Issue: Palestine 1948. (Autumn, 1988), pp. 121-137. and Childers, Irskine (1961): The Other Exodus. The Spectator (London), May 12, 1961.
Al-Awda web site on points of unity
Edward Said cited on the issue of the palestinian right of return and israeli Law of Return in www.samsonblinded.org
The Arab Association of Human Rights criticises the israeli Law of Return as being discriminatory towards arabs in www.arabhra.org
Jonathan Cook considers the support for the Israeli Law of Return together with the opposition towards Palestinian Right of Return as a way that "maintains the act of ethnic cleansing that dispossessed the Palestinian refugees more than half a century ago."
Global Policy Forum on Palestinians' right of return
Radley, K.René (1978): The Palestinian Refugees: The Right to Return in International Law. The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Jul., 1978), pp. 586-614.
700 housing units to be built in W. Bank Jerusalem Post, 4 September 2006
Obstacles to peace: Borders and settlements, BBC News, 25 May 2007
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Israel confirms settlement growth, BBC, 21 March, 2005.
Study Guide to the ICJ Advisory Opinion on the Israeli Wall Being Built in Palestine. Znet
The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions. A Human Rights Review on the EU and Israel. NGO Monitor
Six reasons to settle Yedioth Ahronoth 18 June 2005
Bard, Mitchell G. "Myths & Facts - Settlements." Jewish Virtual Library. 9 July 2007.
Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. pp. 176-177
Report: 12,400 new settlers in 2006. Tovah Lazaroff. Jerusalem Post.
EU Committee Report.
General Assembly 1998 vote
Rostow, Eugene. Resolved: are the settlements legal? Israeli West Bank policies, The New Republic, October 21, 1991.
"Special Update: Disengagement - August 2005". Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Remarks by Pres. Clinton, 1/7/01. (Full transcript available at: cnn transcript)
Tony Blair press conference, 4/17/04, incl. comments on compromising on settlements, UK Foreign office, accessed 7/12/07
What Happened to Secure Borders for Israel?, by Dore Gold, jcpa.org
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Israel 'to keep some settlements', BBC, 4/12/05.
Review of Dennis Ross book, BY RAY HANANIA, hanania.com, 8/16/04, accessed 7/11/07.
http://focusonjerusalem.com/newsroom72.html
http://www.grantjeffrey.com/article/rusisrl.htm
"Victims of Palestinian Violence and Terrorism since September 2000". Israeli Ministry of Internal Affairs. Retrieved April 10, 2007. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
^ "Security Implications of Disengagement from the Gaza Strip and Northern Samaria" (PDF). {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |source= ignored (help)
^ "Geography of Water Resources." Princeton University. http://www.wws.princeton.edu/wws401c/geography.html
^ "What about water issues? Is Israel using Palestinian water?" Palestine Facts. http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_water.php
^ "Does Israel Use 'Palestinian' Water?" Camera Backgrounder. July, 2001. http://world.std.com/~camera/docs/backg/water.html
^ The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement - Annex I. Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. September 5, 1995.
Update to Amnesty International’s briefing to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, Amnesty International, 1 February 2007
Yaacov Lozowick (2004): "Right to Exist: A Moral Defense of Israel's Wars" ISBN 1400032431. p.260
"Israel limits house demolitions." BBC News 17 February 2005. 24 September 2007.
Israel and the Occupied Territories Under the rubble: House demolition and destruction of land and property. Amnesty International, 18 May 2004.
Through No Fault of Their Own: Israel's Punitive House Demolitions in the al-Aqsa Intifada. B'Tselem

External links

Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources)

Plan of Israeli—Palestinian Resolution. A Conclusive Arrangement.
Israeli-Palestinian ProCon.org Pros and Cons of hundreds of issues related to the conflict.
Global Politician - Middle-East Section
Middle East Policy Council
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Aix Group - Joint Palestinian-Israeli-international economic working group.
The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict--An overview of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians from 1948 through the present day. From the History Guy Website.
The Media Line - A non-profit news agency which provides credible, unbiased content, background and context from across the Middle East.
Inter Press Service - Israel-Palestine: Holy Land, Unholy War Independent coverage of the Middle East conflicts

Conflict resolution groups

OneVoice Movement - One Million Voices to End the Conflict

Human rights groups

Human Rights Watch: Israel/Palestine
B'Tselem - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories
Al-Haq: Palestinian Human Rights Group: West Bank affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights: Gaza affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists

Jewish and Israeli academic, news, and similar sites

Resources >Modern Period>20th Cent.>History of Israel>State of Israel The Jewish History Resource Center, Project of the Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
MidEastWeb.org
- A Timeline of Israeli-Palestinian history and the conflict
- A history of Israel, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict
Current breakdown of fatalities in conflict - Institute for Counter-Terrorism
Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, Jerusalem

Pro-Israel advocacy and watchdog sites

Pro-Palestinian advocacy and watchdog sites

UN Security Council Resolutions Against Israel 1955-1992
International Solidarity Movement; includes an extensive collection of links to its affiliates and to other similar organizations
Palestine Solidarity Campaign UK
Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign
Palestinian Campaign for the Cultural and Academic Boycott of Israel
Palestine Media Watch
Electronic Intifada

Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites

The Other Israel, newsletter of the Israeli peace movement since 1983
- http://israelipalestinianpeace.org The Other Israel, online archive under construction]
"Barak's Generous offer" from Gush Shalom. Macromedia Flash version
The Origin of the Palestine - Israel Conflict, Published by Jews for Justice in the Middle East
Background to the Israel-Palestine Crisis--Q & A format overview by Stephen Shalom, who teaches political science at William Paterson University in New Jersey.
Occupation Magazine

Other sites:

century-intifada-israel-palestine-aufheben Behind the 21st Century Intifada - an analysis of Israel/Palestine - a leftist, working-class history of the conflict
axisglobe.com a Russian perspective site
Arabs and Israelis held hostage by a common enemy Salom Now! And METalks are two experimental initiatives which sought to rewrite the script of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, such popular, grassroots action is held hostage by some common enemies: despair, hatred, antipathy and distrust. (Jan, 2007)
Exchange of friendly fire Anat el-Hashahar, an Israeli and founder of METalks, debates the Arab-Israeli conflict – from Oslo to Lebanon – with Khaled Diab, an Egyptian journalist and writer.

v t e List of modern conflicts in the Middle East
1910s	Italo-Turkish War World War I Middle Eastern theatre Battle of Robat Karim Arab Revolt Armenian genocide Assyrian genocide Mount Lebanon starvation Unification of Saudi Arabia Simko Shikak revolt 1919 Egyptian revolution Turkish War of Independence Anglo-Turkish War Al-Jazeera Front Greco-Turkish War Turkish–Armenian War Franco-Turkish War Revolts United States Mahmud Barzanji revolts
1920s	Franco-Syrian War Iraqi Revolt (1920) Intercommunal conflict in Mandatory Palestine Adwan Rebellion Arab separatism in Khuzestan Great Syrian Revolt Sheikh Said rebellion
1930s	Ararat rebellion Ahmed Barzani revolt Simele massacre Saudi–Yemeni War (1934) Goharshad Mosque rebellion 1935–1936 Iraqi Shia revolts 1935 Yazidi revolt 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine Dersim rebellion
1940s	World War II Italian bombing of Palestine Allied invasion of Iraq Syria–Lebanon campaign Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran 1943 Barzani revolt Al-Waziri coup Al-Wathbah uprising Kurdish separatism in Iran Iran crisis of 1946 Arab–Israeli conflict 1948 Arab–Israeli War Suez Crisis 1967 Six-Day War 1973 Yom Kippur War 1982 Lebanon War
1950s	1952 Egyptian revolution 1953 Iranian coup d'état Jebel Akhdar War Cyprus Emergency Suez Crisis Yemeni–Adenese clan violence 1958 Lebanon crisis 1958 Iraqi revolution 1959 Mosul uprising
1960s	Cyprus crisis of 1963–1964 Iraqi–Kurdish conflict First Iraqi–Kurdish War Second Iraqi–Kurdish War Dhofar Rebellion North Yemen Civil War Feb. 1963 Iraqi coup Mar. 1963 Syrian coup Nov. 1963 Iraqi coup Aden Emergency 1964 Hama riot Israeli–Palestinian conflict 1948 Palestine war First Intifada Second Intifada 1966 Syrian coup d'état
1970s	Black September in Jordan 1972 Sharjawi coup d'état attempt Yemenite War of 1972 Turkish invasion of Cyprus Shatt al-Arab clashes Lebanese Civil War Political violence in Turkey Islamist uprising in Syria 1977 Shia uprising in Iraq NDF Rebellion Yemenite War of 1979 Iranian Revolution Consolidation of the Iranian Revolution 1979 Qatif Uprising Grand Mosque seizure 1979–1980 Shia uprising in Iraq
1980s	Iran–Iraq War 1980 Turkish coup d'état Kurdish–Turkish conflict Turkey–PKK conflict South Yemen civil war 1986 Egyptian conscripts riot 1986 Damascus bombings 1987 Sharjawi coup d'état attempt Abu Nidal's executions
1990s	Gulf War (1990–1991) 1991 Iraqi uprisings Terror campaign in Egypt (1990s) Yemeni Civil War (1994) Iraqi Kurdish Civil War Islamic insurgency in Saudi Arabia (2000–present) Operation Desert Fox al-Qaeda insurgency in Yemen 1999 Shia uprising in Iraq
2000s	Iraq War Balochi insurgency in Iran 2004 Qamishli riots Houthi insurgency in Yemen Iran–Israel proxy conflict 2006 Lebanon War Fatah–Hamas conflict South Yemen insurgency
2010s	2011 Bahraini uprising Egyptian Crisis Sinai insurgency Insurgency in Egypt (2013–present) Syrian civil war Turkish involvement in Syria Syrian War spillover in Lebanon Iraqi insurgency (2011–2013) War in Iraq (2013–2017) Islamic State insurgency in Iraq (2017–present) Yemeni crisis Yemeni civil war (2014–present)
2020s	2021 Beirut clashes Israel–Hamas war Israel–Hezbollah conflict (2023–present) Red Sea crisis
This list includes World War I and later conflicts (after 1914) of at least 100 fatalities each Prolonged conflicts are listed in the decade when initiated; ongoing conflicts are marked italic, and conflicts with +100,000 killed with bold.

Israeli–Palestinian conflict

Participants

Israelis

Palestinians

Principals	All-Palestine Protectorate Palestine Liberation Organization Fatah Hamas Palestinian Authority
Other groups	al-Aqsa Brigades Children DFLP Jenin Brigades Lions' Den PIJ PLF PPSF PFLP PFLP-GC PRC Sabireen Movement Sons of Zouari

Third-party groups

Individuals

Israelis

Palestinians

Timeline
- military operations

Background

1920–1948	1920 Nebi Musa riots Battle of Tel Hai 1921 Jaffa riots 1929 Palestine riots Hebron massacre 1936–1939 Arab revolt 1944–1947 Jewish insurgency 1947–1948 Civil War / Nakba

1948–1970	1948 Arab–Israeli War massacres 1948–present Fedayeen insurgency 1951–1967 Attacks against Israeli civilians 1950s–1960s Reprisal operations 1953 Qibya massacre 1956 Suez Crisis / Kafr Qasim / Khan Yunis / Rafah massacres 1967 Six-Day War 1967–1970 War of Attrition 1968 Battle of Karameh

Palestinian
insurgency

1968–1982	1970 Avivim school bus bombing 1972 Sabena Flight 571 / Munich massacre / "Bayonet" (1973 Lillehammer affair) 1974 Kiryat Shmona massacre / Ma'alot massacre 1975 Savoy Hotel attack 1976 Entebbe raid 1978 Coastal road massacre / South Lebanon conflict 1980 Misgav Am hostage crisis

1973–1987	1973 Yom Kippur War 1975 Zion Square bombing 1982 Lebanon War Siege of Beirut 1983 1983 West Bank fainting epidemic 1984 Bus 300 affair 1985 Achille Lauro hijacking / "Wooden Leg" 1987 Night of the Gliders

First Intifada

1987–1991	1988 Tunis raid 1989 Bus 405 attack 1990 Temple Mount killings 1990s Palestinian suicide attacks list 1994 Cave of the Patriarchs massacre

Second Intifada

2000–2005	Palestinian rocket attacks Palestinian suicide attacks list Israeli assassinations 2000 October events 2001 Santorini 2002 Karine A / "Defensive Shield" / Battle of Jenin / Battle of Nablus / "Determined Path" 2003 Ain es Saheb airstrike 2004 "Rainbow" / Beit Hanoun raid / "Days of Penitence"

Palestinian dissident
campaigns

2006–present	2006 "Bringing Home the Goods" 2008 Jerusalem yeshiva attack / Jerusalem bulldozer attack 2009 Al-Aqsa clashes 2010 Palestinian militancy campaign 2015–2016 violence 2017 Temple Mount crisis 2021 Israel–Palestine crisis 2022 Al-Aqsa clashes

Gaza–Israel
conflict

2006–present

2006 Gaza beach explosion / Gaza cross-border raid / "Summer Rains" / "Autumn Clouds" / Beit Hanoun shelling
2008 Egypt–Gaza border breach / "Hot Winter"
2008–2009 Gaza War
2010 Gaza flotilla raid
2012 "Returning Echo" / "Pillar of Defense"
2014 "Protective Edge"
2015 Freedom Flotilla III
2018 Gaza border protests / November clashes
2019 May clashes / "Black Belt"
2021 "Guardian of the Walls"
2022 "Breaking Dawn"
2023 "Shield and Arrow" / Israel–Hamas war

Diplomacy/law

Timeline

1948–1991	1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight depopulated towns and villages 1949 Lausanne Conference 1967–present Israeli settlement settler violence international law
1990s	1981–1982 Fahd Plan 1991 Madrid Conference 1993–1995 Oslo Accords 1994 Paris Protocol 1994 Gaza–Jericho Agreement 1994–present US security assistance to the PA 1997 Hebron Agreement 1998 Wye River Memorandum 1999 Sharm El Sheikh Memorandum
2000s	2000 Camp David Summit / Clinton Parameters 2001 Taba Summit 2002 Quartet established 2003 Road Map 2005 Israeli disengagement from Gaza 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access 2006 Valley of Peace initiative 2007 Annapolis Conference 2009 Aftonbladet Israel controversy
2010s	2010–11 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks 2011 Palestine Papers 2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks 2023–present Gaza genocide

United Nations

Israel and the UN
Palestine and the UN
1947 UN Resolution 181
1948 UN Resolution 194
1967 UN Resolution 242
ICJ cases
- 2004 Wall construction
- 2023–present South African allegation of genocide
- 2024 Nicaragua v. Germany
- 2023–2024 Israeli occupation

Analysis
Anti-Palestinianism Comparisons between Israel and Nazi Germany Criticism Criticism of Hamas Criticism of Israel Israeli criticism of the occupation Media coverage Racism in Israel Racism in Palestine Timeline of anti-Zionism There was no such thing as Palestinians

Categories:

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